Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethnohistory'

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1

Loiselle, Monique. "L'Anse-aux-Moyacs en Minganie de l'ouest, à la recherche de l'étranger-familier /." Thèse, Chicoutimi : Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 1996. http://theses.uqac.ca.

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Thèse (M.E.S.R.).
En tête du titre: Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, mémoire présenté à l'Université du Québec à Chicoutimi comme exigence partielle de la maîtrise en études régionales. CaQCU Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU
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2

Pratap, Ajay. "Paharia ethnohistory and the archaeology of the Rajmahal Hills." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272268.

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3

Ives, Timothy Howlett. "Wangunk Ethnohistory: A Case Study of a Connecticut River Indian Community." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626299.

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4

Beniza, Ghali. "La mística : entre mobilisation sociale et théâtre-rituel." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEP024/document.

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Cette thèse porte sur une performance kinésique, énonciative et ritualisée qui se nomme la mística, j’en étudie certaines formes observées dans la région de Rio de Janeiro, au Brésil. Qu'est-ce que la mística ? Cette question, à laquelle ce travail se propose de répondre à partir d'une ethnographie minutieuse de cette performance, mérite d'être posée. Car en effet il n'existe pas de forme stable de cette performance ritualisée, celle-ci reste très largement tributaire du contexte lié à sa réalisation. Ainsi la mística ouvre un espace utopique et politique, au moment de son accomplissement, constitué par des gestes, des paroles, des corps et des objets afin de former des collectifs plus ou moins pérennes dans le temps. Car l'une des spécificités de cette performance est d'être mise en œuvre par des mouvements dont les dimensions religieuses et politiques sont étroitement intriquées. L'objet de ma thèse est donc double, d'une part documenter de manière inédite cette pratique, d'autre part d'observer ce qui s'actualise à travers elle. Puisqu'en effet malgré que cette performance se présente comme apparentée à la religion catholique, il s'actualise à travers son accomplissement des schémas de pensée et d'action propres aux cultures amérindiennes. Ce constat m’a permis de bâtir des hypothèses à partir de l'implantation hétérogène de la religion catholique en cette région du monde
This thesis describes and analyses the ritualized, kinesic and enunciative performance called mística, based its forms observed in the region of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. What is the mística? This question, which the present work attempts to answer by means of a detailed ethnography of this performance, deserves to be raised, for its form is not stable but is largely determined by the context in which it takes place. The carrying out of a mística opens a utopian, political space constituted by gestures, words, bodies and objects, so as to give rise to more or less enduring collectives. One of the specificities of this performance is that it is implemented by movements whose religious and political dimensions are intertwined. The object of this thesis is two-fold: provide an unprecedented documentation of this practice, on the one hand, and identify that which its performance enacts. Indeed, although this practice presents itself as linked to Catholicism, its performance enacts modes of thought and action that belong to Amerindian cultures. This assessment allows for hypotheses based on the heterogeneous implantation of Catholicism in this part of the world
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5

Ferrié, Francis. "Renaissance of the lost Leco : ethnohistory of the Bolivian foothills from Apolobamba to Larecaja." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4867.

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The Leco from North of La Paz were considered to have disappeared by the end of the 20th century; however in 1997, two groups of Leco re-emerged independently from each other, one in Larecaja and one in Apolo. In the former the claim was less violent than in the latter, where Quechua peasants share language, culture and kinship, and refuse to recognize the land rights and the identity of their “Indigenous Leco” neighbours. The thesis aims to understand ethnohistorically both resurgences, and tries to go beyond essentialism to understand the heterogeneous melting pot from where the Apoleños come. Apolobamba, because it connects highlands and lowlands, received Andean influences (puquina, aymara and quechua) early on. Its inhabitants, the Chuncho of the Incas then the Spaniards, show hybrid ethnolinguistic and socio-cultural features. The ethnic diversity was reduced in the 18th century Franciscan Missions, where the ethnolinguistic border between an Andean South and the “savages” of the North was drawn at the Tuichi river. The liberal Republican period, with the construction of a national identity, once again shrank regional diversity and increased “Andeanization”. Apolistas and then Apoleños emerged from these interethnic mixes defined more geographically than ethnically. The Leco revival happens in an auspicious national and international context, but the Leco language was still spoken two or three generations ago on the Mapiri's banks. It raises the question of social transformation and continuity: are we dealing with a case of acculturation, ethnogenesis, camouflage or resistance?
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6

Ferrié, Francis. "Renaissance des Leco perdus : ethnohistoire du piémont bolivien d’Apolobamba à Larecaja." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100012.

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Les Leco du nord de La Paz étaient considérés disparus à la fin du XXe siècle, pourtant en 1997, deux groupes resurgissent séparément pour compter au total 9006 Leco en 2013.Si la résurgence ne fut pas conflictuelle à Guanay où se parlait une langue leca il y a 50 ans, elle fut violente à Apolo, où les Leco partagent langue, culture et parenté avec les paysans quechua voisins qui contestent à la fois leur droit à un territoire et leur condition de « vrais » Indiens.Afin de dépasser les essentialismes, la thèse tente de comprendre ces résurgences à partir de l’étude ethnohistorique de la région et de saisir les brassages hétéroclites d’où sont issus les Apoleños (indigènes Leco et paysans).Véritable nœud entre hautes et basses terres, Apolobamba a reçu très tôt des apports andins (puquina, aymara et quechua). Ses habitants, les Chuncho des Incas puis des Espagnols, présentent tous des traits linguistiques et socioculturels hybrides. La diversité ethnique se réduit dans les missions franciscaines du XVIIIe siècle, instaurant la frontière ethnolinguistique du Tuichi entre un sud plus andin et les « sauvages » du nord. Le libéralisme de la période républicaine et la construction identitaire nationale amenuisent encore la diversité régionale et accélèrent l’« andinisation ». De ces brassages émergent les Apolistas puis les Apoleños ; des identités toponymiques plus qu’ethniques. La renaissance des Leco s’inscrit dans un panorama national et international favorable, mais une langue leco se parlait encore il y a deux à trois générations sur les bords du Mapiri. Se pose le problème des transformations des sociétés et de leur continuité : métissages, acculturation, ou bien ethnogenèse, camouflage et résistance ?
The Leco from North of La Paz were considered to have disappeared by the end of the XXth century ; however in 1997, two groups of Leco re-emerged independently from each other, one in Larecaja and one in Apolo. In the former the claim was less violent than in the latter, where Quechua peasants share language, culture and kinship, and refuse to recognize the land rights and the identity of their “Indigenous Leco” neighbours.The thesis aims to understand ethnohistorically both resurgences, and tries to go beyond essentialism to understand the heterogeneous melting pot from where the Apoleños come.Apolobamba, because it connects highlands and lowlands, received Andean influences (puquina, aymara and quechua) early on. Its inhabitants, the Chuncho of the Incas then the Spaniards, show hybrid ethnolinguistic and socio-cultural features. The ethnic diversity was being reduced in the 18th century Franciscan Missions, where the ethnolinguistic border between an Andean South and the “savages” of the North was drawn at the Tuichi river. The liberal Republican period, with the construction of a national identity, once again shrunk regional diversity and increased “andeanization”. Apolistas and then Apoleños emerged from these interethnic mixes defined more geographically than ethnically.The Leco revival happens in an auspicious national and international context, but the Leco language was still spoken two or three generations ago on the Mapiri’s banks. It raises the question of social transformation and continuity: are we dealing with a case of acculturation, ethnogenesis, camouflage or resistance?
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7

Grissino-Mayer, Henri D., Harry C. Blount, and Alison C. Miller. "Tree-Ring Dating and the Ethnohistory of the Naval Stores Industry in Southern Georgia." Tree-Ring Society, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/262554.

