Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'EU public security'

The purpose of this study is to describe how the EU relates to its territorial enclaves, Ceuta and Melilla located within Morocco. As this study is based on the theoretical foundations of the Copenhagen School it has focused on how the EU relates to its enclaves in terms of security. More specifically its aim was to uncover if a securitization of the enclaves had been initiated by the EU, the nature of the process and whether the securitization has been successful. The area of threat was recognized as immigration or specifically illegal immigration through the enclaves. The study was conducted using a qualitative text analysis, the Anglo-Saxon direction of discourse analysis found in the writings of Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau. The material consisted of EU official documents relating to the enclaves. The discourse analysis was conducted by the deconstruction of the discourse using concepts like nodal points, floating signifiers and the search for temporary closure of discourse. The analysis uncovered the securitizing move, the referent object and an audience acceptance of the threat. This has led to the legitimization of unconventional measures and the realization of the securitization of the enclaves.

Since nearly two decades threats to public security through events such as 9/11, the Madrid (2004) and London (2005) bombings and more recently the Paris attacks (2015) resulted in the adoption of a plethora of national and EU measures aiming at fighting terrorism and serious crime. In addition, the Snowden revelations brought the privacy and data protection implications of these public security measures into the spotlight. In this highly contentious context, three EU data retention and access measures have been introduced for the purpose of fighting serious crime and terrorism: The Data Retention Directive (DRD), the EU-US PNR Agreement and the EU-US SWIFT Agreement. All three regimes went through several revisions (SWIFT, PNR) or have been annulled (DRD) exemplifying the difficulty of determining how privacy and data protection ought to be protected in the context of public security. The trigger for this research is to understand the underlying causes of these difficulties by examining the problem from different angles. The thesis applies the theory of 'New Institutionalism' (NI) which allows both a political and legal analysis of privacy and data protection in the public security context. According to NI, 'institutions' are defined as the operational framework in which actors interact and they steer the behaviours of the latter in the policy-making cycle. By focusing on the three data retention and access regimes, the aim of this thesis is to examine how the EU 'institutional framework' shapes data protection and privacy in regard to data retention and access measures in the public security context. Answering this research question the thesis puts forward three main hypotheses: (i) privacy and data protection in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) is an institutional framework in transition where historic and new features determine how Articles 7 and 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFREU) are shaped; (ii) policy outcomes on Articles 7 and 8 CFREU are influenced by actors' strategic preferences pursued in the legislation-making process; and (iii) privacy and data protection are framed by the evolution of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) from a 'legal basis arbiter' to a political actor in its own right as a result of the constitutional changes brought by the Lisbon Treaty.

The purpose of this research project is to analyse the opportunities and challenges that the foreign and security policy research institutes face in transnational cooperation across wider Europe. By specifically examining the capacities of non- and quasi-governmental actors to operate and cooperate at transnational level, the research informs the choices presented by the ongoing restructuring of the foreign and security policy sphere. The increasing deterritorialisation of foreign and security policy issues calls for transnational or multinational approaches to resolve them. As nation states fall short of the appropriate capacities, it is of interest to investigate how non- and quasi-governmental actors can contribute to transnational interaction. Therefore, their tools and capacities to operate and cooperate in the transnational sphere need to be established in the first place. In this context a broader geographical focus is chosen in order to study a more differentiated situation, instead of the already relatively integrated case of the European Union. The thesis first studies cooperation among research institutes in broader terms under consideration of their socio-political environment. It outlines differences in their organic development dependent on the geographic affiliation of the institutes, and identifies their tools as well as several defining characteristics. This is followed by an analysis of the fieldwork, discussing processes, opportunities and challenges in transnational cooperation as perceived by staff in research institutes. Subsequently, the thesis takes a more detailed look at applied cooperation among research institutes. Here it traces patterns and formats of interaction, and then delves into a case study on project- based cooperation that provides functional insights regarding research institutes cooperation across borders. In studying cooperation among research institutes from various perspectives, the research enables to investigate the integration among the different narratives. The study integrates a range of issues and concepts in an original manner, therefore it contributes to several significant debates. On the face of it, the thesis adds to the identification of a role for non- and quasi-governmental actors in an increasingly deterritorialised foreign and security policy sphere, using the example of research institutes. To address this aspect, the study considers both the broader implications of socio-political and economic interrelations for cooperation, as well as the detailed functional level of interaction. Moreover, based on the choice of geographical focus, the research project contributes to the literature on EU-Russia relations. Herein it adds to the extant literature by offering a perspective which acknowledges the implications of high politics but emphasises the role of non- and quasi-governmental actors. Beyond that, the thesis contributes to the theoretical debate on foreign and security policy in choosing a non-traditional approach to examine a non-traditional issue. Post-structuralism serves to facilitate a critical review of the construction of cooperation among Russian and EU-based public policy research institutes.

