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Journal articles on the topic 'EU public security'
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1
Stehlík, Václav. "Discretion of Member States Vis-à-vis Public Security: Unveiling the Labyrinth uf EU Migration Rules." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0019.
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Summary The article focuses on the public security exception as it is used in EU migration law. It opens with the public security grounds as they appear in the EU internal market rules and consequently in EU external relations. A special attention is paid to public security restrictions under the Directive 2004/114 as it was interpreted in case Fahimian. The article adds a comparison to other documents in EU external relations and their referrals to public security. The main perspective is the discretion attributed to Member States and their authorities when they apply public security exception especially in relation to regular migration.
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Balanuta, Lucian. "Framing Food Security in the EU." Logos Universality Mentality Education Novelty: Political Sciences & European Studies 7, no. 1 (August 25, 2022): 46–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumenpses/7.1/30.
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Russia's invasion of Ukraine has drastically disrupted food chains, threatened global population well-being and raised the prospect of a collapse in agri-food-related realms across the world. Food security has once again become a major source of worry and a top priority on the European public agenda. The public sphere has experienced a revival of this notion and relevant actors are calibrating their communication strategy around this concept. Despite being recognized as having one of the most effective systems for ensuring the quantity and the quality of food, the European Union has started to communicate constantly on issues of food security. Pan-European press, such as Euractiv, has begun to devote particular attention to this subject. The objective of this paper is to identify European media patterns of the concept of food security and to classify useful interpretation grids that meet newsworthiness criteria, using framing theory, in order to observe how they functions in relation to communication purposes. It uses an exploratory approach with quantitative and qualitative methods for a fruitful understanding of the concept within broader notions of the mass communication process.
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Avbelj, Matej. "Security and the Transformation of the EU Public Order." German Law Journal 14, no. 10 (October 1, 2013): 2057–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002649.
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The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the changing character of the European Union (“EU”) public order under the impact of security concerns. The EU public order has long been characterized by a tension between a more market-oriented, neo-liberal Union and a more socio-political Union. The former would be driven by the EU's four fundamental freedoms, whereas the latter would be achieved and safeguarded through the language and practice of fundamental rights. As other scholarly contributions to the issue have demonstrated, the relationship between fundamental freedoms and fundamental rights is anything but settled. It continues to be subject to many, sometimes potent, legal and political controversies. However, while the EU public order is still in pursuit of the right balance between economic freedoms and socio-political rights, it also has to reckon with another fundamental value: The value of security.
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Ruohonen, Jukka. "An Acid Test for Europeanization: Public Cyber Security Procurement in the European Union." European Journal for Security Research 5, no. 2 (October 5, 2019): 349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41125-019-00053-w.
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Abstract Public procurement refers to processes through which national, regional, and local public authorities, state-owned enterprises, or other related bodies governed by public law, purchase products, services, and public work. Such purchases have been a particularly important element in developing the Internal Market of the European Union (EU). Given recent procurement reforms in the EU, including the 2009 reform on defense procurement, this paper examines public cyber security procurement in Europe. Two questions are examined: (1) whether cyber security procurement differs from public procurement in general, and (2) whether there are any noteworthy signs of Europeanization in terms of cyber security procurement. According to the empirical results, cyber security procurement tends to differ from general public procurement. In particular, competition obstacles are visible in terms of bids for cyber security procurement tenders. This result is accompanied with a visible lack of Europeanization, although the same observation generalizes to public procurement in the EU generally. With these results and the accompanying discussion, the paper contributes to the recent lively discussion about European security and its relation to marketization.
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Knäbe, Timo, and Hervé Yves Caniard. "Public Security Revisited." European Journal of Migration and Law 23, no. 3 (November 10, 2021): 332–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340105.
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Abstract With its Judgment of 27 November 2019 in Case T-31/18 Luisa Izuzquiza and Arne Semsrott v European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), the Court of Justice of the European Union opened a new chapter in the elaboration of the two seemingly antagonistic interests enshrined in Regulation (EC) No 1049/2001 of 30 May 2001 regarding public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents: the public’s fundamental right to transparency versus the public’s interest as regards “public security”. Focusing on the evolution of “public security” in the EU since 1993, this case note analyses the CJEU’s balancing of these principles, its increased scrutiny of Frontex administrative decisions, and the extent to which Frontex had to justify its denial to grant access to documents through the lens of the management of sensitive operational information. This examination puts the judgment in the context of the ongoing situation in the central Mediterranean and, by providing detailed insights on the underlying operational considerations, shows that the fundamental and wide-reaching right to transparency has to be balanced with the need to protect crew and vessels and the implementation and enforcement of the Frontex mandate. While continuing established case law in its use of the public security exception (a so-called absolute exception that is not subject to an overriding public interest test), in this case the CJEU subsumed, for the first time, individual subjective rights and legal interests under public security. This article argues that this amounts to the individualisation of public security. As pointed out by Frontex in its written and oral defence, the CJEU thus opened the door to extending the scope of public security to also include other groups of people in the government’s continuous and exclusive de jure and de facto control. The conclusion from the Frontex Case is thus that protecting life at sea and ensuring effective border surveillance are two sides of the same medal as they have a common aim: combatting human smugglers, traffickers in human beings and other criminals and safeguarding life, safety and physical integrity of law-enforcement crew and migrants alike.
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Eisele, Katharina. "Public security and admission to the EU of foreign students:." Common Market Law Review 55, Issue 1 (February 1, 2018): 279–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2018011.
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Besters, Michiel, and Milda Macenaite. "Securing the EU Public Order: Between an Economic and Political Europe." German Law Journal 14, no. 10 (October 1, 2013): 2075–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002650.
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Until recently, throughout the European Union's integration process, public order and internal security matters have been marked by a concern and respect for the national sovereignty of the EU Member States. Member States enjoyed their respective regulatory autonomy, as public order and internal security matters were dealt with at the EU level merely on the basis of the internal market logic. This is particularly evident in Articles 45(3) and 52 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). These Articles establish the exceptions of public policy and public security as grounds that may be invoked by the Member States to limit the fundamental right to free movement. These grounds have been primarily viewed as deriving from impediments to the creation of the common market.
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Lodge, Juliet. "Ethical EU eJustice: elusive or illusionary?" Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 4, no. 3 (August 1, 2006): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14779960680000287.