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Since the mid-1700s, slash (Pinus elliottii Engelm.) and longleaf (Pinus palustris Mill.) pines growing in the coastal plain region of the southeastern United States were intentionally wounded ("boxed" and/or "chipped ") to induce the production of resin, which was then collected and distilled into turpentine and its derivatives (termed "gum naval stores "). Relicts from this once-dominant industry are seen throughout southern pine forests as boxed and chipped stumps or (rarely) still living trees. In this study, we dated the years of chipping on slash pines growing in two locations in Lowndes County, Georgia, to (1) better understand past forest land use patterns, and (2) raise public awareness of the ethnohistorical importance of these trees to the cultural heritage of southern Georgia. We collected cores from ten living trees with characteristic chipped surfaces ("catfaces ") from Taylor-Cowart Memorial Park (TCMP) in Valdosta, Georgia, and cross sections from ten chipped stumps in the area surrounding Lake Louise, 12 km south of Valdosta. We conclude that chipping at TCMP occurred in 1947-1948, while two chipping events occurred at Lake Louise around 1925 and between 1954-1956. Our dating was facilitated by observing periods of growth suppression, distorted and /or discolored rings, and the absence of some growth rings that may indicate possible chipping events. We recommend that these chipped stumps and living trees be preserved intact for their ethnohistorical significance, educational importance, and potential for future research.
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8

Williams, Randy Hugh. "Ethnohistory of a fur trade community life at Fort Clark fur trade post, 1830-1860 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9924943.

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9

Descantes, Christophe. "Integrating archaeology and ethnohistory : the development of exchange between Yap and Ulithi, Western Caroline Islands /." Oxford : Archeopress, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39976192t.

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10

Stoffle, Richard W., John Olmsted, and Michael Evans. "Literature Review and Ethnohistory of Native American Occupancy and Use of the Yucca Mountain Area." Science Applications International Corporation, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/271455.

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This report presents a review of the literature concerning Native American occupancy and use of the Yucca Mountain area and vicinity. It draws on a wide range of material, including early traveler reports, government documents, ethnographic and historical works, and local newspapers. The report complements two other concurrent studies, one focused on the cultural resources of Native American people in the study area and the other an ethnobotanical study of plant resources used by Native American people in the study area. Both concurrent studies are based on interviews with Native American people. The literature review was designed to contribute to the understanding of the presence of Native American people in the Yucca Mountain area. A review of the existing literature about the Yucca Mountain area and southern Nye County, supplemented by the broader literature about the Great Basin, has verified three aspects of the study design. First, the review has aided in assessing the completeness of the list of Native American ethnic groups that have traditional or historical ties to the site. Second, it has aided in the production of a chronology of Native American activities that occurred on or near the site during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Third, it has helped to identify the location of cultural resources, including burials and other archaeological sites, in the study area and vicinity.
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11

Huber, Toni. "What is a mountain? : an ethnohistory of representation and ritual at Pure Crystal Mountain in Tibet." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Religious Studies, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5871.

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This dissertation records and analyses the Tibetan cultural discourses and social practices relating to the Himalayan peak called Dag-pa Shel-ri, or 'Pure Crystal Mountain'. The mountain and its environs constitute the borderland district of Tsa-ri in South-eastern Tibet. The area has long been of ritual importance to Tibetan-speaking peoples as a site of local mountain deity worship. Tantric practice and popular pilgrimages. This work gives the first comprehensive Western account of pre-1959 Tibetan life at Tsa-ri using an ethnohistorical method which makes extensive use of Tibetan oral and written sources. Chapter one discusses theoretical and methodological issues concerning this research in particular, and the study of Tibetan pilgrimage rituals in general. It concludes that closer attention needs to be paid to emic categories of place, person and substance in research on certain types of Tibetan practices and beliefs. Chapter two surveys the main Tibetan representational systems which contextualize Pure Crystal Mountain cosmologically and geographically, and which are used in the definition and ordering of space and place at the site. Chapter three contains translations of oral and written 'narrative map' texts. These are discussed in terms of how Tibetans construct their historical consciousness of the area and interpret and navigate its landscape. Chapter four introduces the mountain as a historically important site for Tibetan Tantra and gives an account of Tantric Buddhist ritual life there in the 1950s. Chapter five describes three popular annual pilgrimages which took place on the upper slopes of the mountain during the 1950s. Chapter six gives a detailed account of the large, twelve-yearly Tsa-ri rong-skor procession and the associated klo-rdzong ceremony based on Tibetan reports of the last two stagings of these events in 1944 and 1956. Chapter seven analyses the historical origins and cultural and social significance of the Tsa-ri rong-skor procession and klo-rdzong ceremony in pre-1959 Tibet. Chapter eight describes the local ecology and economy of the inhabitants of Tsa-ri district in the 1950s. It shows how representations of person and place at Tsa-ri were linked to the practice of a unique form of pre-1959 Tibetan life there. An appendix contains Tibetan oral texts used in this study.
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12

Fukasawa, Yuriko. "Ainu archaeology as ethnohistory : iron technology among the Saru Ainu of Hokkaido in the 17th century." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272749.

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13

Swan, Daniel C. "West moon - east moon : an ethnohistory of the peyote religion among the Osage Indians, 1898-1930 /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.

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14

Ilona, Remy Chukwukaodinaka. "Of Israel's Seed: The Ethnohistory of Church of God and Saints of Christ and African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3208.

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The aim of this thesis was to investigate the ethno-history of the Church of God and Saints of Christ and African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem. Both religious movements were started by African Americans who passed through slavery. The former started in 1892, and the latter in the 1960s. They claimed an Israelite ancestry, and built their religious movements on what they accepted to be Israelite culture. I found the basic question to be what made these men claim an Israelite identity. I tried to answer this question by examining the cultural conditions in which the founders of the two movements found themselves when they formed the movements. The methodology that I engaged stresses that culture forges people. I found that the deracialization that the founders suffered as slaves led them to appropriate an Israelite identity. In turn, this served to restore the dignity of the African Americans.
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15

Coyle, Philip E. ""The Customs of our Ancestors": Cora Religious Conversion and Millenarianism, AD 1722-2000." University of Arizona, Department of Anthropology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/110871.

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Using documentary and ethnographic information, an analogy is drawn between conquest-period (ca. 1722) and contemporary political and religious institutions among the Cora (Nayari) people of the Sierra del Nayar in the Sierra Madre Occidental of Mexico. Fundamental to these political and religious institutions-then and now-is the idea that the deceased elders of the Cora people continue as active agents in the lives of living Coras, particularly as the seasonal rains. Based on this analogy, an inference is extended from contemporary attitudes of Cora people in the town of Santa Teresa toward the political and religious customs that mediate their relationships with these deceased ancestors, to the possible attitudes of Cora people toward their religious customs at the time of the Spanish conquest of the region. Millenarian fear, an anxiety that is widespread in Santa Teresa as contemporary Coras confront their own failure to adequately continue the customs of their ancestors, is inferred to have been a motivating factor in the Cora's acceptance of Catholic religious customs during the colonial period of their history.
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Kashanipour, Ryan Amir. "A World of Cures: Magic and Medicine in Colonial Yucatán." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/243116.