The aim of this essayis to show how the issues of asylum and immigration have been formulated as security issues in EU policy by applying a discursive approach to policy analysis and securitization, analyzing selected policy texts produced by the European Commission and the Council for Justice and Home Affairs from 1999 to 2006. The positioning of these issues in the policy domain of 'Freedom, Security and Justice' has facilitated a linkage between these issues and issues like terrorism and organised crime and has enabled a formulation of asylum and immigration according to a logic of securitization. The analysis of policy texts aims at investigating how linkages between issues are represented, how these linkages shape issues, and how the policy, in formulating threats and responses, also represent the EU in very specific ways. Policy from this perspective is not the rational answer to an unambigous reality but rather, highly implicated in its production. An important part of this analysis is drawing out the implications of the policy, in terms of further policy development, as well as how the policy implicates particular ways of dealing with those represented as for instance 'illegal immigrants' or 'illegitimate asylum seekers'.

This study is conducted with the purpose to unfold hidden sides of the EU – Russian energy cooperation and to shed a light on possible reasons for existing problems that have rarely been voiced before. This study provides an alternative view on the role of the Baltic Sea region in the overall EU – Russian energy dialogue and its current situation. In this research the historical observation of the energy interdependence regime development is examined and the crucial turning points in the energy interdependence like the EU enlargement 2004, the gas cut offs 2006 and 2009, and crises 2014 are reconsidered. The energy security policies of the EU and Russia are analyzed by adopting the realist approach and applied to the case of the Baltic Sea region. Furthermore, based on the regional complex security theory and interdependence theory, the way how interstate gas relations in the Baltic Sea region affect the EU – Russian interdependence is discussed.

In this thesis, I explore if Latvia has experienced, during the last ten years, a change in identity and threat perception that could allow for the building of a “cooperative security community” in Northern Europe. Recent constructivist researches contend that such change is in progress in neighboring Estonia. This research, performed through a discourse analysis of political elite’s speeches, reveals the presence – explained by the concept of interim inconsequentiality - of two opposite identity/security discourses. I link the first, inclusive, discourse to Latvia’s Western socialization, but not to a change in identity, as I contend that both threat images and identity have been instrumentalized for the sake of the accession strategy. As for the second, exclusionary, discourse that shows a persistent distrust of both Russia and the ethnic Russian minorities, and is the more prevalent in terms of political behavior, I link it to Latvia’s identity as a small ethnic nation vulnerable to external pressures - an identity strengthened during the period by Russia’s behavior. I verify this thesis by exposing the exclusionary discourse’s salience on the EU integration issue. I conclude that the period of reference, far from resolving the security dilemma, has, on the contrary, reinforced it.

The Swedish security policy has changed from stressing neutrality to embrace co-operation within the EU and other organisations. New threats like terrorism, boarder-crossing criminality and natural disasters require new ways to deal with this type of problems to protect the society. Since the beginning of 21st century the high Russian economic growth has made it possible for the country to play an increasingly role as a superpower on the international political stage. In the same time the democratic development has been replaced by an autocratic rule which has obstructed the Russian- European relations. From a Swedish security policy view the Russian political development is of importance and the picture of Russian as a threat has changed from 1996 to 2008/09. 1996 there were an optimistic view of Russia and that it finally could integrate with the rest of Europe but in 2008/09 this as changed. Today Russian politics strive not to democracy and integration but to the role as a superpower and to gain influence in it’s near abroad.