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eJudicial cooperation is a goal of EU policy. It appears to offer procedural and technical ICT solutions to enhancing EU security. This paper outlines particular dilemmas posed by operationalising ejudicial cooperation within the EU and its member states, and assesses how political weakness is reconfigured as a problem of technical ethics. The application of biometrics and ICT based ejustice potentially bring the EU closer to the citizen without closing the confidence and trust deficit. The paper first outlines three political dilemmas of ejudicial cooperation: political competence, public accountability, and globalisation imperatives. It examines the rationale for introducing biometric IDs, highlighting a general problem of ejudicial cooperation and egovernance which aggravate the trust deficit. Then, it assesses the technical and managerial procedures to ethical practices for quality justice and security to combat the trust deficits which elude open public accountability and compromise trust.
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DĄBROWSKA-KŁOSIŃSKA, Patrycja. "Tracing Individuals under the EU Regime on Serious, Cross-border Health Threats: An Appraisal of the System of Personal Data Protection." European Journal of Risk Regulation 8, no. 4 (December 2017): 700–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/err.2017.60.
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AbstractThe article tackles the issue of personal data protection in case of tracing (looking for) individual persons who have been exposed to health risks pursuant to the EU Decision 1082/2013 on Serious, Cross-border Health Threats. This problem exemplifies just one among many challenges of the health-security nexus in the EU. That is, it regards a certain trade-off between the limitation of individual rights and securing populations’ safety. The text appraises the safeguards for the (lawful) limitation of the right to data protection after an in-depth examination of the provisions of the Health Threats Decision, its implementing measures, the reports on its operation, and in light of the general EU data protection laws. In conclusion, it claims that a number of improvements are needed because of the incompleteness, and the insufficient coherence and transparency of the EU regime for health threats. The established shortcomings are, at least in part, caused by the new EU “integrated approach” to health and security. In effect, an overall philosophy of reforms of public health policy in the name of “all-hazards security” applied in the Health Threats Decision can result in a reduction of the adequate level of protection of individuals’ personal data.
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Mar Fernández, Ana. "Local Consular Cooperation: Administrating EU Internal Security Abroad." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 4 (November 1, 2009): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009040.
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Abstract. Since the beginning of the new millennium, local consular cooperation has become a priority on the European agenda. The new challenges in terms of security and public order, generated by phenomena such as the increase in migratory flows from outside the European Union (EU) or international terrorism, have upgraded the strategic role of consular cooperation as a means of reinforcing the integrated management of the EU’s external borders. This paper explores the institutional development of this external aspect of EU internal security. It examines the patterns of administrative cooperation resulting from both the institutionalization of channels of intergovernmental consular cooperation and the deployment of EU rules and procedures, and draws attention to the contested political visions that preside over this multimodal system of administrative governance.
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Slepak, Vitaliy Yu. "The Single Domestic Arms Market in the EU: The Reality and Prospects." Military juridical journal 1 (January 28, 2021): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2070-2108-2021-1-23-27.
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The article deals with basic aspects of application of EU single market rules to arms trade. In particular the author analyses main barriers to free movement of firearms and other types of weapon in inter-EU trade. The author comes to conclusion that the most effective way to cope such obstacles is a harmonization of Member-States legislation on arms trade at EU level. Current EU secondary legislation seeks to eliminate a threats arising from free movement of arms which makes Member States to close national arms markets for foreign goods in order to protect national security. Doing so the EU uses already existing standards of functioning of internal market and at the same time establishes in its secondary legislation legal guaranties providing the same level of security protection in all Member States. Th us importing and exporting Member States are assured that in both states the same EU security standards are observed and as a rule there is no need to apply national norms to protect security and public order.
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Verellen, Thomas. "When Integration by Stealth Meets Public Security: The EU Foreign Direct Investment Screening Regulation." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 48, Issue 1 (April 1, 2021): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2021003.
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The EU FDI Screening Regulation (the Regulation) is an interesting application of the ‘integration by stealth’ theory to the sphere of investment screening. The Regulation leads to integration in the sense that, for the first time, the Commission is granted a role in the process of investment screening within the EU. However, Commission involvement comes at the cost of simultaneously strengthening the hands of the Member State screening authorities, leading to a suboptimal policy outcome whereby neither the Commission nor the Member States may have at their disposal the necessary tools to screen investments quickly and thoroughly, as is required to maintain an open investment environment. The shortcomings of the Regulation are likely to trigger calls for further reform. To develop this argument, this article (1) legally examines the main features of the Regulation and (2) explores the interplay of the Regulation with EU free movement rules. The article explains how the Regulation is likely to contribute to an uptake in national screening decisions, but not to a concomitant increase in enforcement opportunities for the Commission or the Court of Justice of the EU. This creates an enforcement gap, which may put pressure on the existing free movement framework and may risk encouraging Member States to develop a national as opposed to a common EU conception of public security and order. European Union law, European integration, foreign direct investment screening, free movement of capital, freedom of establishment, investment liberalization, functionalism, neo-functionalism, Court of Justice of the European Union, common commercial policy, rule of law, judicial protection, enforcement
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Junevičius, Algis, and Rasa Daugėlienė. "Restrictions on European Union Citizens’ Freedom of Movement and Residence in the Country on Grounds of Public Policy, Public Security and Public Health." Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0003.
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AbstractThe free movement of persons is one of the most successful European Union projects, serving as a majorly important factor promoting the European integration processes. The adoption of the Treaty on the European Union and the creation of EU citizenship implemented significant changes: the status of EU citizens and their right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States can no longer be interpreted in the way it was before the adoption of the Treaty on the European Union. There are no requirements for EU citizens within the Treaty to pursue professional or independent activities or to work under an employment contract in order to access provided rights. However, the right of free movement is not unlimited. The administrations of the Member State governments are authorized to impose restictions on the free movement of citizens. In the light of these facts, this article examines exceptions in the field of free movement of persons and indentifies concepts of public policy, public security and public health. Special attention is given to so-called rule limitation of restrictions and to the mechanism of protection against expulsion from the country. The article concludes by saying that the institutions of Member State governments have the right to evaluate threats within the territory of the country and to decide on the content of public security by themselves. However, their discretion can not be used as an instrument to treat the conduct of other Member State citizens in a worse way than that of their own local citizens.
