Journal articles on the topic 'EU-Russia energy cooperation'
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sangwon Kim. "EU and Russia economic cooperation in energy." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no. 2 (August 2008): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2008.26.2.161.
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Romanova, T. A. "Russia-EU energy efficiency cooperation in the Baltic region: the untapped potential." Baltic Region 1 (2014): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2014-1-2.
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Duckjoon Chang. "Aspects of EU-Russia Energy Cooperation and its Prospects." 중소연구 36, no. 3 (November 2012): 197–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.36.3.201211.007.
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Ivcenko, Viktoria. "EU-Russia Energy Dialogue: economic and political dimensions." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2021 (September 8, 2021): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.21.10.
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Against the background of strong and long-standing energy interdependence between the European Union and Russia, the two partners agreed in 2000 to launch the Energy Dialogue, which was intended to intensify their cooperation and to eliminate related problems. The political and economic dimensions of the EU–Russia Energy Dialogue are presented and studied in this article. The aim is to analyse the scale of their impact on the basis of some important projects within this dialogue, taking into account the overall context. The results of conducted analysis demonstrate that while this comprehensive instrument for jointly creating the future of the two co-dependent partners should bring apparent improvements, its functionality is hindered by various economic and political factors. The latter, in particular, have had a significant impact, putting the Energy Dialogue on hold, not lastly with the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis and growing bilateral and multilateral political tensions. Today, 20 years after the commissioning of this seemingly so fruitful platform of the Energy Dialogue, we are looking at a very disappointing intermediate assessment. Various problems of the Energy Dialogue hinder not only cooperation development based on trust, legal norms and understanding, but also existing and partly active projects, such as the Roadmap EU–Russia Energy Cooperation until 2050 and Nord Stream 2, which are being pushed into the uncertain future. However, in view of existing and possible further projects in the energy sector, it is necessary to create the functional dialogue format.
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Basov, F. "Cooperation of Russia and Germany in Energy and Ecology." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-101-109.
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Energy cooperation between Russia and Germany is a pragmatic basis of the Russian-German relations and also the key factor for Russia-EU relations. The author makes an attempt to consider German national interests in energy sphere and actual tendencies of energy cooperation in Europe. Energy is inseparably linked with ecology. The interaction of Russia and Germany in environmental sphere is also covered.
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Boute, Anatole. "Toward an eu-Russian Energy Agreement: Principles of Liberalization Under eu and Russian Energy Law." Review of Central and East European Law 40, no. 2 (October 9, 2015): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-04002008.
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Although the Ukraine conflict and the resulting political hostility between Russia and the West have put a stop to the 2000 eu-Russia Energy Dialogue, the mutual benefits of energy cooperation and cross-border energy investments are undeniable. Taking these mutual benefits into account, energy would be a logical area of focus if the eu and Russia were to decide to re-initiate their strategic partnership in the event of a normalization of the situation in Ukraine. Although this scenario still is highly hypothetical and a further deterioration of eu-Russian relations is possible, it is important to reflect on the creation of institutional structures that would enable the eu and Russia to rebuild trust by working together in a field of common strategic interest. In this context, this article examines the possibility of establishing an eu-Russian energy agreement to overcome the current misunderstandings that exist between the eu and Russia in respect of the interpretation and application of the main concepts of energy law. The legal certainty resulting from such an energy-specific agreement could contribute to improving the investment climate for cross-border eu-Russian energy investments and possibly, through closer investment ties, enhancing trust between the eu and Russia.
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Leonov, E. S. "The Specific Features of the Contemporary Russian Foreign Energy Policy Shift in Modern Times." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-94-101.
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In recent years there has been brewing up a necessity in Russia to change direction of its external energy policy radically as a result of unconstructive and hugely politically charged approach of the EU - main and traditional partner of Russia - to settlement of fundamental issues in bilateral cooperation. First of all this refers to failed efforts to create regional energy security system, based on respective institutions and legal framework, by reason of unwillingness of the EU to respect the Russian standpoint as an exporter of energy resources. As a result, there is a legal vacuum today in energy cooperation between Russia and the EU, which they failed to fill. The current political crisis in Europe, which is caused by accession of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation and events in Ukraine, has aggravated long-standing problems of energy partnership EU-Russia. At the same time active EU policy on diversification of energy sources and supply routes discredits peculiar role of Russia as EU key energy supplier. These factors have triggered a significant revision of Russian interests in favor of eastern direction. A new promising contract with China on 21 May 2014 and memorandum with Turkey on 1 December 2014 are the milestones of the present Russian eastern policy. Both contracts can disrupt power balance on the global energy market. The article deals with background and causes for the present Russian eastern activity.
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Cebotari, Livia. "EU-Russia energy relations: problems and perspectives." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 1001–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2022-0093.
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Abstract This paper analyzes the EU-Russia energy relations in the period 2010-2022. Although in other sectors the European Union has a competitive advantage, in this area the vulnerability of the EU to Russia is fully felt. The gas crises (2006 and 2009) and the conflict in Ukraine (2014 and 2022) highlighted the European Union’s over-reliance on Russian energy resources. The escalation of the conflict in February 2022 has created a state of uncertainty about the evolution of the energy cooperation between the EU and Russia. The aim of this research is to identify and assess the impact of sanctions and counter-sanctions on trade in the energy sector between the EU and the Russian Federation, as well as the problems and prospects of EU-Russia energy relations. In order to achieve the proposed objectives, this paper is the result of a mixed research design, based on a quantitative and a qualitative component, respectively. The topicality of the debate on EU-Russia energy relations is reflected in the field of scientific investigation through a significant literature. Official documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament, academic articles and studies conducted by various prestigious think-tanks were analysed. Also, the research is based on data published by Eurostat and International Energy Agency.
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Davydova, Yuliya A., Ekaterina V. Kargapolova, Marina A. Simonenko, and Andrey A. Lezhebokov. "Cooperation between Russia and Kazakhstan in Ensuring Integrated Security in the Caspian Macro Region." Journal of Frontier Studies 7, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v7i3.426.
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The article identifies the main areas of cooperation between Russia and Kazakhstan in the Caspian Sea region. As the most promising, we see cooperation in fuel and energy industry, military cooperation and humanitarian cooperation in science and higher education. Yet, Russia now has to compete with Turkey and China for the influence in the region, as Kazakhstan tends to promote multi-vector foreign policy. Moreover, the US and the EU share a strong determination to keep Kazakhstan’s fuel and energy industry under their total control, and this is the reason why they maintain sanctions policy in this territory. We conclude that Russia-Kazakhstan relations have a potential for constructive cooperation.
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Romanova, Tatyana. "EU — Russia energy cooperation: major development trends and the present state." Baltic Region 3 (2013): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2013-3-1.