This essay analyses how Swedish authorities implement the EU regulations on the application of social security schemes and, more specifically, when it comes to health care and sickness benefits. The research is based on a survey and several interviews and aims to answer how the lower echelons of the hierarchy work towards the implementation, what are their working conditions and how the authorities evaluate and optimize the implementation process.

The general conclusion of the study is that there are several flaws in the implementation process. The results have shown that there is a lack of resources as well as of tutoring and education amongst the actors. The complexity of the regulations does also seem to have influenced the process. Finally the results have shown that the public instances do not proceed to a systematic evaluation of the implementation process which has led to a bad communication between the different actors as well as to difficulties in improving the flaws in the implementation process.

“The Protection of the European Strategic Sectors”. The kind of protection that is at the heart of this doctoral thesis is the defence of the strategic companies established in the European Union (EU) from takeovers by foreign investors, that is to say investors from countries which are not part of the European Economic Area. This work aims, on the one hand, at outlining the main features of a screening mechanism of foreign investments at the EU level and, on the other, at identifying the proper legal basis in the EU Treaties for its establishment. Chapter 1 contains a non-exhaustive list of the European strategic sectors which consist in all the economic sectors in which the EU or its Member States have adopted rules to limit foreign investors’ right to acquire participations in strategic companies for reasons of public security. Indeed, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) used the expression “strategic sectors” in relation to undertakings whose activities are deeply linked to the protection of public security. The EU notion of public security contains both internal and external security, but also the production of goods and the supply of services which are essential for the very existence of a country. Chapter 2 provides a comparative study of the present situation of strategic enterprises’ protection in three EU Member States (Germany, Italy and France). It shows that a fragmented landscape of foreign investment control rules adopted by national authorities represents both a constraint to an efficient internal market of capital movements, and a limit to an effective protection of the European strategic sectors. By contrast, an EU foreign investment control mechanism could lead to a less fragmented system of strategic companies’ protection, which would be able to encourage foreign investments. At the same time, a single EU body of foreign investment control should be more efficient in order to protect EU public security. Moreover, unlike Member States measures such as “golden shares”, this mechanism could enjoy a greater degree of compatibility with the fundamental freedoms of the Treaties. In effect, the CJEU recognises a “presumption of conformity” with the freedoms of movement to the EU secondary legislation which pursues objectives of general interest like the protection of public security. Chapter 3 analyses the most significant experience of foreign investment control at the global level, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, in order to understand if it could be a suitable model for the establishment of a similar body in the EU, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the EU (CFIEU). Once outlined the key aspects of the CFIEU, chapter 3 focuses on the search of the most proper legal basis in the EU Treaties for its establishment. The study tries to demonstrate that Article 207(2) TFEU on unilateral measures of Common Commercial Policy (CCP) could be the right legal basis for the creation of the CFIEU. Indeed, after the Lisbon Treaty, the CCP has become an exclusive competence of the EU which also encompasses the admission and the treatment of foreign direct investments. In conclusion, chapter 3 tries to figure out the implications of the establishment of the CFIEU both on Member States competences (especially their exclusive competence on national security by virtue of Article 4 TEU), and on the international obligations undertaken by the EU towards third countries, with particular reference to the World Trade Organisation rules and international investment law.