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The Yucatán, sixteenth-century Spaniards declared, was tierra enferma (infirmed land) as the destruction of diseases regularly consumed the region. Spaniards, Mayas, Africans, and people of mixed ancestry all fell victim to the cycles of disaster. The shared experiences of disease provided a context for deep lived connections for all. This dissertation examines the beliefs, practices, and relationships related to sickness and healing in the Yucatán from the late-sixteenth century to the late-eighteenth century. At the core of this project are questions about the production and circulation of medical knowledge. How, for instance, did ideas of the natural and supernatural world migrate between supposedly distinct social groups? Why did magical remedies related to the social body whither while unorthodox practices related to the physical body thrive? And how did healing breakdown colonial barriers of ethnicity and status? By exploring matters related to the body, sickness, and healing, this project unveils the complex everyday interactions of a society constantly threatened by disaster. The practices of healing represented the everyday modes of cooperation that operated in direct contrast to the idealized structures of colonial life. Dealing with the intimate relations of healing positions, this work bridges the distinct sub disciplines of cultural and intellectual history. Revealed here are the fundamental limitations of socially-constructed notions of distinction and authority, such as colonial visions of calidad (color), clase (class), and costumbre (culture). The interwoven ideas of status, race, and culture reinforced colonial divisions that tied directly into institutions of exploitation, such as the systems of slavery, tribute, and religious instruction. Nevertheless, my analysis illustrates that on the day-to-day level inhabitants of the Yucatán frequently drew deep connections that cut across idealized divides. Instead of being separated by race, they were united in healing the ills of the colonial experience. And in this manner, the people of the Yucatán created a system of healing that empowered the subjugated, particularly the enslaved and colonized. As such, this project moves from a basic assumption of the commonality of disease to explore the social and intellectual ties of everyday experience in the early-modern Spanish Atlantic World.
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Wallin, Paul. "Ceremonial stone structures the archaeology and ethnohistory of the Marae Complex in the Society Islands, French Polynesia /." Uppsala : Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis : Distributed by Dept. of Archaeology, Uppsala University, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/30760808.html.

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18

Byram, Robert Scott. "Brush fences and basket traps : the archaeology and ethnohistory of tidewater weir fishing on the Oregon Coast /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2002. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3055675.

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19

Fukasawa, Yuriko. "Ainu archaeology as ethnohistory : iron technology among the Saru Ainu of Hokkaido, Japan, in the 17th century /." Oxford : J. & E. Hedges : Archaeopress, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb370812928.

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20

Ibáñez-Bonillo, Pablo. "The Portuguese conquest of the Amazon Estuary : identity, war, frontier (1612-1654)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9790.

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The Portuguese conquest and colonization of Brazil was mediated by the Tupi-Guarani societies that inhabited the Atlantic coast in a discontinuous pattern from the estuary of the River Plate to the mouth of the Amazon. In fact, the extension of Portuguese occupation coincides with the limits of expansion of these Tupi-Guarani societies in most regions, suggesting a historical relation with deep potential implications. This work studies the conquest and construction of the Portuguese colonial frontier in the Lower Amazon and its estuary at the beginning of the XVIIth century, aiming to unveil the nature of the relations between Portuguese and Amerindian societies. The starting point is the hypothesis that the presence of Tupinamba societies from the Brazilian northeast, and of many other groups linked with them through language and culture, helped the Portuguese cause in their dispute for the control of the southern Amazon shores with other European competitors trading in the region. However, this very same dependency on the Tupinamba also acted as a brake on the Portuguese conquest as it headed north. This is supposed by the fact that almost no Tupi-Guarani traces have been recorded on the northern shore of the Amazon. After analyzing native American dynamics in Brazil and Guayana, this work presents a detailed study of the battles and skirmishes fought by opposed European interests, and their natives allies, in the Amazon from 1616 to 1632. The last part is devoted to the analysis of the process of cultural construction on the colonial frontier, through conquest mechanisms that were also deployed on other colonial American frontiers. Among these mechanisms I emphasise the implementation of a set of institutions and the construction of a negative and savage native alterity through narratives that have been reproduced by the regional historiography.
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Jones, Kristine L. "In Appreciation of Henry Farmer Dobyns, 3 July 1925 to 22 June 2009." Duke University Press, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302704.

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This is a tribute published in the journal Ethnohistory for Dr. Henry F. Dobyns in 2010. This piece was written by one of his former colleagues that he worked with at the Newberry Library in Chicago, IL.
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Gallaga, Murrieta Emiliano. "An Archaeological Survey of the Onavas Valley, Sonora, Mexico: A Landscape of Interactions During the Late Prehispanic Period." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195834.

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Traditionally, the Onavas Valley located in the middle Ri­o Yaqui, has been identified as part of the Rio Sonora archaeological tradition. However, no archaeological research has taken place in this region to verify this cultural model. This work presents new data from the Onavas Valley Archaeological Project (OVAP), conducted in the summer of 2003 and 2004, which provide basic data to solidify our understanding of an archaeologically poorly researched area, examine its role in interactions with the neighboring archaeological areas, and contrast the Ri­o Sonora tradition model. The methodology used combine archaeological survey, artifact analysis, and ethnohistorical research. A full-coverage systematic pedestrian survey, at the center of the Onavas Valley, was conducted covering an area of 67 km² and recorded 122 new sites. Three research approaches where set to discern and define the archaeological tradition within the Onavas Valley and then examine extra-regional interactions with neighboring archaeological areas. Those are 1) building a local chronology and a diagnostic inventory of material culture; 2) establishing the landscape structure (settlement pattern and ritual landscape) of the area; and 3) collecting and analyzing evidence for the manufacture, use, and exchange of trade goods. At the end of the material analysis, the OVAP conclude that the Onavas Valley had more cultural relation with the Huatabampo archaeological tradition than to the Rio Sonora archaeological tradition. Finally a comparison of the cultural landscape of the Onavas Valley with those of the Marana, Cerro de Trincheras, and Paquime traditions was made, to see different cultural developments in similar geographical condition using same methodological and analytical framework.
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Jelinek, Lauren Elizabeth. "The Protohistoric Period in the Pimería Alta." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/222842.

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The Protohistoric period in the Pimería Alta marks the transition from prehistory to history, when the social identities among and between historically documented ethnic groups were shaped and negotiated. This period was characterized by social upheaval and demographic change, marked by the transformation of large archaeological complexes after A.D. 1450, the reorganization of the Southwest demographic landscape during the sixteenth century, and the slow yet inexorable encroachment of Spanish colonialism during the seventeenth century. While the Protohistoric period is central to our understanding of culture change and the negotiation of social identity, this period is not well understood from an anthropological perspective, which obscures our understanding of the relationships among and between archaeological cultures and historically documented ethnic groups. Following a reanalysis of archaeological data, written accounts, oral histories, and ethnographic observations, three models of protohistoric demographic change were evaluated within an ethnohistorical framework. Existing data suggest that historically documented ethnic groups have antecedents in multiple archaeological traditions, rather than a single group. Furthermore, inconsistencies in extant archaeological typologies were identified, resulting in a reevaluation of the validity of the use of these typologies as markers of cultural affiliation. An attribute analysis of these typologies reveals that they are not well defined and cannot be reliably associated with a single ethnic group. This analysis demonstrates that there is rarely a one-to-one correlation between an artifact type and an ethnic identity; rather, it is necessary to examine the practices and behaviors that produce materiality and shape residential spaces to understand the suite of practices that construct and/or express ethnic identity.
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Giambastiani, Dayna Tinsley. "Late archaic and ethnohistoric pinyon exploitation in Slinkard Valley, an upland environment in the western Great Basin /." abstract and full text PDF (free order & download UNR users only), 2007. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1448021.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2007.
"May, 2007." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-177). Online version available on the World Wide Web. Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2007]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm.
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Giay, Benny. "Zakheus Pakage and his communities indigenous religious discourse, socio-political resistance, and ethnohistory of the Me of Irian Jaya /." [Indonesia] : UNIPA-ANU-UNCEN PapuaWeb Project, 2002. http://www.papuaweb.org/dlib/s123/giay/%5Fphd.html.