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Chebakova, Anastasia, Olga Gulyaeva, Tatsiana Shaban, and Amy Verdun. "Russia and EU cooperation in energy policy – Sending and receiving messages?" Comparative European Politics 15, no. 1 (January 2017): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2016.19.
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Zaslavskaya, Natalia. "EU-Russia relations: a theoretical interpretation of Russia’s perception of the European Union." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 56 (June 15, 2020): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.13.
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For several decades the European Union was recognised as a major Russian partner, as cooperation with the EU had important political and economic effects on Russia. While these relations were based on common interests in such areas as energy, trade and cross-border cooperation, they also faced serious difficulties because of their different interpretation of values. A traditional explanation of Russia’s attitude to the European Union was based on the theoretical assumptions of the rationalist approach. Neorealists tend to concentrate on the conflicts between the EU and Russia and describe it as a result of their struggle for spheres of influence over their common neighbourhood. In contrast, Neoliberals focused on EU-Russia cooperation and explained it as a problem- solving mechanism based on common interests and the necessity to solve common problems. While the rationalist approach fails to explain transformation of Russia’s perception of the EU, constructivists demonstrate their capacity to explain the evolution of relations between the EU and Russia and the changes of Russia’s policy towards the EU. This article studies the evolution of Russia’s perception of the European Union within the context of EU-Russia relations and their possible theoretical interpretations. In order to examine Russia’s perception of the EU, a constructivist theoretical framework is used with a special focus on imitation and social learning. The imitation process is illustrated by Russia’s implementation of democratic norms and practices; the social learning concepts are used to evaluate political ideas used by Russia to show its vision of the EU and relations with the EU
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Kaynak, Akif Bahadır. "Energy Security, Armed Conflict and the limits of Commitment Strategy: EU-Russia Relations and the War in Ukraine." Journal of Applied And Theoretical Social Sciences 4, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37241/jatss.2022.76.
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Russia-Ukraine War altered the political landscape in Eurasia fundamentally even before we could see the end of the armed conflict. Not only through its direct impact but mostly because of a series of spillover effects, this massive military confrontation is already affecting the power distribution in the region. EU-Russia relations, from the perspective of energy security, has already been discussed extensively but a new dimension will have to be added to this crumbling cooperation. Similarly, the preponderance of Russia in former Soviet space may be collapsing. The strategies pursued by the Western Bloc and Russia can be analyzed withing the framework of a “commitment” policy. A strong strategy, binding one actor to a certain path, might be a strong signal to push the adversaries for cooperation. Yet, carries high risks, for in case of a non-cooperative response might multiply losses for all parties. The war dynamics and energy security situation in Eurasia displays characteristics of this high-risk strategy that might possibly not bring the desired outcome. This study evaluates the energy policies as well as Russia’s wartime policies from a perspective of commitment strategy.
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Romanova, T. A. "Russia-EU energy efficiency cooperation in the Baltic region: the untapped potential." Baltijskij region 1 (2014): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2074-9848-2014-1-2.
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Fokaides, Paris A. "Cooperation of EU with Russia in the Field of Energy: A Review." Current Sustainable/Renewable Energy Reports 7, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40518-020-00145-5.
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Siddi, Marco. "A Green Revolution? A Tentative Assessment of the European Green Deal." International Organisations Research Journal 16, no. 3 (October 1, 2021): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2021-03-04.
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In this article the main aspects of the European Green Deal proposed by the European Commission in December 2019 are analyzed, putting the Green Deal into the broader context of European Union (EU) climate governance in order to assess whether and how it advances the EU’s climate agenda. Four broad and interrelated categories to evaluate the Green Deal are proposed. Its performance depends on whether it is and will remain a policy priority, despite the COVID-19 emergency and the ensuing economic crisis. Second, successful implementation depends on adequate financial endowment, including the shift of public funding from hydrocarbons to renewables and energy efficiency in post-pandemic economic programmes. The legal competence of EU institutions to coordinate and enforce the implementation of the Green Deal is also essential, as highlighted by ongoing discussions concerning governance to achieve zero net emissions by 2050. Furthermore, international cooperation with third partners on issues such as border carbon adjustment, technology transfers, and green industry will influence both the implementation of the Green Deal in the EU and the contribution of other major emitters to the climate agenda. The impact of the European Green Deal on EU-Russia relations is also investigated. In this respect, it is argued that the Green Deal poses a serious challenge to the traditional pattern of EU-Russia energy trade, which has been dominated by fossil fuels. However, the Green Deal also offers new avenues for cooperation and for a more sustainable EU-Russia energy relationship.
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Värk, Juhan. "Russia between China and the European Union: Friends or Foes?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0003.
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AbstractFor a long time Russia has regarded the European Union and China as its main economic and trade partners, giving preference to the EU. A sudden change occurred in October 2008, when as a response to the EU’s sharp criticism of the Kremlin over the Georgian-Russian military conflict, Russia decided to re-orient its foreign economic and trade policy from the EU to China and partially also to India. At the same time Russian-Chinese military and energy cooperation started to grow. Russia sold China oil and gas at low price and supplied it with advanced weaponry, which has increased China’s aggression toward its neighbours. Russia also started to politically and militarily support China’s activities in Syria and Iran, which, in turn, worsened Russia’s relations with several EU Member States, including Germany, France and Italy, with whom Russia was planning to cooperate in the developing of the Nord Stream gas pipeline project. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin still declares a great continuing friendship and solidarity with China and is hoping to see the worsening of China’s conflict with the US, which, Putin claims, could avert China’s direct conflict with Russia. Several leading Russian military and political experts describe this hope as unrealistic. At the same time, the volume of EU-Russian mutual trade was almost 395 billion US dollars in 2011, which exceeds in volume the Chinese-Russian trade volume by more than four times. It shows that Russia’s trade reset from the EU to China has been negligible. Also, it is bad news for Russia and China that Iran today stifles cooperation with Georgia and Chinese separatist Uyghurs, and Syrian Bashar al-Assad’s regime is developing cooperation with al Qaeda, and does not explain Russia’s and China’s current similar foreign policy toward Iran and Syria.
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Figus, Alessandro. "European Union and Russia: international relations evolution." Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2020-0016.
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Abstract Today the relationship between Russia and the today EU-28 (today EU-27) members of the European Union is essential and very strategically important; this issue is bound to become more urgent as the two draws closer together over the next decades. In this paper, we discuss this and the Russian Federation’s role in the Ukraine conflict that has seriously affected EU-Russia relations. The EU and Russia have a long record of cooperation on issues of bilateral and international concern in several fields, from climate change to drug and human trafficking, but also the organized crime, terrorism, and non-proliferation. In particular, Europe, the “old traditional Europe”, acquires special weight for Russia in the context of the cooling down of relations between Russia and the United States. We will discuss gas, oil, and energy, but we can see that the solution can be only economic, and the oil and agriculture sectors could help do just that. “Business is business”.