Den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i Norden var under kalla kriget låst i kampen mellan öst och väst. Detta innebar att respektive lands möjligheter att fritt välja säkerhetsstrategi var begränsad. Först efter slutet på kalla kriget öppnade sig denna möjlighet och länderna kunde även se sig om efter nya samarbeten och partners. Nya säkerhetsstrategier utarbetas i Sverige och Norge där det internationella åtagandet stärks och nya samarbeten utvecklas med bland annat det nordiska försvarssamarbetet. När Ryssland i och med sitt agerande i Georgien och Ukraina återigen börjar utgöra ett potentiellt hot börjar det territoriella försvaret hamna i fokus igen. Den nya säkerhetspolitiska situationen leder till ett militärt samarbete mellan Sverige och Finland som bland annat involverar försvarsplanering för skyddandet av det andra landets territorium. Men ett sådant samarbete uppstår inte mellan Sverige och Norge. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och beskriva likheter och skillnader i svensk- och norsk säkerhetsstrategi sedan förändringen i omvärldsläget 2008 och vidare beskriva eventuella möjligheter för utvidgade försvars- och militära samarbeten mellan Sverige och Norge, liknande det som finns mellan Sverige och Finland. Studien använder sig av kvalitativ textanalys applicerat på norska och svenska försvarsbeslut, propositioner eller underlag inför dessa. För att kunna svara på studiens syfte och frågeställningar används två olika teorier, en per frågeställning, som appliceras på textanalysens resultat. Studiens viktigaste resultat består i att de slående likheterna mellan svensk och norsk säkerhetsstrategi beror på den gemensamma strategiska miljö som länderna befinner sig i samt att hoten i den förändrade omvärlden tolkas likvärdigt. De största likheterna mellan de två ländernas utformade säkerhetsstrategier finns i de säkerhetspolitiska målen samt de tillgången till nationella medel och resurser. Den största skillnaden mellan länderna rör vald metod att genomföra sin strategi på, där Norge för en tydlig allianspolitik och bygger sitt nationella försvar kring Nato medan Sverige väljer att stå militärt alliansfritt och samarbeta genom bilaterala avtal. Denna skillnad är också den faktor som starkast negativt påverkar förutsättningarna för ett mer utvecklat militärt samarbete länderna emellan. Utöver frågan kring Nato finns det goda möjligheter för vidare militära samarbeten främst genom gemensamma förband för internationella operationer.
During the Cold War, the security situation in the Nordic countries was fixed in the battle between the East and the West. This meant that each country's ability to freely choose a security strategy was limited. Only after the end of the Cold War did this opportunity emerge and the countries could look for new partnerships. New security strategies were developed in Sweden and Norway, where the international commitment was strengthened and new collaborations were being developed, for example the Nordic defence cooperation. When Russia begun to pose a potential threat with its actions in Georgia and Ukraine, territorial defence rose in priority. The new security situation leads to enhanced military cooperation between Sweden and Finland, which involves, among other things, military planning for the protection of the other country's territory. But no such cooperation develops between Sweden and Norway. The purpose of this study is to investigate and define similarities and differences in the Swedish and Norwegian security strategies since the change in the external situation in 2008 and further describe possible opportunities for enhanced defence and military cooperations between Sweden and Norway, similar to the ones existing between Sweden and Finland. The study uses a qualitative text analysis applied to Norwegian and Swedish defence decisions, acts or reports. To be able to answer the study's purpose and questions, two different theories are being used, one per each question, which is applied to the results of the text analysis. The most significant result of this study is that the most prominent similarities in Swedish and Norwegian security strategies are results of a shared view of the strategic environment and new threats from changes in the external situation is interpreted likewise in both nations. The most notable similarities are found in the stated strategic ends for each country’s security strategy and the national means in assets and capabilities they both possess. The biggest difference between the two are in which ways they operate in the strategic environment, where Norway has chosen NATO as the foundation of their national defence and Sweden stands as non-allied military state depending on bilateral agreements for cooperation. This difference is also the most vital factor negatively effecting the possibilities for enhanced military cooperation between the two countries. Apart from the issue surrounding NATO there are relatively good possibilities for further military cooperation, primarily thru joint military units for international operations.

Since the late 1980s, efforts made by the international community to deal with the complex and global problem of money laundering have stimulated the creation and definition of the so-called 'international crime of money laundering', which is included in various United Nations and Council of Europe international treaties, as well as European Union Directives. The Central purpose of this thesis is to investigate if the main goal of effectiveness in the adaptation of the international crime of money laundering at the domestic level, might undermine other values that international law is seeking to protect, namely the guarantee of due process and the adequate protection of human rights principles. Then, if the adoption of any element of the crime shows to be inconsistent with civil rights and guarantees, to propose how deficiencies could be remedied.

Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.