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Knutsen, Bjørn Olav. "A Weakening Transatlantic Relationship? Redefining the EU–US Security and Defence Cooperation." Politics and Governance 10, no. 2 (May 18, 2022): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5024.
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The aim of this article is to discuss how a weakening transatlantic relationship influences European defence cooperation and integration. It also asks how these observed patterns of weakening EU–US relations can be explained and what the consequences might be for the EU’s efforts to build a stronger and more coherent security and defence policy. Building upon a “comprehensive neo-functionalist” approach first coined by the Norwegian scholar Martin Sæter, European security and defence policy should be seen as part of an externalisation of EU integration as a response to weakening transatlantic relations. The debate on European “strategic autonomy,” the Strategic Compass, and the European “defence package” should therefore be considered as part of such an externalisation process of actively influencing and reshaping the transatlantic relationship. When analysing European security and defence, the article also shows that it is misleading to regard European integration as something to be subordinated to NATO. Nevertheless, a European security deficit does exist due to differing perspectives among member states on how the EU process should relate to NATO. The article, therefore, concludes that strategic autonomy can only be developed with close EU–NATO cooperation. Furthermore, a more multipolar world order where the EU no longer can rely upon a transatlantic security community to the same extent as before challenges the EU’s role as a defender of multilateralism and poses new challenges to the EU’s common foreign and security policy.
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Ramešová, Kristina. "Public Provocation to Commit a Terrorist Offence: Balancing between the Liberties and the Security." Masaryk University Journal of Law and Technology 14, no. 1 (June 26, 2020): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/mujlt2020-1-6.
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Modern terrorism is global and decentralized like cyberspace. While the Darknet is mostly used by terrorists for fundraising campaigns and illicit trading, publicly accessible social platforms such as Twitter, Facebook or YouTube are abused for terrorist propaganda. Combating terrorism remains one of the top priorities of the European union (hereinafter as “the EU”). The approach towards the online content possibly connected to terrorist propaganda has become stricter.This paper focuses on the development of the EU legislation on the offence related to terrorist activities: the public provocation to commit a terrorist offence, as well as on the obligations of hosting service providers. It also analyses the impact of the Directive (EU) 2017/541 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 15 March 2017 on combating terrorism and replacing Council Framework Decision 2002/475/JHA and amending Council Decision 2005/671/JHA. The article observes a changing attitude on private monitoring of online information in the development of the EU legislation. It analyses changes in the Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on preventing the dissemination of terrorist content online. These changes signify a shift in the perception of the necessary level of freedom to receive and impart information through the internet.
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Rieker, Pernille. "Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa." Politics and Governance 10, no. 2 (May 18, 2022): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5048.
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This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.
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Bermejo, Rut. "Migration and Security in the EU: Back to Fortress Europe?" Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 2 (August 20, 2009): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i2.168.
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An analysis of the linkages between immigration and security must consider three basic issues and tasks. First of all, it must look at the definition of the concepts in use: threat, referent object and the logic or rationale that brings both concepts together. Secondly, the framing of immigration within the discourse on security issues is to be tackled. And thirdly, it must take into account the measures and public policy instruments related to that framing. This article focuses on these three interrelated issues and explores those questions with particular reference to the EU area. The first part reviews the scholarly literature that explores the linkage between migration and security in order to identify what is known as the ‘threat’, the referent object and the rationales established in discourses since the 1990s. During this decade the EU began to develop its ‘common’ immigration policy, while at the same time critiques of the emerging securitisation of migration were developed. The second part of this research traces the effects of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on discourses and public policies in the EU. The analysis of post 9/11 developments in the EU provides evidence to deny on the hand, that EU institutions’ discourses on immigration policies consider this phenomenon as an existential threat and, on the other hand, to reject that extraordinary measures or courses of actions had followed those terrorist attacks. A global approach towards migration is underway although in need of political impetus.
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Velastin, Sergio A., Maria Alicia Vicencio-Silva, Benny Lo, Jie Sun, and Louhadi Khoudour. "A Distributed Surveillance System for Improving Security in Public Transport Networks." Measurement and Control 35, no. 7 (September 2002): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002029400203500704.
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Automated surveillance in public transport networks is highly desirable to improve safety and security and thus to effect sustainable changes. This paper describes some of the work that has been done in a EU-funded project, focusing on how the important aspects of scalability and usability have been addressed with a distributed and flexible system.
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Pistoia, Emanuela. "The Unbearable Lightness of a Piecemeal Approach. Moving Public Policy or Public Security Offenders in Europe." European Public Law 20, Issue 4 (December 1, 2014): 745–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2014045.
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The purpose of this article is twofold: to consider the relation between criminals who take advantage of their freedom of movement as European citizens and the State whose public policy or public security is violated by way of their crime; and to cast light on how this may impact the freedom of movement itself and, ultimately, the significance of European citizenship. To date, two sets of EU rules adversely affect the freedom of movement in the interest of protecting public policy and public security: those traditionally labelled as 'restrictions to the freedom of movement and residence', currently laid down in Directive 2004/38, and those in the European Arrest Warrant, established in Framework Decision 2002/584.The EU Institutions have apparently adopted a piecemeal approach in this field due to the different purposes of the two relevant sets of rules. This article reviews such piecemeal approach by comparing certain parallel aspects of Directive 2004/38 and Framework Decision 2002/584: this covers, first, the objective grounds for expulsion or for surrender respectively established therein, and second, the subjective limits applicable to criminals or alleged criminals settled in the host/executing State.
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Martins, Bruno Oliveira, and Christian Küsters. "Hidden Security: EU Public Research Funds and the Development of European Drones." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 57, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12787.
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Alexandrov, M. V. "The EU Methodology of Security and Defense Planning." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-142-153.