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Zhiznin, Stanislav Z. "Economic and geopolitical aspects of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline." Baltic Region 11, no. 3 (2019): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2019-3-2.
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The Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline project (NS 2) along the bottom of the Baltic Sea is aimed to increase gas supply from Russia to Germany and other EU countries. It serves mutual economic interests: the predicted growth in gas demand in the EU markets and the need to strengthen the energy security of the EU. The implementation of the NS 2 project is complicated by the need to allow for the EU energy legislation and by the expanding influence of geopolitical factors on EU – Russia cooperation, including those stemming from the aggressive US energy diplomacy seeking to prevent the project from being successful and thus promoting the geopolitical interests of Washington. In this work, we aim to study the economic and geopolitical stances taken by the project’s supporters and opponents and to evaluate the prospects of NS 2. To this end, we carry out a factor analysis and employ the methods of economic, statistical and geopolitical analysis.We conclude that the project is high on the agenda of both EU-Russia economic relations and world politics. The project has good prospects despite counteraction from its geopolitical opponents. This is explained by it having a decided economic edge over alternative options for the EU. The launch of NS 2 may contribute both to providing the energy security of the EU and to easing the military tensions between NATO and Russia in the Baltic region. The need to ensure the reliable operation of gas supply infrastructure makes any military conflict in the region impossible.
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Amalia, Rifka, and Muhammad Yamin. "Kepentingan Rusia dalam Proyek Pembangunan Pipa Gas Turkish Stream tahun 2014-2016." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 01 (April 7, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.01.481.
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AbstractThis paper aims to analyze Rusia�s interest in the development of Turkish Stream Project in 2014 until 2016. Energy is the most notable sector for Russia that can affect the economy-politics. From economy side, energy exports are largely included in state revenues. Politically, energy is a top priority in every political agenda and foreign policy. Energy is one of determining Russia�s foreign policy toward its energy importing countries. EU is a region that has dependence on Russian energy, especially natural gas. Therefore Russia sees EU as a great opportunity and wants to dominate European�s energy market. So the South Stream project was formed which would deliver Russian natural gas directly to Europe via the Black Sea. This is one of Russia�s step to maintain the EU�s dependence on Russia and dominating energy market. Unfortunately, this project must be stalled due to the Third Energy Package policy implemented by EU. Russia, with its ambition to dominate the European energy market, has had an alternative project to achieve that ambition. The Turkish Stream project was formed in cooperation between Russia dan Turkey. The project planned not only deliver Russian natural gas to Turkey but also Europe via Greece. Although the negotiations and deliberations of this project were delayed, the project was finally continued.Keywords : Energy, National Interest, Third Energy Package, European Union , Russia.AbstrakArtikel ini hendak menganalisa kepentingan Rusia dalam pembangunan proyek �Turkish Stream�. Energi adalah sektor yang paling menonjol bagi Rusia yang dapat mempengaruhi ekonomi-politik. Dari sisi ekonomi, ekspor energi sebagian besar masuk dalam penerimaan negara. Secara politis, energi merupakan prioritas utama dalam setiap agenda politik dan kebijakan luar negeri. Energi adalah salah satu penentu kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap negara pengimpor energinya. UE adalah wilayah yang memiliki ketergantungan terhadap energi Rusia, terutama gas alam. Oleh karena itu Rusia melihat Uni Eropa sebagai peluang yang bagus dan ingin mendominasi pasar energi Eropa. Proyek South Stream yang dibentuk ini akan mengantarkan gas alam Rusia langsung ke Eropa melalui Laut Hitam. Hal ini adalah salah satu langkah Rusia untuk menjaga ketergantungan Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia dan mendominasi pasar energi. Sayangnya, proyek ini harus macet karena kebijakan Third Energy Package yang diimplementasikan oleh UE. Rusia, dengan ambisinya mendominasi pasar energi Eropa, telah memiliki proyek alternatif untuk mencapai ambisi tersebut. Proyek Turkish Stream dibentuk atas kerjasama antara Rusia dan Turki. Proyek ini direncanakan tidak hanya mengantarkan gas alam Rusia ke Turki tapi juga Eropa via Yunani. Meski negosiasi dan pembahasan proyek ini tertunda, proyek tersebut akhirnya dilanjutkan.Kata-kata Kunci: Energi, Kepentingan Nasional, Third Energy Package, Uni Eropa, Rusia.
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Borzova, Alla Yu, Arkadiy A. Eremin, Natalia V. Ivkina, and Oleg K. Petrovich-Belkin. "Russia - Latin America Economic Cooperation: Insights from EU - CELAC Sustainable Development Concept." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 785–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-785-802.
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The article considers cooperation patterns between the European Union (EU) and CELAC (Community of Latin America and the Caribbean) in the context of creatively applying this experience to a broader topic of Russia - Latin America multilevel cooperation. The concept of sustainable development, which implies interaction in accordance with its three main dimensions: environmental, social and economic, is adopted on the global level. The interaction between EU and CELAC contributes to the progress in achieving the goals of sustainable development, where a lot of attention is paid to the green economy, alternative energy, and social aspects, since the environmental aspects constraints are providing the most significant impetus to structural changes in the existing development paradigm. This in return is expected to create a model that ensures economic growth based on a green economy, alternative energy, with greater equality and social inclusiveness. At supranational level in the European Union an effective and systemic policy has been formed in the field of nature conservation and combating climate change, which without a doubt can be considered one of the most progressive ones in the world, which creates potential for sharing these experiences with less developed and fortunate nations. European programs for Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries have become an important factor in the development of interregional cooperation in environmental protection, biodiversity conservation, and countering natural disasters. The article also focuses on the most recent changes that have occurred in the sphere of interaction between CELAC and EU in the context of COVID-19 pandemic. Massive structural and conceptual changes that have seriously reshaped the priorities and funding of joint programmers between two organizations reflects new priorities for sustainable development in general when it comes to new world realities in post-pandemic world, and could be useful for Russian model for the relations with this region.
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Alshuraiaan, Bader, Sergey Pushkin, Anastasia Kurilova, and Magdalena Mazur. "Management of the Energy and Economic Potential of Nuclear Waste Use." Energies 14, no. 12 (June 21, 2021): 3709. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14123709.