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26

Billard, Claire. "Le Vieux Dieu : vies et morts d'une divinité ignée sur les Hauts Plateaux mexicains : étude diachronique de l'iconographie et de la symbolique d'une entité pré-hispanique par une approche comparée des sources, ethnohistoriques et ethnographiques." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010614/document.

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Le Vieux Dieu serait une divinité du feu qui apparaît dès le IXe siècle avant notre ère et qui serait encore présente dans le panthéon des anciens Mexicains à l'arrivée des Espagnols, où elle adopterait alors les noms de Xiuhtecuhtli ou Huehueteotl. L'intérêt de cette thèse est d'entreprendre une étude diachronique, à travers l'ensemble des Hauts Plateaux mexicains, de ce ou de ces dieux et d'en comprendre les évolutions et les interactions afin de répondre à une question principale : sommes-nous en présence d'une seule et même divinité du feu depuis le Préclassique Moyen (-1200 – 500 av. J.-C.) jusqu'à l'arrivée des Espagnols en 1521 ? L'aspect diachronique et pluridisciplinaire de ce travail oriente notre approche et notre méthodologie puisque les données de la période Postclassique Récent seront analysées à la lumière des informations ethnohistoriques et ethnographiques. Le corpus des époques précédentes sera traité de façon systématique par une approche structurelle, technique, iconographique et, finalement, symbolique
The Old God would probably be an igneous divinity, appeared since 9th century BC and which would have been already present in the Pantheon of the former Mexicans upon the arrival of the Spaniards. There, it would have adopted the names of Xiuhtecuhtli or Huehueteotl. The interest of this thesis is to undertake a diachronic study, through all the mexican Highlands, about this or these gods, to understand the evolutions and the interactions and finally to answer a main question : is there only one and the same divinity of fire since Middle Formative until the arrival of the Spaniards in 1521 ? The diachronic and multidisciplinary aspect of this work directs our approach and our methodology as the data of Late Postclassic will be analysed thanks to ethnohistorical and ethnographic information. The corpus of former times will be handled in a systematic way by a structural, technical, iconographical and finally symbolic approach
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Hidalgo, Alexander. "The Indian Map Trade in Colonial Oaxaca." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/301765.

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This dissertation analyzes the practice of making indigenous maps and their circulation in Oaxaca from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth century. Indian maps functioned as visual aids to distribute land for agriculture, ranching, subsistence farming, and mining, they served as legal titles to property, and they participated in large-scale royal projects including aqueducts and assessments of human and natural resources. Map production is examined from four distinct vantage points including social networks, materials and technology, authentication, and reproduction. In each case, maestros pintores--native master painters--collaborated with a host of individuals including Spanish officials, scribes, merchants, ranchers, farmers, town councils, caciques and lesser lords, and legal professionals to visually describe the region's geographical environment. Indigenous mapping practices fostered the development of a new epistemology that combined European and Mesoamerican worldviews to negotiate the allocation of natural resources among the region's Spanish, Amerindian, and mixed-race communities. This work stresses the role of Indian painters in the formation of early modern empires highlighting the way mapmakers challenged Spanish ideals of visual representation instead re-envisioning spatial relations according to local and regional concerns.
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Couto, Patrícia Navarro de Almeida. "Morada dos encantados: identidade e religiosidade entre os Tupinambá da Serra do Padeiro – Buerarema, BA." Programa de Pós- Graduação em Ciências Sociais da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/10887.

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Os Tupinambá, povo recorrentemente mencionado nos relatos dos cronistas e viajantes dos séculos XVI até a primeira metade do século XIX, foram os primeiros indígenas a manter contato com o colonizador português, e, conseqüentemente, os primeiros afetados pelos efeitos devastadores da colonização, o que lhes privou da possibilidade de permanecer em seus territórios e de exercer livremente sua cultura. Os Tupinambá da Serra do Padeiro (Buerarema, BA), uma das vinte e duas comunidades que compõem a terra indígena Tupinambá, encontram na religiosidade a base para sua organização político-social e para a afirmação de sua identidade. O culto aos encantados/caboclos – cuja expressão central é a festa em louvor a São Sebastião, ocorrida anualmente no dia 19 de janeiro – constitui-se no momento em que os encantados de todos os domínios, segundo os Tupinambá, “saem da sua morada” para fortalecer os índios na luta pela identidade e, conseqüentemente, pelo direito à terra. Esta dissertação busca proceder a uma análise etno-histórica da presença tupinambá na região que hoje corresponde à terra indígena de mesmo nome, tendo como foco a sua resistência étnica ao longo da história, e, num segundo momento, a devoção religiosa tupinambá a São Sebastião e o culto aos encantados/caboclos.
Salvador
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DE, LA CRUZ ELLEN IVONNE. "USE OF SPACE AND PATTERNS OF REFUSE DISPOSAL AT THE VILLAGE SITE OF MURCIELAGO, COSTA RICA (REFUSE PITS, SPATIAL ANALYSIS, ETHNOHISTORY)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183946.

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Theoretical and methodological issues of disposal behavior are examined at the village site of Murcielago. Ethnoarchaeological, archaeological, and modern material culture studies of discard practices are discussed. The generalizations and conclusions contained therein are incorporated into a synthesis of the emerging body of disposal theory. The method used for the analysis of Murcielago, which is drawn from traditional geographic models of land use, is described. The model allows description of the conventions governing the regulation of space and the delineation of disposal patterns. Analysis of artifact distributions illuminated the organization of household activities and the definition of activity differences.
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Toupal, Rebecca, Richard W. Stoffle, and Maria Nieves Zedeño. "The Isle Royale Folkefiskerisamfunn: Familier Som Levde Av Fiske- An Ethnohistory Of The Scandinavian Folk Fishermen Of Isle Royale National Park." Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology, University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292657.

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The Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA)-University of Arizona ethnographic team (UofA team) contracted with the National Park Service (NPS) Midwest Regional Office in 1998 to conduct an ethnographic and ethnohistoric study of commercial fishing activities at Isle Royale National Park (IRNP). The UofA team, having no connection with Isle Royale National Park, the commercial fishermen or their families who are the focus of this study, provides this report as an independent study of the ethnography and ethnohistory of commercial fishing at Isle Royale. The purpose of this study is to document and analyze historic and contemporary commercial fishing in the immediate vicinity of ISLE ROYALE including the identification of specific ethnic or social groups who have both traditional and contemporary ties to this fishery. By identifying resource use areas and concerns that may affect NPS management responsibilities, the results of this study will aid managers to anticipate resource protection issues that may affect Isle Royale National Park. The ability to anticipate such issues will place managers in a better position to understand and deal with such issues specifically as these pertain to the development of further cultural and natural resource studies, interpretative programs, and management decisions.
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Toutain, Maxime. "Santos parados : ethnohistoire et régimes mémoriels des maisons de culte du central Méjico (Matanzas, Cuba)." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU20076.