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Abstract: The article examines the methodology used within the European Union when planning the security and defence policy. The author analyses the key EU documents in this field, the structure of the respective EU bodies and the corresponding decision-making process. In particular, the article looks at the security and defence planning responsibilities of the European Council, the Military Committee and the Military Staff as well as the European Defence Agency. The author conducts a comparative analysis of the EU security and defence planning methodology with that of the US and NATO. He shows that the methodology is very similar. This concerns in particular the structural composition and the logics of the planning, its geographical scope and considerable propaganda component of respective public documents. Similarly to the US and NATO, the EU defence planning relies very little on the strategic forecasting. Instead the EU makes the principle of “strategic uncertainty” the corner stone of its policies. At the same time the EU widely uses elements of “dynamic forecasting” in its planning process, especially for short term forecasting periods. Moreover, the EU moved even further than the US and NATO along this road by applying the techniques that can be described as “dynamic planning”. At the same time the methodology of the EU security and defence planning has some significant specific features. This is explained by the fact, that the EU is mostly a civilian entity and military issues play only a small, though an important role in its work. Thus priority in its planning is given to civilian methods of promoting security, and the use of military force is regarded as the last resort. That is why the main accent in the EU security and defence policy is made on such instruments as crises management, political stabilization, peacekeeping operations and engagement of other states in all sorts of security and defence partnerships. This article is prepared in the framework of the Russian Scientific Fund project 14-18-02973 “Long term forecasting of the development of international relations”.
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De Mars, Sylvia. "Managing Misconceptions about EU Citizens’ Access to Domestic Public Healthcare: An EU-Level Response?" European Public Law 25, Issue 4 (December 1, 2019): 709–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2019037.
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This article explores the interaction between EU movement of persons and the access to and financing of public healthcare in the UK, Ireland, Belgium, and the Netherlands. The article will show that particularly in a time of relative austerity and a seeming lack of cross-border solidarity, the non-discrimination obligations in the EU Treaties may encourage the Member States to cut back on tax-funded healthcare so as to not have to extend such care to nonnationals. It suggests that if the Member States cannot effectively rebut the persistent public concerns of ‘EU welfare tourism’ with statistics, it may be preferable for them to seek to address those fears at the EU level (by a re-coordination of responsibility for health care coverage) than to respond to them through domestic law (by increasing individual responsibility for health care costs). Free Movement of Persons, Public Healthcare Organisation, Welfare Tourism, Social Security Coordination
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Chaban, Natalia, and Ole Elgström. "A Perceptual Approach to EU Public Diplomacy: Investigating Collaborative Diplomacy in EU-Ukraine Relations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 488–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10029.
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Summary This article contributes to the theorisation of collaborative public diplomacy by introducing a perceptual approach. Engaging with the collaborative diplomacy paradigm developed to conceptualise public diplomacy in the context of non-traditional security threats and conflicts, as well as nation building, the article explores and compares perceptions of the European Union (EU) as a public diplomacy actor in Ukraine (tracked in 50 elite interviews) and in Brussels (13 interviews with EU practitioners). The article engages with a concept of a ‘perception gap’ hypothesising a gap between the Others’ perception of the EU and the EU’s self-perception. It furthers the conceptualisation of a perception gap by suggesting to consider it at cognitive, normative and emotive levels in the image structure and arguing variation between the levels. The article contends that a perception gap is a critical factor in preventing genuine dialogue, engagement and listening — key concepts proposed by the collaborative diplomacy paradigm.
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Skarżyński, Mirosław. "Wpływ kryzysu gospodarczego na bezpieczeństwo zdrowia publicznego w UE." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (June 19, 2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.1.8.
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The paper emphasizes the significance of health for individual existence and the entire population. It indicates the fundamental elements of health security in the EU. It presents the reasons for and results of economic crisis. The interdependencies between the economic situation and a society’s health are defined. Statistical data provide the basis for the analysis and assessment of the influence the present economic crisis has had on the security of public health in the EU.
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Glencross, Andrew. "The importance of health security in post-Brexit EU–UK relations." European View 19, no. 2 (October 2020): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685820964291.
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This article examines the possibilities for negotiating the UK–EU health-security relationship after 2020. Health security, in the sense of measures to prevent and mitigate health emergencies, had played a marginal role in the UK–EU negotiations, but COVID-19 has greatly amplified this policy area’s significance. At the beginning of the pandemic, Brussels introduced significant measures to promote public health sovereignty, notably joint procurement and stockpiling of personal protective equipment. The UK went against the grain by limiting its involvement in joint procurement at a time when other countries were rushing to participate. UK participation in some EU health measures is possible on existing terms, but not joint procurement. This leaves the UK facing an uncertain future because of the potential risks associated with not participating in EU programmes, notably in terms of access to personal protective equipment supplies and possible market distortion resulting from new EU policies promoting stockpiling and reshoring. The politicisation of health security thus adds another complication to the post-Brexit EU–UK relationship.
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Oppermann, Kai, and Alexander Höse. "Public Opinion and the Development of the European Security and Defence Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 2 (June 1, 2007): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007015.
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This article argues that public opinion will become an increasingly significant constraint on European-level decision-making with regard to implementing and further developing the ESDP. The thesis is based on a theoretical concept that identifies two necessary preconditions for public opinion to impact upon governmental foreign policies, namely the public salience of foreign policy issues and the public’s opportunity structures to influence foreign policy decision-making. Any initiative to put into practice or extend the ESDP will have to be pursued in a political environment in which both preconditions will generally be met. First, the ESDP’s actions and aspirations touch upon issues that are of great salience to European publics. Second, European publics are provided with ample channels of influence to constrain European integration in this field via their respective national governments. Thus, the prospects of further developing the ESDP will depend increasingly on supportive public opinions in EU Member States.
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Zieliński, Tadeusz. "The perception of security threats in EU and NATO strategic documents: implications for the countries of the Eastern flank." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 1 (December 2020): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.1.2.
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The anticipation of security threats is one of the key elements in the determination of objectives and the main direction for the functioning of states or organizations. It constitutes a fundamental basis for building capacity, aimed at counteracting the identified threats or limiting the emergence of new ones. This is also applicable to the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which in their security documents identify threats that may have an impact on their existence and future development. The purpose of this article is to identify common threats to EU and NATO security, as well as to demonstrate their impact on the security of the countries of the Eastern flank. The analyses, comparisons and generalizations are based on strategic documents concerning the sphere of EU and NATO security (the EU security strategies and the NATO strategic concepts). The analyzed timeline covered the period from the end of the Cold War until the publication of the strategic documents in question. The perception of threats to the external security of the EU and NATO was contrasted with the results of public opinion polls from the member states of both organizations. The general result leads to the conclusion that the perception of security threats, contained in the strategic documents of the above-mentioned entities, is essentially identical; however, the priorities in the scope of reducing the risks associated with the occurrence of specific threats are perceived differently, including the Eastern flank countries.