Imagine a world where someone’s personal information is constantly compromised, where federal government entities AKA Big Brother always knows what anyone is Googling, who an individual is texting, and their emoticons on Twitter. Government entities have been doing this for years; they never cared if they were breaking the law or their moral compass of human dignity. Every day the Federal government blatantly siphons data with programs from the original ECHELON to the new series like PRISM and Xkeyscore so they can keep their tabs on issues that are none of their business; namely, the personal lives of millions. Our allies are taking note; some are learning our bad habits, from Government Communications Headquarters’ (GCHQ) mass shadowing sharing plan to America’s Russian inspiration, SORM. Some countries are following the United States’ poster child pose of a Brave New World like order of global events. Others like Germany are showing their resolve in their disdain for the rise of tyranny. Soon, these new found surveillance troubles will test the resolve of the American Constitution and its nation’s strong love and tradition of liberty. Courts are currently at work to resolve how current concepts of liberty and privacy apply to the current conditions facing the privacy of society. It remains to be determined how liberty will be affected as well; liberty for the United States of America, for the European Union, the Russian Federation and for the people of the World in regards to the extent of privacy in today’s blurred privacy expectations.
B.S.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Legal Studies

Praca niniejsza ma na celu: 1. Ustalenie badawcze podobieństw i różnic pomiędzy systemami zabezpieczenia społecznego obowiązującymi powszechnie oraz obejmującymi pracowników administracji publicznej w wybranych państwach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej (są to: Zjednoczone Królestwo, Niemcy i Francja, jako trzy największe i najwyżej rozwinięte spośród nich; Belgia, na terytorium której ma siedzibę większość instytucji UE; Polska, gdzie niniejsza praca w zasadniczym stopniu powstała). 2. Przedstawienie aktualnego stanu ubezpieczeń społecznych pracowników administracji publicznej w wybranych państwach członkowskich UE i odniesienie do nich ubezpieczenia społecznego pracowników instytucji Unii Europejskiej (Parlamentu Europejskiego, Rady Europejskiej, Rady UE, Komisji Europejskiej, Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej, Europejskiego Banku Centralnego, Trybunału Obrachunkowego) poprzez analizę ewolucji rozwiązań prawnych w omawianym zakresie. Praca koncentruje się wokół podstawowej hipotezy, że ubezpieczenie społeczne pracowników instytucji Unii Europejskiej jest, prawnie rzecz biorąc, podobne systemom istniejącym w państwach członkowskich UE, z których wyrasta. Dotyczy to w szczególności systemów państw założycielskich byłej Europejskiej Wspólnoty Gospodarczej, wśród których znalazły się trzy spośród państw wybranych na potrzeby niniejszej pracy: Niemcy, Francja i Belgia. Pracownicy instytucji Unii Europejskiej są (co pozostaje odbiciem regulacji „państw założycieli”) objęci odrębnym systemem ubezpieczenia zdrowotnego - Joint Sickness Insurance Scheme / Régime Commun d’Assurance Maladie (JSIS/RCAM) - a także zabezpieczeniem (funduszem) emerytalnym, zaś w niektórych przypadkach ubezpieczeniem od bezrobocia. Fakt ten pozostaje w związku z posiadaniem przez UE własnego prawa urzędniczego, wykształconego na bazie rozwiązań przeniesionych z poziomu państw członkowskich. Dokonanie w pracy szczegółowej analizy omawianych systemów ubezpieczeń społecznych pozwala na ustosunkowanie się do stawianych w niej hipotez odnoszących się do omawianego systemu na tle dogmatycznym i porównawczym. Już na wstępie pozwala ono również na weryfikację twierdzenia, że koordynacja systemów zabezpieczenia społecznego w Unii Europejskiej stanowi trafny punkt wyjścia analizy systemu zabezpieczenia społecznego pracowników instytucji UE, a zarazem kluczowy element spajający tę analizę w jedną całość. W szczególności dokonane w pracy omówienie orzecznictwa powstałego w procesie stosowania JSIS/RCAM oraz funduszu emerytalnego pozwala bowiem dostrzec, że system ten de facto podlega procesowi koordynacji systemów zabezpieczenia społecznego w Unii Europejskiej. Wydaje się, że uznanie trafności wyjściowej hipotezy o materialnoprawnym podobieństwie systemu ubezpieczeń społecznych pracowników Unii Europejskiej do systemów obowiązujących w państwach członkowskich UE trzeba opatrzyć dodatkowym wskazaniem. Otóż podobieństwo to jest szczególnie wyraźne w odniesieniu do systemu francuskiego (przejęcie samej koncepcji odrębnego systemu obejmującego pracowników administracji, świadczenia z ubezpieczenia zdrowotnego w formie proporcjonalnego pokrycia kosztów) oraz belgijskiego (sposób organizacji administracji systemu). Należałoby zarazem wskazać względną „nieobecność” wpływów niemieckich (por. jednak odrębne rozwiązania w zakresie ubezpieczenia zdrowotnego oraz kwestię wieku emerytalnego). W tym miejscu - w szczególności na tle uregulowań w zakresie emerytur - trzeba jednak również podkreślić „bismarckowski” charakter samych podstaw omawianych rozwiązań.