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En 1846, l’esclavagiste Julián de Zulueta y Amondo achète un petit moulin à sucre qu’il baptise Álava où il fait construire un baraquement pouvant détenir jusqu’à 700 esclaves. Certains d’entre eux « fondent » des santos parados, pierres consacrées aux divinités nommées orichas qu’ils enterrent dans divers lieux du baraquement ou conservent auprès d’eux. Le plus connu de ces esclaves se nomme Ta Jorge, « homme de confiance » du maître qui, lors de la traversée de l’Atlantique, a gardé avec lui le santo parado d’Elegguá et une figurine représentant l’oricha-enfant. Aujourd’hui, ces reliques sont au cœur de la ritualité d’une des quatre maisons de culte qui composent le champ religieux de ce batey, rebaptisé central Méjico depuis la Révolution de 1959. Grâce à une enquête ethnohistorique et ethnographique, cette thèse propose une réflexion sur un siècle et demi de dynamiques religieuses cubaines en milieu rural ainsi que sur la relation qu’entretiennent aujourd’hui les pratiquants avec leur passé. Elle montre que, loin d’être remplacé par la santería moderne, le culte des santos parados s’est adapté aux évolutions religieuses de Cuba grâce à de constants échanges entre l’ingenio et son environnement. Ces derniers ont permis l’appropriation par les pratiquants locaux du rituel initiatique du kariocha créant un réseau complexe de parentés rituelles toujours plus dense. Pour autant, les pratiquants continuent de mettre en avant la parenté biologique pour définir les maisons de culte à travers des mémoires narratives performées par rite. Ces récits, construits selon un régime mémoriel généalogique, sont corollaires de discours revendiquant à chaque maison une place au sein de la micropolitique locale. Cette recherche s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux représentations locales du passé servile mises en perspective avec le contexte mémoriel national. Elle met en lumière l’influence des régimes mémoriels macropolitiques de l’esclavage sur les discours micropolitiques comme sur certaines pratiques religieuses infrapolitiques : les possessions par les esprits d’esclaves
In 1846, the slave owner Julián de Zulueta y Amondo buys a small sugar mill which he calls Álava where he builds a barracks that can hold up to 700 slaves. Some of them "found" santos parados, stones dedicated to deities named orichas that they bury in various places of the barracks or keep near them. The best known of these slaves is called Ta Jorge, "man of confidence" of the master who, during the crossing of the Atlantic, kept with him the santo parado of Elegguá and a figurine representing the oricha-child. Today, these relics are at the heart of the ritual of one of the four houses of cult that make up the religious field of this batey, renamed central Méjico since the Revolution of 1959. Through an ethnohistorical and ethnographic survey, this thesis proposes a reflection on a century and a half of Cuban religious dynamics in rural areas as well as the relationship that practitioners hold with their past. It shows that, far from being replaced by the modern santería, the cult of santos parados adapted to the religious evolutions of Cuba thanks to constant exchanges between ingenio and its environment. These allowed the local practitioners to appropriate the initiatory ritual of kariocha, creating a complex network of ritual kinship that is ever denser. However, practitioners continue to highlight the biological kinship to define the houses of cult through narrative memory performed by ritual. These stories, built according to a genealogical memorial regime, are corollary of speeches claiming to each house a place within the local micropolitics. This research focuses on local representations of the servile past put into perspective with the national memory context. It highlights the influence of the macropolitic memorial regimes of slavery on the micropolitical discourse as well as on certain infrapolitical religious practices: the possessions by the spirits of slaves
En 1848, el esclavista Julián de Zulueta y Amondo compra un cachimbo que bautiza Álava donde manda la construcción de un barracón que puede detener hasta 700 esclavos. Algunos de ellos fundan “santos parados”, piedras consagradas a las divinidades llamadas orichas, que conservan a su lado o que enteran en diferentes lugares del barracón. El más conocido de estos esclavos se llama Ta Jorge, “hombre de confianza” del amo, quien, según dicen, trajo desde África una piedra y una estatua consagradas al oricha-niño Elegguá. Hoy, estas reliquias están en el centro de la ritualidad de una de las cuatro casas de culto que forman el campo religioso de este batey, rebautizado central Méjico después de la Revolución de 1959. Gracias a una encuesta etnohistórica y etnográfica, esta tesis propone una reflexión sobre un siglo y medio de dinámicas religiosas cubanas en medio rural, como sobre la relación que mantienen los practicantes contemporáneos con su pasado. Demuestra que, lejos de ser remplazada por la santería moderna, el culto de los santos parados se adaptó a la evolución religiosa de Cuba gracias a intercambios constantes entre el ingenio y su entorno. Estos intercambios permitieron la apropiación por los practicantes locales del ritual iniciático del “kariocha” creando una compleja red de parentesco ritual cada vez más densa. No obstante, en las memorias narrativas performadas por el rito que definen las casas de culto los practicantes, se destaca el parentesco biológico. Estos relatos, construidos según un régimen memorial genealógico, son corolarios de discursos que reivindican un lugar particular a cada casa en el seno de la micropolítica local. Esta investigación se interesa especialmente a las representaciones locales del pasado esclavista puesto en perspectiva con el contexto memorial nacional. Pone de relieve la influencia de los regímenes memoriales macropolíticos de la esclavitud en los discursos micropolíticos como en algunas prácticas religiosas infrapolíticas: las posesiones por los espíritus de esclavos
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32

Mihok, Lorena Diane. "Cognitive dissonance in early Colonial pictorial manuscripts from Central Mexico." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001352.

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33

Lemieux, Deborah L. "The ethnographic meaning of narrative in identity formation : a collaborative ethnography." Virtual Press, 2002. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1230601.

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In recent years the separation between ethnographic research and the ethnographic text have continued to collapse. No longer is the anthropologist the sole authority on determining the native's point of view. Anthropologists are now writing within newer collaborative frameworks-newer frameworks that continue to challenge who has the right to speak for whom. This shift in ethnographic writing allows us to explore culture even more deeply through the process of obtaining narratives that focus on dialoguing the encounter between ethnographer and consultant. With this developing ethnographic moment in mind, this thesis explored through the use of collaboratively-constructed ethnographic narratives the juxtaposition of a family's identity and its place within the context of a larger community identity. In the final analysis, the narratives brought to light a symbiotic connection that exists between family, community, and the larger world.
Department of Anthropology
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34

Rocha, Adelino de Lucena Mendes da. "Guerreiros do Norte: memórias de um tempo histórico para uma etnografia Yawalapiti." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2484.