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Poutala, Tero, Elina Sinkkonen, and Mikael Mattlin. "EU Strategic Autonomy and the Perceived Challenge of China: Can Critical Hubs Be De-weaponized?" European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Special Issue (April 1, 2022): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022015.
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Geoeconomic competition, supply security vulnerabilities and complex technological dependencies challenge the European Union’s ‘strategic autonomy’. Evolving from more traditional security/ defence notions, a broader definition of strategic autonomy encompasses also economic dimensions. Economic resilience underpins security and defence arrangements. The EU has lacked instruments for protection against ‘predatory’ strategic investments by external actors, and technological dependence on potential strategic rivals. This article analyses two critical hubs, or potential ‘chokepoints’, in the EU’s attempts to achieve strategic autonomy – critical maritime transport infrastructure and 5G – as well as countermeasures developed by the EU. Chinese enterprises have made strategic investments in key EU infrastructure and high-tech industries over the past decade. In response, the EU has established an investment screening framework to screen (authorize, issue condition, prohibit or unwind) inward foreign direct investment (FDI) on security or public order grounds, and activated a mechanism for the enhancement of coordination and cooperation between the Commission and Member States. The EU has also sought to reduce reliance on Chinese suppliers by introducing the ‘5G toolbox’. We argue that the EU aims to ‘de-weaponize’ these two potential chokepoints. However, our article concludes that the political goal of strategic autonomy vis-à-vis external actors is hampered by the competence limitations of the Union to act in critical areas. Ultimately, much of the heavy lifting on implementing EU policy goals still falls upon Members States with varied economic and security interests. chokepoint effects, critical hubs, strategic autonomy, interdependence, investment screening, 5G toolbox
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ROBERTS, Stephen L. "Signals, Signs and Syndromes: Tracing [Digital] Transformations in European Health Security." European Journal of Risk Regulation 10, no. 4 (December 2019): 722–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/err.2019.68.
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This article traces the ascent of new digital surveillance practices for European health security in an era of heightened global pandemic vigilance. In doing so, the article demonstrates how the confluence of evolving processes of digitisation and production of new digital data sources have enabled EU health security agents in recent years to enhance infectious disease surveillance through novel digitised practices of epidemic intelligence. Subsequently, the article thus argues that the centralisation of these new epidemic intelligence technologies to the core of EU health security initiatives has been foundational to the ascent of a new blended health surveillance practice operating across the EU, which amalgamates the digitised surface alerts of these new big data surveillance technologies with the long-established and traditional disease surveillance legacies of EU Member States. By utilising the concept of surface knowledge in relation to the ascent of these European epidemic intelligence practices, this article demonstrates the key epistemic and methodological shifts which occur in the production of knowledge, alerts and signals for accelerated infectious disease surveillance and the governing of public health risks within the EU.
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Markovic Khaze, Nina. "Perceptions of the EU in the Western Balkans Vis-à-vis Russia and China." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Issue 1 (February 1, 2022): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022006.
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This article evaluates public perceptions of the European Union (EU) in Montenegro and Serbia as the front running EU membership candidates. It uses a multidisciplinary approach, which comprises a comparative survey data analysis method, the Image Theory and a mind-mapping approach of EU perceptions analysis to study the EU-Western Balkans relations. Public perceptions of the EU in the Western Balkans are (re)created and juxtaposed against perceptions of other external actors, notably Russia and China. This has led to the EU’s ‘power of attraction’ being diminished in the Western Balkans. Rival perceptions of China and Russia as ‘less demanding’ partners than the EU, and the slowing down of EU’s enlargement agenda have also contributed to this trend. In order to maximize its own security and counter the growing geopolitical influence by China and Russia in the Western Balkans, the EU would benefit from a more comprehensive study of its own representation and public perceptions in candidate states. By doing so, the EU could improve the knowledge about its soft power, which can in turn increase the effectiveness of its foreign policy programmes globally and democracy promotion in the neighbourhood. European integration, EU public diplomacy, accession, Image Theory, EU-Western Balkans relations, Montenegro, Serbia, EU membership, EU accession, EU foreign policy, soft power
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Doyle, Kieran, and Tedla Desta. "An Analysis of Common Security and Defence Policy’s (CSDP) Strategic Communication (StratCom)." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 2 (December 27, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n2p56.
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Strategic communication (StratCom) is established as one of the key functions and interests of contemporary organisations and governments. The usefulness and importance of strategic communication becomes even more essential when the organisation is defence and security-focused or involved in crisis management. The objective of this study was to assess the strategic communication practices, and inherent challenges of communicating Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and present relevant reflections. A documentary analysis of the relevant EU websites and social media pages of 16 CSDP missions and operations was conducted. This was supplemented with eight key-informant interviews with Press and Public Information Officers (PPIOs) of CSDP and EU strategists.
The research demonstrated that most CSDP missions and operations are present on most social media platforms but they often garner very small number of likes, comments, shares, replies or interactions from their targeted audiences. Features of an echo-chamber are also observed. The study also found that public affairs (information) and public diplomacy were the two main forms of strategic communication that the CSDP utilises. CSDP’s strategic communication also tends to take a one-way StratCom process. The challenges faced in terms of StratCom by CSDP are not uniform; they are contextual ranging from resource, translation to mismatch of expectations. The major challenge, however, emanates from the structural problems of CSDP or the EU itself that are beyond the European External Action Service (EEAS) or the relevant Press and Public Information Offices (PPIOs). The study recommendations include quicker EU level political and policy compromise on CSDP, training and resource improvements for StratCom, ‘storytelling and use of real people’, highlighting gender, rights and local ownership, increasing the link with the international media and regular and appropriate self-appraisals.
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Frías, Alejandro Sánchez. "Public Security Derogations to the Free Movement of EU Citizens and Preventive Criminal Law: A Collision between Ever-Expanding Concepts?" European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 27, no. 4 (December 2, 2019): 293–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-02704002.
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The threat of foreign terrorist fighters has led to the development of preventive criminal law on an international and European level. The EU Directive on combating terrorism can have two impacts on the free movement of EU citizens. It directly calls upon Member States to criminalise the act of travelling, as well as other conduct that may be connected to a terrorist offence. In addition, ecj case law accepts EU criminal law as a basis for public security derogations against free movement. Therefore, the commission of any of the acts criminalised in the EU Directive on combating terrorism could be used as a reason to restrict the exercise of free movement by EU citizens. When Member States begin to adopt these measures, litigation on the balance between preventive criminal justice and free movement of EU citizens will increase.