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Recently, issues related to the effects (benefit or harm) of processing nuclear waste and its further use as fuel have been increasingly often raised in the scientific discussion. In this regard, the research aims to investigate issues related to the assessment of the economic potential of nuclear waste use, as well as the cooperation between states in the context of the reduction of risks associated with nuclear waste storage and processing. The research methodology is based on an integrated approach, including statistical, factor analysis, and the proposed system of performance indicators for managing spent nuclear fuel use. The research was carried out on the basis of materials from Russia and the EU countries. In the course of the study, a model of cooperation between states has been developed (based on the example of technologies and methods of processing nuclear waste used in the EU and Russia) according to the nuclear waste (spent nuclear fuel) management algorithm. The model considers the risks and threats associated with ecology and safety. The developments and other results described in the study should be used in further research devoted to the use of nuclear waste as heat-producing elements.
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Jetoo, Savitri. "Experimentalist Governance to Foster Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region: A Focus on the Turku Process." Sustainability 10, no. 8 (July 31, 2018): 2685. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10082685.
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The Baltic Sea is one of the most severely polluted water bodies on earth, with stressors resulting from anthropogenic pressures of 85 million inhabitants in nine coastal countries. All are members of the European Union (EU) with the exception of Russia. This exception poses challenges for governing the Sea, as Russia is excluded as a member country from EU Baltic Sea governing policies, such as the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR). This added complexity has led to the emergence of new forms of cooperation to include Russia in the governing process. One such initiative is the Turku process, an initiative by the cities of Turku (Finland), Hamburg (Germany), and St. Petersburg (Russia) to promote cooperation, especially with Russian partners. Since its emergence in 2010, there has been no study of it in the literature. This study aims to bridge this gap by analyzing the history and evolution of the Turku process under the lens of experimentalist governance. It aims to illustrate the experimentalist governance perspective through the Turku process and to present the theoretical foundations of the concept. It does the former through key informant interviews with main actors in the Turku Process and the latter with the help of the literature on experimentalist governance. This study adds to the dialogue on governance in an especially challenging time when the Ukraine crisis has negatively impacted EU–Russia relations.
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Milyukova, M. A. "Renewable Energy Sources: International Legal Mechanisms for Cooperation between the EU Member States." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 3 (October 5, 2022): 68–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2022-3-68-88.
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INTRODUCTION. The gradual reorientation of the global energy system from carbon energy to renewables (solar, wind, tidal energy etc.) aimed at reducing human-caused environmental changes raises the issue of international cooperation in this area. Moreover, energy security issues being closely connected with the ones of national security, the international agenda on renewable energy sources is highly influenced by the geopolitical situation, too. The author analyzes the legal mechanisms for cooperation regarding renewable energy between the Member States of the European Union, an international organization that, aiming to reduce its dependence on carbon energy resources from Russia, focuses, among other things, on developing the most effective ways of such cooperation. The author defends the thesis that a legal assessment of such mechanisms' advantages and disadvantages will help assess the potential for their conceptual adaptation within the platforms where Russia's regional cooperation is implemented (i. e. the Eurasian Economic Union and the Arctic Council). MATERIALS AND METHODS. In the course of the study, the author used sources of EU law (regulations, directives) regulating cooperation between the Member States in the field of renewable energy, international agreements concluded in accordance therewith, as well as studies of foreign scientific works on the issues of implementation of the relevant rules. Furthermore,assessing the possibilities of using the relevant mechanisms in regional organizations of which Russia is a member, the author uses international treaties, declarations and decisions of bodies of such internationalorganizations as the CIS, the EAEU, and the Arctic Council. The methodological basis of the study was formed by general scientific techniques (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, comparison, classification, systematization, forecasting) and private scientific techniques (formal legal and comparative legal method). RESEARCH RESULTS. The article provides a comprehensive legal analysis of the three main mechanisms for cooperation between EU Member States (statistical transfers, joint projects and joint support schemes). Several issues were identified that reduce their effectiveness, including uncertainty regarding the extension of the deadlines for their application after 2030, the lack of sanctions for non-compliance with mandatory targets provided for by the relevant directives, sovereignty restrictions and, in this regard, insufficient motivation for their application. It is noted that the main incentive for using the outlined mechanisms is the Member States' binding statistical goals in renewable energy use in their national energy mix. Nevertheless, despite the above issues, the author points out that the ideas of the EU legal regulation at present, after its detailed study, can be attributed to the "best practices" of international legal regulation of the use of renewable energy. In this regard, the conceptual foundations of the cooperation mechanisms between the EU Member States can be used in developing interaction within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Arctic Council (as an organization within which key decisions are made regarding the environmental security of the Arctic region). DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. Within the research framework, the author analyzed the EU directives and regulations governing the procedures for cooperation between its Member States regarding renewable energy and the practice of implementing such procedures. These interaction mechanisms encouraging states to achieve their own binding goals in renewable energy use seem optimal for developing international legal measures to support RES in organizations and forums with the participation of Russia. The author concludes that one of the most effective areas of such cooperation could be the development of appropriate mechanisms within the framework of the EAEU. This organization aims to integrate the market systems of the member states. Therefore, a limited circle of its members could make it possible to avoid many political contradictions that have already arisen in the negotiations on similar mechanisms in the CIS. In addition, given the strategic importance of the Arctic region for Russia, the ideas of these mechanisms could also be considered in the Arctic Council. Although, at the moment, the work of this international forum has been suspended as a reaction of other Arctic states to Russia's actions regarding the Ukrainian crisis, it does not seem to be a viable option to solve the issues of preserving the ecosystem of the Arctic.
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Sterkx, Steven, and Sijbren de Jong. "The 2009 Russian-Ukrainian Gas Dispute: Lessons for European Energy Crisis Management after Lisbon." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 4 (November 1, 2010): 511–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010037.
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The dispute between Russia and Ukraine of January 2009 brought about the largest interruption in the supply of natural gas in the history of the European Union (EU). Given the significance of Russian gas to the EU, the 2009 crisis triggered a challenge that had to be resolved swiftly and adequately in cooperation with all parties concerned. Against the backdrop of the Union’s foreign policy leitmotiv of ‘effective multilateralism’, this article aims to critically assess the EU’s interventions and draw lessons for future energy crisis management. Furthermore, it analyses the implications of the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty for EU external action in the field of energy crisis management.
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Kakenova, G. M., M. A. Rakhimova, and R. S. Yelmurzayeva. "Nord Streams projects in the field of cooperation between Russia and the European Union in the gas sector." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 133, no. 4 (2020): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2020-133-4-103-112.
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The article considers the key issues of cooperation between Russia and the European Union in the energy sector through the prism of the Nord Streams. Analysis of the gas industry is presented in the global format as well as part of the relationship between Russia and the European Union in particular. The Nord Streams are considered as the main gas pipelines of Russia. Along with economic are shown political factors affecting cooperation delivery between the RF and the EU in the gas sector. The authors of the article made an attempt to accumulate the results achieved in the implementation of the Nord Streams agreements, as well as give an analysis of ways to solve the problems.