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This thesis aims to reconstruct the history, as the basis of the permanent identity, of the Yawalapiti, an Aruak-speaking Indian people who live on the left margin of the Tuatuari river, a tributary of the Xingu river. The Yawalapiti were part of the early migrations of the Aruak-Maipure peoples as they reached the Upper Xingu territory where, in conjunction with other Indian groups, there formed what is known as the Xinguan social system. This system is constituted by a number of variegated Indian peoples, coming from different regions, speaking different languages, who recognize themselves as partner members, share the same inter-village rituals, cosmological repertoires, and practice a common way of life. These basic social characteristics are articulated by means of traditional trade relations among some of these groups as well as through group inter-marriage, which constitutes one of the main pillars of Xinguan social sustainability. The present work takes as its foundation the earliest memories of the Yawalapiti, even before they reached the Xingu river basin, when the name of the very first historical Yawalapiti leader is recorded. These early memories relate the difficulties the Yawalapiti experienced on the Tuatuari river basin, the battles with enemy groups, witchcraft, and, finally, the encounter with white people. A strong remembrance, which will eventually help reinforce Yawalapiti social identity, is the demise of the last autonomous Yawalapiti village at the time they were exiled on Lahatuá lands. Equally significant in yawalapiti cultural memory are the arrival of white people, their return to öuyá and the Aimakapuko villages, where they begin to grow in population. This thesis also stresses the importance of the Typa-Typa village, the cosmology and a brief exercise on the ethnic permanence of the Yawalapiti. The methodology of this work is based on open interviews aimed to bring out old yawalapiti memories and narratives, collected by the present author during the many stays in the Typa-Typa village over the years from 2005, to 2013, as well as bibliographical research
O objetivo desta dissertação é resgatar a história, como base de sua permanente identidade, dos Yawalapiti, um povo indígena de língua aruak que vive na margem esquerda do rio Tuatuari, um dos formadores do rio Xingu. Os Yawalapiti fazem parte das primeiras ondas migratórias aruak-maipure a chegar ao território onde mais tarde se amalgamou, em união com outros povos indígenas, o que conhecemos por sistema social xinguano. Este sistema se compõe de um conjunto variado de povos, vindos de regiões diversas, falantes de diferentes línguas, que se reconhecem como membros comuns, compartilham rituais (cerimônias inter-aldeias), repertórios cosmológicos e vivenciam um modo de vida semelhante. Estas características niveladoras são articuladas a partir de relações comerciais seculares entre alguns destes grupos, e especialmente pelo casamento inter-grupal, que constitui um dos pilares da sustentabilidade social. Esse trabalho se sustenta a partir da coleta das memórias mais antigas dos Yawalapiti, antes de chegarem ao Alto Xingu, no tempo do primeiro ancestral lembrado. São mencionadas as dificuldades dos primeiros tempos na bacia do rio Tuatuari, os índios bravos inimigos, a feitiçaria, e, por fim, o encontro com os brancos. Uma forte lembrança que vai eventualmente reforçar a identidade Yawalapiti é o desaparecimento da última aldeia autônoma dos Yawalapiti ao tempo do exílio nas terras de Lahatuá. Igualmente importantes na memória yawalapiti são a chegada dos brancos, o retorno para öuyá e as aldeias de Aimakapuko, local onde retomam seu crescimento demográfico. Destacam-se também nesta dissertação análises sobre o cotidiano da aldeia Typa-Typa, a cosmologia e um breve exercício sobre a continuidade étnica dos Yawalapiti. A metodologia desse trabalho se baseia na observação participante e também nos depoimentos abertos que suscitam as recordações das narrativas yawalapiti coletadas pelo autor durante as diversas viagens à aldeia de Typa- Typa, entre os anos de 2005 e 2013, além das pesquisas bibliográficas pertinentes
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Urton, Gary. "Concordancias y afinidades en archivos de registros de khipus procedentes de Chachapoyas e Ica, Perú." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113489.

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Matching Accounts in the Khipu Archives of Chachapoyas and Ica, PerúAccounts from the Spanish chronicles regarding Inka record keeping practices by means of the knotted string devices called khipu ("knot") indicate that these accounts were compiled in a system of "checks and balances". Each community in the empire had a minimum of four khipu accountants, all of whom are said by the chronicler Garcilaso de la Vega to have kept the same records. This study examines several examples of matching khipu accounts identified among sets of two or three khipu samples. The identification of matching khipu accounts has been facilitated by the recent development of a khipu database at Harvard University. The long range objective of this research is to investigate the information recorded on khipu samples from various provenience zones around the former Inka empire that may represent the remains of khipu archives.
Relatos y narraciones en las crónicas españolas relativas a la práctica inka de mantenimiento de registros por medio de khipus (en quechua ‘nudo’) indican que estos registros y cuentas eran recopilados dentro de un sistema de "controles y balances". Cada comunidad en el imperio poseía un mínimo de cuatro «contadores» o registradores de khipus, los que, según relata el cronista Garcilaso de la Vega, llevaban y mantenían los mismos registros. Este estudio examina diversos ejemplos de registros y cuentas afines y de concordancia compartida identificados entre conjuntos de dos o tres ejemplares de khipus. La identificación de registros de khipus con afinidad y concordancia ha sido considerablemente facilitada por el reciente desarrollo de una base de datos de khipus en la Harvard University. El objetivo a largo plazo de esta investigación es la de examinar la información registrada en ejemplares de khipus procedentes de diversas zonas a lo largo y ancho del antiguo imperio inka que pudiesen representar los restos o remanentes de archivos de khipus.
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Kvist, Roger. "Rennomadismens dilemma : det rennomadiska samhällets förändring i Tuorpon och Sirkas 1760-1860." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 1989. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-100709.

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The areas of study for this dissertation are the Turopon and Sirkas lappbyar (communities) in the parish of Jokkmokk during the period 1760—1860. The starting point for discussion is a decrease in population through migration to Norway, from 667 inhabitants in 1781, to 353 in 1868. The primary cause was the ecological instability of reindeer herding with recurring crises caused by poor grazing, adverse snow conditions, epizootics, and predators. The stability in reindeer herding is finally determined by the numbers of grazing animals and the carrying capacities of the pastures. A disturbance in the balance between people and animals could occur if competition from the settlers limited available pastures, or the government through taxes appropriated so much of the surplus that the subsistence level was markedly increased. A closer examination reveals, however, that no outside influences can be indicated as being responsible for the population decline. Attention must thus be directed toward the inner social processes of this pastoralist society. While the reindeer herding population diminished, the total number of reindeer remained on a relatively constant level. The resulting process of accumulation consolidated the reindeer into the hands of fewer owners. While these conclusions indicate an economically differentiated society, the marriage pattern shows that the social distance between the economic groupings was very small. By promoting economic differentiation, trade had an important potential as agent of social stratification. This potential was, however, not fully realized. The equalizing factors were stronger than the differentiating forces.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Umeå : Umeå universitet, 1989, härtill 5 uppsatser


digitalisering@umu
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Wang, Hing Suen Teresa. "An ethnohistoric investigation of the operation and function of translation in the dissemination of Chinese Xiqu in the US : a study of three encounters." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/884.

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In this study, the role of translation in the introduction of Chinese xiqu into the United States is examined using an anthropological approach. This study identifies three encounters that exemplify the three critical stages of acceptance of xiqu in the United States, and examines how translation operates and functions as a tool of cultural mediation in the introduction and promotion of xiqu there. The three critical encounters this study identifies are: the 19th century performance tours of Cantonese opera in San Francisco, the 1930s tour of Mei Lan-fang to the U.S., and the 2006 tour of Kenneth Pai's production of the Young Lover's Edition of the Peony Pavilion to the U.S. An ethnohistoric approach is adopted to reconstruct the contexts of the translators' decision-making with the purpose of highlighting the human factor in the process. Translations, first-hand paratextual materials and data collected in interviews facilitate the triangulation of analysis and verification. The result offers a critical understanding of translation in a cultural dissemination process by analyzing xiqu with an emphasis on the human factor.
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Heidenreich, Linda. "History and forgetfulness in an "American" county /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9975873.

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39

Schjellerup, Inge. "Reflexiones sobre los chachapoya en el Chinchaysuyu." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113380.