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Reiterer, Michael. "The EUs Comprehensive Approach to Security in Asia." European Foreign Affairs Review 19, Issue 1 (February 1, 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2014001.
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This article aims at demonstrating through examples that the EU's longstanding engagement in Asia with ASEAN and Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) in addition to bilateral relations progressively and in line with the new understanding of the EU as a comprehensive political actor in international relations extends beyond trade and economics, e.g., security matters. This growing engagement predates the US pivot but seeks to complement US efforts and tries to carve out a niche for EU policies in the rearrangement of power-relations and the emerging institutional architecture of the region. It links up with the special EFAR issue on a European Approach to Comprehensive Security in highlighting the EU's comprehensive approach to security, focusing on experience in non-traditional security threats and drawing on its historic experience of trust and confidence building, conflict prevention and management, all public goods in short supply in the region. If the EU acts coherently it could have a higher degree of credibility in supplying these goods than other players in the region (China, Japan, US) thereby countering through concrete initiatives the narrative that the EU is neither present in nor relevant for Asia.
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Díez, Carlos Gómez-Jara, and Ester Herlin-Karnell. "Prosecuting EU Financial Crimes: The European Public Prosecutor's Office in Comparison to the US Federal Regime." German Law Journal 19, no. 5 (October 2018): 1191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200023002.
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AbstractWhy is the fight against financial crimes such a central task for the EU? The EU has a strong interest to counter financial crimes and fraud against the EU budget as those crimes—so the EU legislator's claim is—hamper the trust in the market and undermine consumer confidence to engage in internal market transactions. In this Article, we aim to discuss the establishment of the European Public Prosecutor Office as a federal agent and the effects of this agent for establishing a robust EU financial crimes regime. Comparisons with the US system of US Attorneys—federal prosecutors—will be drawn to show that this institution has been quite effective at enhancing the protection of US financial market. The Article will then discuss to what extent the EU can, and should, learn from the American experience. We are particularly interested in the strong security focus in the EU and its consequences when it ventures into the area of financial crimes.
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Chugunov, Igor, Valentyna Makohon, and Yuliya Markuts. "Features of the EU and Ukraine’s debt policy." Investment Management and Financial Innovations 16, no. 4 (December 18, 2019): 254–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.16(4).2019.22.
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The world economic globalization determines the feasibility of rethinking fiscal system knowledge on the formation and implementation of debt policy in the countries with transformation and advanced economies. In order to improve the system of public administration, the proper level of financing of innovation-investment projects, the important task is to improve the effectiveness of debt policy instruments and to ensure the consistency of its components. This article describes the essence of debt policy. The features of formation and implementation of the EU and Ukraine’s debt policy in the public administration system are defined in the context of institutional transformations. The authors assess the share of gross debt of the EU countries and the sovereign debt of Ukraine in GDP; conduct a regression analysis of the impact of public debt in GDP on real GDP growth in Ukraine. The article discusses the debt policy tasks, summarizes and systematizes the approaches to its implementation in different countries. The authors identify the features of public debt management strategies in terms of marginal indicators of the budget deficit, public debt, and instruments for improving the effectiveness of the public debt management system. The impact of debt policy on country’s financial and economic security is substantiated.
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Saurugger, Sabine. "Studying Resistance to EU Norms in Foreign and Security Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Special Issue (July 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015022.
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The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is usually seen as a sui generis policy, due to its intergovernmental nature. Challenging this view, we argue that CFSP is a policy like any other and therefore can be analysed by approaches used to study EU public policy more generally. We consider CFSP as a policy producing norms just as any other EU public policy does. Some of these norms enter the category of soft law, and are supposed to be complied with even if the European Court of Justice has no – or not much – competence in the field. Drawing on two strands of literature, the literature on soft law and the one on non-compliance with EU law, we focus on compliance with CFSP norms at the domestic level. Our aim is to develop a coherent approach, which allows us to explain why national administrations do – or do not – comply with CFSP soft law. Our model is based on four hypotheses pertaining to the presence or absence of (legal and non-legal) sanctions, the number of veto players, the financial stakes and the normative distance between the European rule and the norm hitherto defended by the national administrations. We apply this model to four Member States (Germany, Greece, Poland and the UK), using secondary literature to find examples of national resistance and suggest possible explanations for this resistance. Other examples will be given by the other articles in this special issue, which we refer to at the end of this introductory article.
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Exter, André den. "European Union Global Health Law." Право України, no. 2020/03 (2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33498/louu-2020-03-017.
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The European Union is an important player in global health issues. This paper firstly explains the concept of EU global health law and then examines a number of areas where the EU acts and may influence, directly or indirectly, global health issues (eg, trade, public health, health migration, development aid, and health security). What follows is an attempt to tie up the threads more systematically by advocating a Global Health Convention, based on human rights principles. Such a shared vision on global health law may help the EU and Member States to respond more effectively to global health challenges such as international trade, public health security and health threats. In line with EU Council Conclusions 2010, the focus is on four dominant areas of EU law, explained in more detail. The variety of measures and activities embodies: external trade and global health; EU health law and external relations; health migration and development initiatives; global health security: the emerging health/security nexus. Author conclude that examining the EU’s role in the global health debate, has revealed a ‘hodgepodge’ of legal issues, rather than a distinct body of rules reflecting a coherent framework of EU law. As a result, its role in the global health is largely influenced by other policy areas than health. What is missing is a common global health policy. Communication 2010 provided key elements of what reflects a fragmented, highly compartmentalised approach. Balancing international trade and other economic interests with global health issues requires a shared vision and strategy what is global health. Here, it is argued that the EU should take the lead in drafting such a common policy based on previous experiences in close collaboration with the key global health actor: the WHO. Formulating and implementing a global health treaty at Member State level, a Framework Convention on Global Health could respond to trade, in a more systematic and coherent manner, reflecting international health law principles and specifying State obligations.
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Ekmekci, Perihan Elif. "An Assessment of Coherence Between Early Warning and Response Systems and Serious Cross-Border Health Threats in the European Union and Turkey." Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 10, no. 6 (August 11, 2016): 883–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dmp.2016.63.