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The thesis in question serves the following objectives: 1. To scholarly assess similarities and differences existing between social security systems applying both in general as well as specifically to the public servants in a selected group of Member States of the European Union. This group consists of: three biggest and most developed EU Member States, i.e. the United Kingdom, Germany and France; Belgium, which hosts the greatest number of EU institutions; Poland, where the thesis has been conceived. 2. To present the current state of affairs of social security for public servants in the selected EU Member States, as compared to social security for servants of the European Union, present in the European Parliament, European Council, EU Council, European Commission, Court of Justice of the European Union, European Central Bank and the Court of Auditors, through an analysis of the evolution of legal solutions applying therein. The thesis focuses on its central hypothesis, concerning the perceived material similarity of the EU system to these of its Member States. This refers in particular to the systems of the founding members of the former European Economic Community, which includes the aforementioned examples of Germany, France and Belgium. Officials and other servants of the European Union are (this stems from an exceptional solution in France as well as separate pension systems in Germany and Belgium) covered by a separate, Joint Sickness Insurance Scheme (JSIS) as well as a pension scheme and (in some cases) unemployment insurance scheme. This is connected to the fact that its own law applicable to its public servants exists at the UE level, being a result of application of solutions transferred from the Member State level. An analysis undertaken in the thesis of various social security systems allows for verification of certain hypotheses put forward therein. To commence with, however, it shows how JSIS and the pension fund in particular, form - in practice, through the European Court of Justice jurisprudence - a part of the EU social insurance systems co-ordination process, which formally applies only to the systems of each of the EU Member States. It would seem, that the departure-point hypothesis, concerning the perceived material similarity of the EU system to these of its Member States, would be generally positively verified. This has, however, to be qualified with a statement, that the similarity in question is particularly clear (as it has been repeatedly pointed out as far as both general rules and specific examples were concerned) in reference to some of these systems. These are the French (due to reception of the very idea of establishment of a separate system for civil servants, as well as to application of particular solutions taken over therefrom, e.g. of benefits taking the form of proportional coverage of costs) and Belgian - due to the very fact of establishment of many of the European Union institutions in this country, with the very practical necessity of precise alignment of both systems (esp. given that healthcare organisation has largely been left out of the EU system). The above has been concluded, while bearing in mind also the relative absence of German influence, except for its very general, though evidently “Bismarckian” founding principles

The thesis called "Reasons for restricting of the free movement of services" is focused on one of the fundamental freedoms of internal market, free movement of services, both in terms of theory and especially from the perspective of The Court of Justice of the European Union. In five chapters of the thesis is analysed the general characteristics of the free movement of services, the relationship to the other freedoms of the internal market and the legal basis of this freedom in the primary and secondary legislation of the European Union. First chapter is focused on historical development of the internal market of European Union and on principles on which internal market operates. Second chapter of this thesis defines the term "services" and examine the relationship to the other freedoms of the internal market as well as the legal basis of the free movement of services in the primary and secondary legislation of the European Union. Third chapter of the thesis is focused on the restrictions of the free movement of services, direct and indirect discrimination, non- discriminatory restrictions and also on the harmonization of standards. Forth chapter examine legitimate restriction of the free movement of services both in the primary and secondary legislation of the European Union. Purpose of the last...