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Reflections on the Chachapoya in the ChinchaysuyuCultural groups and cultural identity are some of the most discussed subjects in archaeology, history and anthropology. Material culture as artefacts and burial customs as well as building constructions reflect contacts between different regions, but how is it possible to reveal the cultural identity of a specific people in time and space?The Tawantinsuyu consisted of many ethnic groups, and Inca policies varied in different provinces, but how were cultural identities perceived by the Incas in their politics? It is generally understood that the Inca domination of a region can only be assessed on the basis of knowledge of the society that preceded it and by an understanding of the geographical landscape.Based on archaeological and ethnohistorical research I will discuss how a common cultural identity of the Chachapoyas as one group was created by the Incas for their political and socio-economic interests in a landscape that became loaded with Inca presence. The whole spatial setting of Inca installations in the landscape was charged with meanings that became essential for their existence in the land of the Chachapoya. The different señorios in the Chachapoyas province shared a common identity in settlement patterns, architectural design and ceramic tradition. Inca and Chachapoya identities and relations were a potent force of change where aggression and violence seem to have played an important and integrated cultural role.
Los grupos y las identidades culturales son algunos de los temas más discutidos en arqueología, historia y antropología. La cultura material, como los artefactos, las costumbres funerarias y las construcciones, refleja contactos entre diversas regiones, pero ¿cómo es posible revelar la identidad cultural de una población específica en tiempo y espacio?El Tawantinsuyu estuvo compuesto por muchos grupos étnicos y las políticas del Inca variaron en las diversas provincias, pero ¿cómo fueron percibidas las identidades culturales por los incas? Se entiende generalmente que la dominación inca de una región se puede determinar sólo sobre la base del conocimiento de la sociedad que lo precedió y por una comprensión del paisaje geográfico.Según la investigación arqueológica y etnohistórica llevada a cabo por la autora se discutirá cómo la identidad cultural común de los chachapoya como un grupo fue creada por los incas para sus intereses políticos y socioeconómicos en un paisaje que fue colmado con la presencia inca.La distribución espacial del conjunto de instalaciones inca en el paisaje fue cargada con significados que llegaron a ser esenciales para su existencia en la tierra de los chachapoya. Los diversos señoríos en la provincia de Chachapoyas compartieron una identidad común en patrones de asentamiento, diseño arquitectónico y tradición cerámica. Las identidades inca y chachapoya, y sus relaciones, constituyeron una potente fuerza de cambio en un escenario donde la agresión y la violencia parecen haber desempeñado un rol cultural importante e integrado.
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Ségalini, Laurent. ""Les fils de Manco" ou la fabrique des ancêtres : organisation sociale et construction politique de l'identité dans le Cuzco préhispanique (Pérou)." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030161.

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Depuis plusieurs décennies, l’histoire dynastique inca recueillie par les chroniqueurs espagnols est l’objet d’un débat : faut-il considérer les souverains de Cuzco comme des personnages historiques, ou bien comme l’expression mythique de l’organisation sociale, politique et religieuse de la capitale impériale ? Bien que divergentes, ces différentes interprétations trouvaient un appui commun dans l’existence d’un ensemble de groupes sociaux censés rassembler les descendants des souverains successifs, et qui constituait le noyau de la société cuzquénienne. Cette étude montre que contrairement à ce que l’on pouvait croire, ces groupes aristocratiques ne constituaient pas une réalité homogène mais se trouvaient marqués par une dichotomie interne distinguant deux types de groupes différents. S’appuyant sur une documentation en partie inédite, ce travail s’attache à mettre en évidence la prégnance de cette dichotomie dans différents champs de l’organisation sociale du Cuzco préhispanique, tentant par ailleurs de ramener les composantes hétérogènes de la société cuzquénienne à des formes sociales andines connues. A terme, l’écart significatif entre la structure sociale et l’histoire dont elle était censée être le produit permet d’envisager le récit dynastique comme une construction politique dont il s’agit de déterminer la vocation, en s’appuyant sur la recherche de sa logique interne et sur une analyse minutieuse du mythe d’origine qui en constitue l’acte d’ouverture, où se jouent simultanément une définition de l’identité cuzquénienne et du statut d’inca
For decades, the Inca dynastic history collected by Spanish chroniclers has been a subject of dispute : should Cuzco sovereigns be considered historical persons, or the mythical expression of the social, political and religious organization of the imperial capital ? Though divergent, these various interpretations could find a common support in the existence of a set of social groups supposed to gather the descent of the successive sovereigns, which formed the core of cuzquenian society. This study shows that unlike what has been thought, these aristocratic groups did not form an homogeneous reality, but were divided by an internal dichotomy into two types of groups. Widely based on original documents, this work tries to bring to the fore the importance of this dichotomy in various fields of the social organization of prehispanic Cuzco, also attempting to identify the heterogeneous components of cuzquenian society with already known andine social forms. Finally, the significant gap between the social structure and the history from which it supposedly originated allows to consider the dynastic narrative as a political construction, which significance still needs to be cleared up by the investigation of its internal logic and a detailed analysis of the origin myth that formally opens it, where lies a definition of the cuzquenian identity and the Inca status
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41

Hermann, Aymeric. "Les industries lithiques pré-européennes de Polynésie centrale : savoir-faire et dynamiques techno-économiques." Phd thesis, Université de la Polynésie Française, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00936331.

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En raison de leur ubiquité dans les assemblages archéologiques et les collections ethnographiques, les lames d'herminette en pierre ont longtemps été utilisées comme " fossiles-directeurs " afin de mettre en évidence des corrélations typo-chronologiques en Océanie. Néanmoins, les critères d'observations formels utilisés dans cette approche typologique ne permettaient pas de rendre compte de la complexité des processus techniques de fabrication. Après avoir rappelé les autres études expérimentales réalisées précédemment dans la région, nous proposons un premier référentiel des stigmates de taille sur roches basaltiques qui nous permet d'identifier différentes techniques de percussion utilisées dans la confection des lames d'herminette en pierre. La restitution des activités techniques qui ont abouti à la production de ces outils a été réalisée à travers l'analyse technologique d'assemblages archéologiques (produits finis ou semi-finis et déchets de taille) récoltés dans différentes sites de la côte Nord de l'île de Tubuai (Archipel des Australes, Polynésie Française). La caractérisation géochimique des gîtes géologiques et des artefacts taillés découverts en contexte archéologique a permis de restituer la répartition spatiale des différentes séquences de production au sein d'une même communauté ainsi que les transferts d'objets produits dans d'autres archipels. Parmi les différents réseaux d'approvisionnement identifiés dans l'île, j'ai choisi de suivre les activités techniques présentes au sein de deux sites : le premier est un complexe spécialisé dans la production des outils en pierre associant carrière d'extraction et ateliers de transformation, et l'autre un site d'habitat côtier.A travers la restitution des dynamiques de production, d'entretien et d'échange des lames d'herminettes en pierre, nous proposons un nouveau regard sur l'économie traditionnelle des chefferies de Polynésie centrale. Dans les assemblages étudiés, la confection de lames d'herminette a été essentiellement réalisée à travers la production d'éclats utilisés comme supports et transformés par façonnage. Cette combinaison des processus de débitage et de façonnage semble correspondre à une tradition technique qui prend son origine en Polynésie occidentale et qui est identifiée dans tous les archipels de Polynésie orientale. A partir des collections étudiées à Tubuai, il est possible de distinguer une production très standardisée de grandes lames au sein des ateliers spécialisés, et une production très peu standardisée de petites lames au sein des habitats côtiers. Grâce à la restitution des processus de production existant au sein d'une même communauté et des échanges intercommunautaires effectués à longue distance, nous discutons le rôle économique des herminettes à lame de pierre dans les chefferies polynésiennes.
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42

Codron, Céline. "Étude des pratiques mortuaires de la civilisation toltèque, région du haut Plateau central mexicain, État d’Hidalgo, Mexique, 750 – 1200 apr. J.-C." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040229.