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AbstractDisease outbreaks have attracted the attention of the public health community to early warning and response systems (EWRS) for communicable diseases and other cross-border threats to health. The European Union (EU) and the World Health Organization (WHO) have published regulations in this area. Decision 1082/2013/EU brought a new approach the management of public health threats in EU member states. Decision 1082/2013/EU brought several innovations, which included establishing a Health Security Committee; preparedness and response planning; joint procurement of medical countermeasures; ad hoc monitoring for biological, chemical, and environmental threats; EWRS; and recognition of an emergency situation and interoperability between various sectors. Turkey, as an acceding country to the EU and a member of the WHO, has been improving its national public health system to meet EU legislations and WHO standards. This article first explains EWRS as defined in Decision 1082/2013/EU and Turkey’s obligations to align its public health laws to the EU acquis. EWRS in Turkey are addressed, particularly their coherence with EU policies regarding preparedness and response, alert notification, and interoperability between health and other sectors. Finally, the challenges and limitations of the current Turkish system are discussed and further improvements are suggested. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2016;10:883–892)
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Arbatova, N. "Migrattion Threat to EU Security: Prejudices and Realities." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 2 (2022): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-2-61-70.
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The article analyzes the complex interface between the phenomenon of migration and the security of the European Union and its member-states. The migration crisis in Europe, which began with the Arab Spring in 2015 and continues to this day, is truly one of the most important existential challenges for the EU. This crisis is overlapped with other fundamental problems facing the European Union, contributing to the securitization of migration and asylum issues. In the absence of an effective EU strategy in this direction, there remains the danger of radicalization of European societies and, therefore, a threat to the entire integrationist project. The process of globalization has supplemented some of the traditional functions of the state, first of all, such as protection of its territory and political independence, with new functions that are associated with the obligation to ensure economic independence, cultural identity and social stability. Securitization of migration usually has several dimensions: socio-economic problems (unemployment, the growth of the black economy, the crisis of the welfare state and the deterioration of the urban environment); the growth of securitarism in the EU member-states (when migrants are viewed as a threat to the national identity and demographic equilibrium of the host society); and political challenges as a result of the nexus between external and internal security caused by the terrorist threat. In addition to traditional challenges, there emerged a fairly new phenomenon – instrumentalization of the migration problem, namely the use of migrants by the third countries as a means of pressure on the EU member states in order to achieve certain political or economic goals. The new Pact on Migration and Asylum introduces a number of undeniably positive provisions for the European Union. Nevertheless, the document has been criticized by the EU individual countries, as well as by public and human rights organizations. This situation can be explained by the fact that in modern Europe, security interests and values are in a moral conflict with each other, which presents the main challenge to the future of the European project.
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Turmo, Araceli. "National Security Concerns as an Exception to EU Standards on Data Protection." Nordic Journal of European Law 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36969/njel.v4i2.23784.
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Discussions on the appropriate fundamental rights standards in the EU and the need to take into account conflicting interests are increasingly being reframed as debates on the conflict between the primacy of EU law and the constitutional standards of the Member States. One example of this reframing is the French administrative supreme court’s decision following the ECJ judgment in La Quadrature du Net. The Conseil ruled that the EU standards set in that judgment must be reviewed, at the national level, with regard to a national understanding of security concerns and the requirements of the fight against terrorism. Thus, constitutional requirements related to public security may be relied upon to argue for a lower standard of protection of personal data than those which the ECJ requires. As this decision shows, the ability of corporations and Governments to rely on litigation before national courts to challenge the standard of protection set at the EU level creates a significant risk, not only for the uniformity of EU law, but also for the protection of the rights of individuals.
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Li, Zhi, Yuemeng Ge, Jieying Guo, Mengyao Chen, and Junwei Wang. "The Governance Mechanism and Legal System of European Union Cyberspace Security." Tobacco Regulatory Science 7, no. 5 (September 30, 2021): 3698–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.18001/trs.7.5.1.146.
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The whole world is making unremitting efforts to ensure the security of global cyberspace. The European Union (EU) has always regarded cyberspace security as the core competitiveness of regional integration and is committed to improving the cyberspace security legal system’s construction. Now it has been at the forefront of the world. Through the analysis of the EU cyberspace security governance mechanism and legal framework, this study concludes that the construction of cyberspace security is a complex project that requires long-term exploration and development. Besides, a sound cyberspace-security governance mechanism and a perfect legal system of cyberspace security should have a clear hierarchy, and specific effectiveness and system, updating the laws and regulations.
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De Becker, E. "The (Possible) Role of the Right to Social Security in the EU Economic Monitoring Process." German Law Journal 17, no. 3 (June 1, 2016): 277–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019787.
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The outbreak of the financial and economic crisis in 2008 had a severe impact on the member states of the European Union. Countries like Greece had to ask the Troika (the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund) for financial aid. In return, they were obliged to reduce public spending and, as a result, national social security systems were drastically reformed. Furthermore, the EU has exercised its competences to supervise national budgets more extensively, even for countries not applying for financial aid through the Country Specific Recommendations under the European Semester. Like the decisions providing financial support, these recommendations also touch upon member states' social security systems. Moreover, the actions of the EU seem to generate a tension between the social rights provisions in (inter)national human rights instruments and the EU economic monitoring process, hence creating a possible deficit at the level of the EU. The five collective complaints against Greece under the framework of the European Social Charter (Council of Europe) illustrate this tension. This Article investigates this tension further and provides insights in possible ways to close the gap between (inter)national social rights provisions and the EU economic monitoring process by looking at the right to social security in the EU legal order. In doing so, this Article scrutinizes the judicial safeguards available at EU level, namely the right to social security in the Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFEU) and the role of general principles of Union's law for the protection of fundamental rights. It will become clear that a lot of uncertainty still remains regarding the content and scope of the right to social security in the CFEU, as well as the enforceability of this provision in the EU economic monitoring process.
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Mangan, Gerry. "EU Social Security Law: A Commentary on EU Regulations 883/2004 and 987/2009." Administration 64, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/admin-2016-0012.
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Van Loock, F., N. Gill, S. Wallyn, A. Nicoll, J. C. Desenclos, and P. Leinikki. "Roles and functions of a European Union Public Health Centre for Communicable Diseases and other threats to health." Eurosurveillance 7, no. 5 (May 1, 2002): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/esm.07.05.00371-en.