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Maslova, Elena. "RUSSIA-EU COOPERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SANCTIONS REGIME (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE KOLARCTIC 2014‒2020 PROGRAM)." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-49-58.
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The article analyses the cross-border cooperation between the Northern Calotte states (Finland, Norway, Sweden) and the North-West of Russia within the framework of the Kolarctic program. Nowadays, in the context of the sanctions and counter-sanctions between Russia and the EU, cross-border cooperation is one of the few channels for dialogue between them. The paper analyses the EU Kolarctic program regarding the macro-political context of the EU policy and its environmental, Arctic and border dimensions in particular. The author reveals that the EU has neither Arctic territories nor sufficient tools for political influence in the Arctic region, however, its interest in the region is continuously growing. The EU regards its participation in the Arctic agenda primarily in the context of obtaining observer status in the Arctic Council. European Union expresses concern about climate change and environmental degradation, while seeking to increase imports of energy from the region. The author comes to the conclusion that in addition to the task of reducing the periphery of territories, the EU also pursues the political goals through the program. For instance, strengthening the political presence of the EU in the Arctic region as well as to strengthening its role as a global leader on environmental issues.
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Belov, Vladislav. "New Hydrogen Strategies of Germany and the EU and Prospects for Cooperation with Russia." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520206576.
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In June 2020, Germany adopted a national hydrogen strategy. A month later, when Germany assumed the EU Council presidency, the European Union Commission presented a similar document. Both strategies acknowledge the need to import hydrogen to meet the demand of the EU countries as an essential prerequisite for the transition to a climate-neutral economy. In parallel, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted the Energy Strategy of the Russian Federation until 2035, which sets the goal of turning our country into one of the global players in the world hydrogen market. Despite Russia's obvious competitive advantages in this relatively new segment of the energy market, Berlin and Brussels do not mention it as a potential partner. The article provides an assessment of the main provisions of these strategic documents. The author explores the prospects and possibilities of Germany and the EU cooperating with the Russian Federation in the production and supply of hydrogen, analyzes the content of the position documents of the German-Russian Chamber of Commerce and the Eastern Committee of the German Economy on these issues, draws conclusions and formulates recommendations for interested parties.
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Lutsyshyn, Halyna, and Nataliia Lukach. "Energy Aspect of Ukrainian-Russian Conflict of the End of XX and the XXI Centuries." Humanitarian vision 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2021.01.025.
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The article deals with bilateral Russia and Ukraine power relations, urgent questions of their cooperation and form of realization of large Russia foreign economic projects. The separation of bilateral Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector is quite conditional, the authors have studied. Because they are objectively inscribed in the relations of both countries with a third party – first of all, European countries as consumers of energy resources transported through the territory of Ukraine. Thus, both from the point of view of the technological chain (producer-transit-consumer) and from the economic point of view (seller-provider of transportation services-buyer), these relations should be considered in a tripartite format. It tries to determine possible threats of Ukraine’s national security in the context of Russia foreign power strategy realization. Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector are quite dynamic, but cannot be assessed unambiguously due to the presence of a combination of positive and negative factors and trends. They largely depend on the general state of relations between the two capitals, and sometimes have a decisive influence on them. It has been investigated that the weaknesses of the Ukrainian energy sector since independence in 1991 shed light on the fundamental link between energy security and national security. From the point of view of global energy processes, one should take into account the favorable geopolitical and geographical position of Ukraine and its related role as a transit state. The integration of the Ukrainian energy system into the European one is a component of Ukraine’s strategic goal of joining the EU. Ukraine has a sufficiently strong and developed gas, oil and electricity networks, connected to the transport networks of the EU and CIS countries: Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, which allows it to participate in the formation of European energy policy and common energy market, play an important role in energy cooperation between the CIS and the EU.
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Van der Loo, Guillaume. "EU-Russia Trade Relations: It Takes WTO to Tango?" Legal Issues of Economic Integration 40, Issue 1 (February 1, 2013): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2013003.
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On 22 August 2012, Russia finally became, nineteen years after its application, a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). This historical step was applauded by many EU officials as they argue that Russia's WTO accession not only means the country's definitive accession into the world market economy, but that it also creates a window of opportunity for deepening EU-Russia trade relations. The current EU-Russia legal framework, the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA), is limited in its scope and contents and does not provide the EU with a solid legal instrument to rely on in its many trade disputes with Russia. Therefore, this article analyses to which extent Russia's multilateral WTO accession commitments will broaden and deepen the bilateral PCA in order to reduce or settle these trade conflicts. Particular attention will be devoted to the EU's role in Russia's WTO accession process. On the basis of three case-studies (i.e., (i) Russia's sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) import bans, (ii) energy disputes and (iii) Russia's export duties on raw materials), the author argues that the results are rather mixed. In addition, it will be demonstrated that the prospect of an EU-Russia Free Trade Area (FTA) remains unrealistic because the feasibility of such an undertaking is hampered by several legal and political obstacles.
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Chumak, Dmytro, and Andrian Prokip. "Regional stability through energy cooperation: The case of the EU and Ukraine." European View 17, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685818766449.
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Despite the progress Ukraine has made in the energy sector since the 2014 revolution, there are still many internal and external challenges that have to be overcome. Recently the government has adopted a new energy strategy, which aims to establish a comprehensive approach to developing the energy sector, both to meet the EU’s standards and to cope with existing challenges. However, development strategies in Ukraine usually face problems at the implementation stage due to political and economic obstacles. This article argues that regional cooperation in the energy sphere, which would lead to successful reforms and the implementation of Ukraine’s new energy strategy, would not favour just one party, but the region in general, especially in terms of standing up to the common geopolitical threat from Russia. Collaboration between the EU and Ukraine will bring better interdependence and will contribute to strengthening regional energy security.
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Sinambela, Stivani Ismawira. "Bilateral Relations Through Conflict And Cooperation: German’s Dilemma Over Russia." Jurnal PIR : Power in International Relations 7, no. 1 (August 12, 2022): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22303/pir.7.1.2022.70-82.
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<p>Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis and the implementation of the EU sanctions regime against Russia, Germany took up a leading role in the coordination of the EU’s Russia policy. This policy shift appeared to be a drastic departure from the traditional German <em>Ostpolitik</em> paradigm. Central to this analysis is the concept of geo-economics, which can be broadly defined as the “geostrategic use of economic power”. This article aims to examine how geo-economics influences Germany’s leadership of the EU’s Russia policy, with a particular focus on the study of German domestic politics and the role of relevant economic actors. On the one hand, Germany needs reliable and cost-effective energy to support its world-class industrial economy from Russia. On the other hand, German and Europe security was at stake. This framework is to understand how German policymakers are doing the work of interpreting their national interest and defining appropriate action in response to the dilemma.</p>
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Salygin, V. I., and N. Y. Kaveshnikov. "Gazprom on the European Market: In Search of the Balance between the Principles of Competition and Energy Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-45-53.
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The article analyses the position of Gazprom on the key export market - the market of the European Union. Situation on the EU gas market changed considerably because of an imbalance between supply and demand. Gazprom had to make price concessions for almost all of the main consumers of Russian gas in Europe, and also had to allow European consumers to break one of the key provisions of long-term contracts - "take or pay" clause. Besides disputes at the corporate level significant differences still remain about the well-known Third energy package, which effectively prohibits Gazprom to own and operate gas pipelines on the territory of the EU, as well as binding it to provide a third party access to gas pipelines. The implementation of Third package provisions on function unbundling by some EU Member States in the most rigid version may contradict bilateral international agreements of Russia with the EU Member States, primarily agreements on investment protection. Possible reasons underlying the investigation initiated by the European Commission against Gazprom in connection with a possible violation ofEU competition rules are examined. The paper investigates legal, political and economic aspects of contemporary regime of gas cooperation, particularly restriction of reexport, linkage between gas and oil prices, pricing based on long-term contracts and spot markets. The paper concludes that Russia and the EU need to elaborate a comprehensive document that would ensure the stability of the regulatory environment of energy cooperation and would reflect the balance of interests of producers and consumers. This document should equally ensure highly competitive environment and guarantees of security of supply in the short and long term.
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Kotov, Alexander. "European Union trade in 2022: external balance deficit and growth of internal interactions." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 4 (2022): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics43020225964.
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EU foreign trade in 2022 has been developing under relentless inflation, the burden of energy prices and food products. In 10 months of 2022, the growing import dependence of the EU on the USA and China was registered. Russia is holding its ground due to a sharp rise of its exports’ value. Because of agricultural imports, foreign trade cooperation of the EU with Ukraine strengthens. The economies of the EU member states are still to overcome the consequences of the pandemic. At the same time, the EU trade deficit has significantly increased since the end of 2021. In the medium term, the European Single market will remain under the mounting pressure from more profitable economic locations.
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Brie, Mircea, and Victoria Goreainov. "The Evolution of Armenia and Azerbaijan’s Cooperation with the EU in the Framework of the Eastern Partnership." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 2 (December 2021): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.2.10.
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"Since 2009, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been part of the Eastern Partnership Initiative, launched by the European Union. Armenia, with its interest and desire to cooperate with the EU in the Eastern Partnership, has also maintained its openness to Russia. The Eastern Partnership seems appealing as an opportunity for Azerbaijan. Economic openness, the prospect of securing and diversifying export routes for rich energy resources proves to be arguments in favor of fostering relations with the EU. Keywords: European Union, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Eastern Partnership, cooperation. "
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Sadyhov, Samer. ". International legal cooperation between Ukraine and EU member states in the feald of ensuring gas supply security." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 5 (December 30, 2022): 439–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.05.81.
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The article examines current problems of cooperation between the EU member states and Ukraine in the field of natural gas supplies with an emphasis on the legislative aspect. Attention was drawn to the fact that the study of the problems of EU cooperation with third countries, in particular within the framework of the Energy Community, meets the most important needs of today and is of significant importance for the further development of the EU energy sector.
If we take into account the energy sphere, the growing shortage of energy carriers and the rise in their prices emphasize the continuing importance of safe and affordable energy, and the hostilities in Ukraine are expected to significantly affect the state of security of energy supplies to the EU.
The author analyzed the main obligations of Ukraine to ensure and maintain an adequate level of gas supply, as well as the scope of recently proposed and adopted changes to the EU regulatory framework. By adopting the Treaty on the Energy Community, Ukraine undertook to adopt the main energy legislation of the EU, the so-called «acquis communautaire». The European Commission immediately informs Ukraine of amendments to any EU acts transforming the EU acquis, and Ukraine, in turn, reflects changes in the EU legal framework in its national legislation regulating the energy sector.
Some attention is also paid to the study of possible obstacles to reducing the EU's dependence on the supply of energy resources from Russia as a result of military aggression towards Ukraine, and the importance of overcoming such dependence is substantiated.
The author comes to the conclusion that all these legislative changes will undoubtedly be important for the energy sector of Ukraine, as our state is not only a transit state for the EU in the field of energy supply, but also a candidate for joining the EU.
It was concluded that member states should cooperate in order to promote regional and bilateral solidarity, since EU member states alone will not be able to effectively deal with the risk of serious economic difficulties as a result of significant disruptions in the supply of natural gas. It was determined that minimizing the negative consequences of crisis situations due to improper gas supply is impossible without effective coordination and unification of actions of all EU member states.
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Nevskaya, Anastasia, and Yulia Baronina. "Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism: New Context for EU-Russia Relations." Contemporary Europe 106, no. 6 (November 30, 2021): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620216374.
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The article examines the introduction of the EU carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) as part of the EU economy decarbonization. The implementation of this initiative poses certain risks for the EU trading partners. Moreover, this issue is extremely important for the entire global trading system. The purpose of the study is to assess the real threats of the mechanism for Russian companies and identify opportunities for successful adaptation to the new green realities. The theoretical approaches and prerequisites for the CBAM introduction are analyzed, its systemic effects for companies around the world are shown. The channels and possible scale of this measure’s impact on Russian exporters are considered. The authors analyze the main possible response scenarios for Russia. The most promising scenarios could be: a) intensification of the carbon-free energy and increasing the energy efficiency of production processes, 2) development of an alternative compensatory mechanism, 3) integration into the regional emissions trading system. A possible challenge of the CBAM introduction in the WTO may be ineffective; cooperation with countries outside the “green agenda” – counterproductive. It is concluded that there are opportunities for Russian companies to strengthen their competitiveness due to CBAM requirements. However, there is a lack of expertise in a number of areas and levels, which can hinder the implementation of these opportunities.
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Konaszczuk, Wojciech. "Cross-Border Cooperation between Poland, Russia and Ukraine on Oil and Gas Trade — an Attempt at Reflection in the Context of Energy Security." Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i Prognozy 16, no. 5(S) (August 26, 2019): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/br.61.
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The issue of supplies of raw materials in the form of crude oil and natural gas to the European Union, including Poland, is a complex and problematic one. Changes in the geopolitics of the end of the 1990s within Europe caused the necessity of changes in international agreements concerning oil and natural gas trade among their parties — EU countries. The simultaneous independence of Ukraine as a state entity from Russia caused complications not only of a political but also of an economic nature. The aim of the article is to present the author’s view on the complexities of crude oil and natural gas trading between Poland, Russia and Ukraine and an attempt at analysis. The legal-dogmatic and statistical methods made it possible to identify important conclusions for the future, the most important of which include: the need to renegotiate bilateral agreements between Russia and Poland, the need to renegotiate bilateral agreements between Poland and Ukraine, and the need to develop a common EU position within the security policy of this international organization (i.e., the European Union).