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An international consensus has been reached that a European Union (EU) Technical Coordination Structure (TCS) for communicable diseases is needed to improve Europe’s future response to international communicable disease threats within and beyond its boundaries. After the American events of September 11 2001 and the deliberate releases of anthrax, the EU created a Health Security Committee, adopted a civil protection decision, and established for 18 months a team to develop responses for deliberate releases of biological and chemical agents. These two initiatives, the network’s approach and health security work, must converge into a single stream addressing health protection for the people of Europe. They could be combined into a European Centre for Communicable Diseases that is planned to become active by 2005.
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Marin, Nikolay. "Nationalisms Versus Solidarity in Case of Eu Law and Security." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0093.
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Abstract The purpose of this article is to focus on the main prerequisites for the increasing nationalism among some of the Member States in the European Union and its impact in terms of solidarity, law, and security. In recent years, a number of events and processes have unlocked the growth of nationalism and the increase of its public support as a response to the fear of replacing the values and identity of European societies. For example, the disproportionate migratory pressures "woke up" in some European societies a legitimate fear for their national identity. It is now the time to offer legal mechanisms that are flexible enough for sharing security and finding a balance between the national and European interest in order to avoid a revival of extreme nationalism
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Stanivuković, Senka Neuman, and Marek Neuman. "Reading the EU’s migration and security ‘crises’ through (South-)Eastern Europe." Journal of European Studies 49, no. 3-4 (August 13, 2019): 374–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244119859176.
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This article addresses contemporary thinking about EU crises from the locations of South-East and Eastern Europe. It asks how the European migration and security ‘crises’ have unfolded in institutional structures, political and public discourses, and people’s everyday experiences in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe. The analysis challenges the treatment of European crises as ontologically given, and calls for the adoption of critical conceptual and analytical approaches that study these crises outside European dis/order binarism. It exposes European crises as a privileged and conservative designation that normalizes European multiplicity within the teleology of a linear and spatially bound EU institutional order.
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Gerevich, János, and Imre Négyesi. "Network and Information Security of Cloud Computing Services." Hadtudományi Szemle 13, no. 2 (2020): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2020.2.4.
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The security of network and information systems has become a critical issue for both the public and private sectors in the last decade. This article reviews the current EU directive in this area, looking for safety and reliability requirements. Next, we get an overview of the different models of cloud computing services. Finally, the relationship between the identified security and reliability requirements and the cloud computing service models will be described.
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Devine, Karen. "Neutrality and the development of the European Union’s common security and defence policy." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 334–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416958.
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This article examines the content of concepts of neutrality articulated in elite and public discourses in the context of the development of the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). In parallel with security and defence policy developments in successive EU treaties, many argue that the meaning of neutrality has been re-conceptualized by elites in EU ‘neutral’ member states (specifically, Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden) to the point of irrelevance and inevitable demise. Others argue that the concept of ‘military’ neutrality, as it is termed by elites in Ireland, or ‘military non-alignment’, as it is termed by elites in Austria, Sweden and Finland, meaning non-membership of military alliances, is compatible with the CSDP in the Lisbon Treaty. An investigation of these paradoxical discursive claims as to the status of neutrality yields findings of a divergence in public ‘active’ and elite ‘military’ concepts of neutrality that embodies competing foreign policy agendas. These competing, value-laden, concepts reflect tensions between, on the one hand, the cultural influences of a domestic constituency holding strong national identities and role-conceptions informed by a postcolonial or anti-imperialist legacy and, on the other hand, elite socialization influences of ‘global actor’ and common defence-supported identity ambitions encountered at the EU level that can induce discursively subtle yet materially significant shifts in neutral state foreign policy. The article concludes with an analysis of the compatibility of both ‘military’ neutrality and the ‘active’ concept of neutrality with the CSDP in the Lisbon Treaty and draws conclusions on the future role of neutrality both inside and outside the EU framework.
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Gatev, Ivaylo. "Border Security in the Eastern Neighbourhood: Where Bio-politics and Geopolitics Meet." European Foreign Affairs Review 13, Issue 1 (February 1, 2008): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2008005.
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Abstract. This article takes a close look at the Justice and Home Affairs-related activities conducted under the European Neighbourhood Policy in the Ukrainian–Russian borderland. It argues that European Union initiatives directed at the management of Ukraine?s eastern border with Russia are driven by two related strategic objectives: 1) to confer greater visibility on the social and economic transactions taking place in the Ukrainian–Russian borderland, and 2) to alter the border regime, and by implication the border politics, between Ukraine and Russia in order to make it more compatible with EU interests in the eastern neighbourhood. In this context, the growing informationalization of the border by means of databanks, liaison officers and the involvement of private/quasi-public agencies is discussed, as is the conveying of EU norms, standards and best practices through legislative and technical approximation. By considering the strategic implications of EU involvement in the policing of the Ukrainian–Russian borderland, the article entertains the possibility that the ‘immigration diplomacy’ practised by the EU in the eastern neighbourhood can be made to serve more traditional foreign policy ends.
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Akimova, Lyudmila Nikolayevna. "ROLE AND PLACE OF ECONOMIC SECURITY IN THE SYSTEM OF STATE REGULATION PROVIDING FOR NATIONAL SECURITY OF UKRAINE." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 12 (February 14, 2018): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i12.75.
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The essence of such concepts as “national security”, “economic security” is disclosed; the components of the national and economic security of Ukraine are defined; mechanisms of public administration economic security; the main indicators of economic security are described; detected threats that affect economic security; Recommendations are developed to improve the effectiveness of implemented measures to minimize existing threats. It is determined that at present state administration of the subjects of ensuring national security taking into account real and potential threats should be directed to the improvement of the organizational structure of the management of the subjects of ensuring national security, namely: clarification of the functions of ministries and other central executive bodies, elimination of surplus administrative units, simplification and relatively cheaper control of the management apparatus, taking into account the assessment of the impact of information networks on the management of entities with bezpechennya national security in a single information space. Having considered the components of national security, it was concluded that the most important in the overall system of national security is economic security, since it is the material basis of national sovereignty, which determines the real possibilities for securing other types of security. It is noted that the main content of economic reforms in Ukraine is the creation of conditions for overcoming poverty and excessive property stratification in society, bringing social standards closer to the level of the states of Central and Eastern Europe — the EU member states, achieving the economic criteria necessary for Ukraine to become a member of the EU. According to the adopted “Strategy of National Security of Ukraine”, the main condition for a new quality of economic growth is the provision of economic security.