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Belov, Vladislav. "German-Russian Cooperation – Challenges of 2020 and Prospects for 2021. Part 2. Economic Aspects." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220212233.
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In the first part of the article, the political results of 2020 and early 2021 were considered and an assessment of the medium-term prospects of German-Russian political cooperation was given. The second part is devoted to the peculiarities of economic cooperation during this period. The economy has come under the influence of restrictions on labor and capital mobility caused by the pandemic, disruptions in global supply chains, as well as negative dynamics of global commodity prices. Together, they led to a significant decrease in mutual trade. Negative processes took place against the background of a deep crisis of political confidence, the introduction of new sanctions by the EU and the US and the extension of existing sanctions. Efforts have increased to create a negative image of Russia in Germany. However, the business community of both countries managed to counter negative trends with steps aimed at stabilizing bilateral cooperation and giving it progressive development. Companies of both countries, despite negative events, did not stop their investment activity. A new area of cooperation has emerged – hydrogen energy, which should become one of the foundations for the energy transition of the EU countries to a climate-neutral economy. Interdepartmental state cooperation in the economic sphere continued. In September 2020, the results of the three-year German-Russian scientific and educational partnership were summed up. At the same time, the Year of Germany began in Russia, and in December, the common German-Russian Year of Economy and Sustainable Development. The article analyzes the features of economic cooperation, highlights the main factors that determine its content and gives a forecast of its mid-term development. Particular attention is paid to the Nord Stream 2 project.
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Belov, V. B. "A Paradigm Change in Energy Cooperation between Germany and Russia." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (September 2022): S512—S520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622120024.
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Abstract Germany’s transition to a climate-neutral economy, the main parameters of which were determined by the European Green Exchange Rate (December 2019) and clarified in the updated Law on Climate Protection of Germany (June 2021) and the EU Fit-for-55 program (July 2021), leads to the abandonment of the use of primary energy sources, including their importation from Russia. The energy transformation of the German market economy presumed a gradual restructuring of the existing model of German–Russian cooperation in the energy sector, including its transfer to priority cooperation in the field of energy efficiency and renewable energy sources. Brussels and Berlin responded to the special military operation of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine with large-scale economic and political sanctions, which included significant restrictions on the import of Russian coal and oil. At the same time, the German federal authorities outlined the necessity to abandon Russian pipeline gas and petroleum products, as well as the deprivation of ownership of the two main players from the Russian Federation in the German oil and gas market—Gazprom and Rosneft. Their German partners have frozen participation in Russian projects. At the end of February, the certification of the Nord Stream-2 offshore gas pipeline was stopped. Interdepartmental state interaction and scientific and technical cooperation in the energy sector have been terminated. These events indicated the readiness of the government coalition in the short term to replace the previous model of energy cooperation, which has performed well for half a century, and to move to independence from Russian fossil resources and their derivatives. The author analyzes the reasons and content of the current measures taken by Berlin, as well as their medium- and long-term consequences for German–Russian cooperation.
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Askhat, G., S. Mukan, and E. Saudabekova. "KAZAKHSTAN’S ENERGY POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IMPLEMENTATION." Central Asia's Affairs 83, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5909.2021-3.04.
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Sustainable development is a mechanism that opens up for Kazakhstan the prospect of successful participation in a kind of competition for the right joining the group of leaders of world countries. The energy issue for Kazakhstan could become a factor of economic, social, political stability and security in the region. The article describes the geopolitical aspect of the development of energy policy of Kazakhstan. In the interests of its multi-vector energy and politics, Kazakhstan develops cooperation with Russia, China, USA, EU countries and neighbors in Central Asia. From following the geopolitical balance with these players depends on the further direction development of the country’s energy policy by and large.
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Belov, Vladislav. "Significance of the visits of Federal Chancellor O. Scholz to Washington, Kiev and Moscow for relations between Russia and Germany." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 1 (2022): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics1620224351.
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Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz held talks with US President John Biden on February 7, 2022 in Washington, on February 14 in Kiev with Ukrainian President V. Zelenskyy and on February 15 in Moscow with Russian President V.V. Putin. The focus of all meetings was on the situation on Russian-Ukrainian border and energy cooperation between the EU and Germany with Russia. The paper analyzes the importance of the Chancellor's agreements for the future of Russian-German relations.
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Szwedziak-Bork, Ilona. "Energy Security as a Priority for CEE countries. Is the King Naked?" Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies 9, no. 13 (2016): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.7172/1689-9024.yars.2016.9.13.5.
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The aim of this article is to assess the implementation process of the EU energy security policy in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. In the EU, energy security remains a crucial issue for European Energy Strategy, the fundamental goals of which include the security of supply, sustainability and competitiveness. Security of supply should be considered the most important aspect in this context, because it is connected to deep interdependencies between markets and economies, often based on political or even geo-political considerations. This is currently particularly noticeable, among other things, in the relations between the EU and Russia, where – in the event of any potential energy supply disturbances – some CEE countries are considered to be the most exposed. By analysing matters referred to the security of energy supplies, the article aims to determine the scope of activities undertaken by selected CEE countries which are also EU Member States in order to achieve this goal. The paper stresses the significance of cooperation by CEE countries at regional level, and focuses on initiatives and projects meant to ensure the security of their energy supplies. The conclusions of the paper assess some of the success stories as well as failures experienced by CEE countries in the process of building their energy independence.
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Aliiev, Maksym. "EU-Azerbaijan relations in the gas transporting sector." Language, Culture, Politics. International Journal 1 (October 21, 2022): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54515/lcp.2022.1.205-218.
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The war in Ukraine changed the security landscape in Europe, the aggression of the Russian Federation also affected the energy security. For decades European elites negotiated and signed contracts for energy supplies from the Russian Federation, which gave Russia the opportunity to restore and strengthen its military capacity, and as a result, to launch an unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. Realizing the fallacy of its own energy diplomacy, the EU began searching for new and intensified relations with existing energy suppliers. The aim of this article is to analyze the role and significance of Azerbaijan as a potential supplier of gas to Europe, especially to its southern flank, where strong positions of Russian influence remain. During the preparation of the study, the international legal basis of relations between Azerbaijan and the EU was systematized and analyzed, the main supply routes of Azerbaijani gas to the European markets were determined and characterized. Prospects for deepening cooperation between the EU and Azerbaijan in the implementation of energy projects have been determined. Possible threats to the supply of Azerbaijani gas to European markets under the conditions of preservation of Russia’s influence are separately described.
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Maznik, K. A. "Benefits and contradictions of the trade and economic cooperation between Russia and ASEAN." Russia: society, politics, history, no. 5(5) (February 8, 2023): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.56654/ropi-2022-5(5)-128-147.
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Since the beginning of the 21st century, the trade and economic orientations of the Russian Federation shifted from the EU and the USA to the countries of Africa and Asia, among which ASEAN plays one of the leading roles. Russia’s trade with the ASEAN countries is important not only economically, but also politically: these trade and economic ties are of great geopolitical importance for the Russian Federation. Currently, trade and economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and ASEAN is being actively formed in the energy, military-industrial, transport and infrastructure, agro-industrial, information and scientific and technological fields. In this article, an analysis was made of the fundamental problems and trends in the trade and economic activities of Russia and ASEAN. It was concluded that Russia and ASEAN have a narrow-limited locus of areas of effective cooperation, each of which contains a significant potential for utility that has not been realized to this day. After analysis of Asian markets, trends, dynamics and directions of development of the ASEAN countries, the economic opportunities of the Russian Federation, the following was revealed: the most promising are such branches of interstate cooperation as the military-technical, information, fuel and energy, transport and technological industries, the least relevant interstate contacts in the field of eco-technologies and agro-industrial complex of the Russia-ASEAN. At the same time a potential of certain areas of trade and economic transactions between the Russian Federation and ASEAN was revealed, including in such areas as energy, high technology, transport and military developments.
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Thangaraj, A., and A. Chowdhury. "Energy, geopolitics and the dying arctic ice fields: an enviro-political perspective." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1084, no. 1 (October 1, 2022): 012034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1084/1/012034.
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Abstract In view of climate change’s effects across the world and the present global escalation of conflicts it is important to assess potential future conflict zones in order to pre-emptively place measures to avoid damage and loss of life. It is identified that Arctic can be a potential future conflict zone, given its geopolitical complexities and abundance of energy resources. One of the several precursors of conflict at present is the rapid militarization of the region. Recent geopolitical instability due to Russian invasion on Ukraine and resulting sanction on Russia can accelerate the energy extraction process at Arctic’s, if Russia wants to compensate its EU energy markets by connecting with hydrocarbon starved economies of East Asia. Arctic’s biodiversity and abiotic environment is deteriorating rapidly. The recommendations thus put forth advocate for stronger cooperation between Arctic states as well as pushing for the ratification of international law specific to the Arctic region.
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Feklyunina, Valentina. "The 'Great Diversification Game': Russia’s Vision of the European Union’s Energy Projects in the Shared Neighbourhood." Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 2 (July 9, 2008): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i2.95.
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This article examines Russia’s vision of the European Union’s energy diversification projects that focus on their ‘shared neighbourhood’. It argues that although the European Union (EU), unlike the USA, is not yet seen as a serious threat to Russian interests in the area, this situation is rapidly changing, with the Kremlin becoming increasingly sensitive about the EU’s plans to diversify energy supply sources and transportation routes by increasing cooperation with other former Soviet Republics within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The article highlights how the EU’s energy diversification projects are viewed by Moscow as anti-Russian and details the way in which Russia is responding to this perceived threat, including plans to diversify its own energy exports.
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Kandel, P. "Balkan Countries’ Approach to Cooperation with Russia." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-69-75.
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The article examines three parameters of the stated subject: policies of the state governments of South-Eastern Europe in the light of the new developments in Ukraine, widespread attitudes and the configuration of political forces in these countries which may provide a chance to pro-Russian circles. The analysis is based on both national and international opinion polls and the results of the latest elections. As is shown, the traditionally strong Russophile sentiments in many countries of the region have reverberated again and affected the perception of the conflict. It's only natural for Russia’s public opinion, focused on events in and around Ukraine, to look at everything through the lens of Russia opposing the collective West. However, in a region, where the European Union for every single state is a pole of centripetal tendencies and where a NATO membership is a much needed permit to that pole, people view things in a different way. Thus, projecting Russian worldview on local reality is methodologically flawed and it would lead to incorrect assessments and conclusions. Pro-Russian sympathies made themselves known in areas where there are such. However, the potential of the pro-Russian forces is insufficient for a fundamental change in policies although the ruling circles cannot completely ignore it. The article concludes that the status and prospects of Russian cooperation with the countries of the region will remain unfavorable until the end of military operation in Ukraine, although the EU and the USA are unlikely to succeed in achieving complete abandonment of Russian energy resources in a short time.
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Tatlioglu, Erman. "Turkish-Russian Relations within the BSEC." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2022): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.4.39036.
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The article provides a brief analysis of the history of development and the current state of the Russian-Turkish partnership within the framework of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization, which can be considered a functional area of cooperation that uses the convergence of the countries of the region by creating cooperation on various issues, such as the production of energy from underground resources of strategic importance for the region, agricultural production and tourism. In addition to this, the Black Sea Economic Organization is of notable importance in terms of sustaining stability in the region due to addressing the growing security concerns in the Black Sea region. The concept of a global security threat changed shape with the end of the Cold War. This led to a change in the view of international organizations on defense and allowed a focus on increasing the level of stability through the global policy of cooperation organizations created for security and economic purposes. The article also describes the measures and results of the two countries to ensure the fuel and energy balance in the Black Sea region, steps to reduce political tension associated with Turkey's participation in a strategic partnership with the EU countries, key projects in the fuel and energy sector. It should be noted that the identity of the historical destinies of Russia and Turkey, their historical and cultural role of the "East" in the West and "West" in the East, the unique geopolitical position, geographical proximity contribute to the strengthening of economic, political, cultural ties between Russia and Turkey.
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Kvashnin, Yu D. "Russian-Greek Relations: Is There a Light at the End of the Tunnel?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-9.
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At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, relations between Russia and Greece entered a protracted period of stagnation, which continues to this day, despite numerous attempts by both countries to intensify political dialogue. One of the reasons is the general degradation of Russia’s relations with the Western countries, which intensified in the middle of the last decade against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. At the same time, the “sanctions wars” have become an important, but not the only reason for the reduction in bilateral contacts. There were other factors as well: Greece’s dissatisfaction with the excessively close cooperation between Russia and Turkey, different views on NATO’s Eastern enlargement, as well as interchurch disagreements.On the economic plane, Russian-Greek cooperation was hampered by the desire of Greece to diversify its energy supplies, the food embargo regime introduced by Russia against the EU countries, as well as the policy of investment protectionism pursued by Greece towards Russian companies.The greatest success has been achieved in the humanitarian field. Due to the cultural and historical closeness of the two peoples, as well as due to the disappointment of the Greeks in the results of European integration, Greece remains one of the few countries where most people treat Russia with sympathy. At the same time, the perception of Russia by the Greeks is distorted and often fragmentary. The positive effect of Russian-Greek humanitarian cooperation is often overshadowed by negative coverage of Russian foreign policy in the Greek media.