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Révélée par l’épopée mythique de son légendaire souverain Quetzalcóatl, la civilisation toltèque a été reconnue au XIXe siècle lors des explorations du français Désiré Charnay. Par la suite, les recherches archéologiques ont mené à l’identification du site principal de Tula. Les données matérielles recueillies ont été croisées avec les textes afin d’identifier les traits culturels propres à cette civilisation. En dépit de ces découvertes et des nombreux dépôts mortuaires exhumés, les morts toltèques sont restés dans l’ombre des archives. L’objet de cette thèse est donc d’analyser les dépôts mortuaires de la civilisation toltèque et de mettre en exergue, via une approche précise et pluridisciplinaire, les continuités et les spécificités culturelles de la mort dans trois sites : Tula, Tizayuca et El Refugio. Les données quantitatives et qualitatives de ces trois exemples nous ont permis de fonder une analyse minutieuse et systématique des données datées de 750 apr. J.-C. à 1200 apr. J.-C. Après avoir mis l’accent sur une analyse archéo-anthropologique, l’étude s’est ensuite concentrée sur la définition du système idéologique mortuaire toltèque au travers des textes et des images. La reconnaissance de la dimension paradigmatique de la mort au sein de cette civilisation mésoaméricaine a favorisé une échappée des interprétations consensuelles centrées autour de l’antinomie funéraire - sacrificielle, pour parvenir à la réhabilitation d’un usage de la mort caché. Dans l’ensemble, cette thèse se propose d’apporter une lecture inédite des pratiques mortuaires de la civilisation toltèque, à partir d’une appréhension archéologique, ethnohistorique et anthropologique
Revealed by the mythical epic of its legendary sovereign Quetzalcóatl, the Toltec civilization was recognized during the XIXe century, amid the explorations made by Désiré Charnay, a french traveller and archaeologist. Thereafter, archaeological research lead to the identification of the main site of Tula. The physical data collected were cross-checked with the texts in order to identify cultural features specific to this civilization. Despite these discoveries and numerous exhumed mortuaries, dead Toltec remained in the shadows, hidden in archives. Thus, this thesis aims to analyze mortuaries of the Toltec civilization and to highlight, through a precise and multidisciplinary approach, the continuities and cultural specificities of death in three sites : Tula, Tizayuca and El Refugio. Quantitative and qualitative data from these three examples allowed us to produce a meticulous and systematic analysis of data from A.D. 750 to A.D. 1200. After laying emphasis on a archaeo-anthropological analysis, the study then focused on the definition of the Toltec ideological funeral system through texts and pictures. The acknowledgement of death’s paradigmatic dimension within this Mesoamerican civilization enabled the breakaway of consensual interpretations centred on funeral antinomy – sacrificial, to achieve the rehabilitation of a hidden purpose of death. As a whole, this thesis offers a new reading of the Toltec civilization’s mortuary practices, from an archaeological, ethnohistorical and anthropological insight
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43

McElhinney, Peter J. "The Organic Material Culture of Western Ulster: An Ethno-historical and Heritage Science Approach." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/18589.

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This research attempts to describe the material culture of the Gaelic labouring classes living in western Ulster in the Late Medieval period. The research combines ethnohistorical contextual and technical scientific analysis of ‘chance’ finds discovered in the region’s bogs. Technical analysis dates fifteen museum objects, characterises the materials from which they were made, and explores their cultural significance. Absolute dating indicates that one third of the 15 objects analysed relate to the Gaelic lordships of late medieval western Ulster, with the remainder reflecting aspects of Iron Age and Post-Medieval material culture and related cultural pracrices. Contextual analysis of the later medieval objects and their find locations provides new insights into Gaelic Irish culture and landscape interactions in this period and place. In addition, the research explores the trajectory of indigenous materiality in western Ulster beyond the Late Medieval period. To this end, the thesis examines the relationship between Late Medieval indigenous materiality, and the folk material culture that emerges in western Ulster in the Modern period.
Heritage Consortium, Arts and Humanities Research Council (UK)
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44

Julien, Catherine. "Identidad y filiación por suyu en el Imperio Incaico." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113399.

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Identity and Suyu Affiliation in the Inca EmpireBy means of two discrete examples, this study attempts to show that the Incas forged imperial identities using the division of Andean space in four suyus, or Tawantinsuyu. In the case of the cult of the sun at Titicaca, groups from all four suyus participated. Through the resettlement of people from all four, the Incas generalized the solar cult to the entire empire. The other case deals with the cults to the snow-covered mountains of Arequipa, called huacas pacariscas. In this instance only mitimaes from the same suyu where the mountain was located participated. It is noteworthy that —as in the region surounding Cuzco— the suyu division in the larger territory was related to sacred places on the landscape, and in the instances explored here, to the most sacred sites in the Andean territory.
Mediante dos casos concretos se intenta demostrar que los incas forjaban identidades imperiales en base a la división de su territorio en cuatro suyus, llamada Tawantinsuyu. En el primer caso se trata del culto al Sol en la isla de Titicaca, en el cual participaban mitimaes procedentes de los cuatro suyus. A través de la reubicación de personas procedentes de los cuatro suyus, los incas generalizaron este culto a todo el imperio. El otro caso se refiere al culto rendido a los nevados de Arequipa, llamados huacas pacariscas. Estos cultos fueron mantenidos sólo por mitimaes del suyu en que se ubicaba el nevado, forjando identidades también a un nivel local. Además, hay que destacar que, al igual que en la región del Cuzco, la división en suyus se relacionaba con los lugares sagrados y, en este caso, con los sitios sagrados más importantes del territorio andino.
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Zuidema, R. Tom. "La identidad de las diez panacas en el Cuzco incaico." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113349.

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The Identity of the Ten Panacas in Incaic CuzcoOne notion well-known in the modern literature on the Incas, which was first introduced by Sarmiento de Gamboa, in 1572, is that the ten panacas of Cuzco were formed in a historical process, with each king founding his own panaca. However, earlier chroniclers, such as Betanzos, Santo Tomás and Las Casas, described the formation of the ten panacas very differently. For the latter authors, the totality of the ten panacas always constituted the central part of Cuzco’s organization. Beyond their significance as lineage groupings, the panacas represented a hierarchical organization in which other social functions, like age grades and age classes, the calendar and religion, also played indispensable roles.
En la literatura moderna acerca de los incas se conoce más la noción, introducida por Sarmiento en 1572, de que las 10 panacas del Cuzco se habrían formado a lo largo de un proceso histórico en el que cada rey fundó su propia panaca. Cronistas anteriores, como Betanzos, Santo Tomás y Las Casas describieron la formación de las 10 panacas de manera muy distinta y estas habrían constituido la parte central de la organización del Cuzco. Las panacas formaban una organización jerárquica en que otras funciones sociales, tales como clases y grados de edad, calendario y religión, también jugaban roles indispensables.
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46

Salas, Miriam. "Advenedizos y traspuestos: los mitmaquna o mitimaes de Vilcashuamán en su tránsito de los tiempos del Inka al de los "Señores de los mares"." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113610.

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Interlopers and Transplantees: The Mitmaqkuna or Mitimaes of Vilcashuamán in their Transition from the Time of the Inka to the "Lords of the Seas"This article aims to present how the first contact between the spaniards and the people of Vilcashuaman, their subjugation under the hispanic and their rebellion against the colonial system installed by them, came to happen. Also, their andean roots, their past as mitmaqkuna, the persistence of their customs and beliefs, and how the presence of the Inka of Vilcabamba and the Taky Onqoy awoke in them their ancestral conscience, leading them to resist and finally survive, despite the terrible living conditions they suffered.
En este artículo se presenta la forma cómo se produjo el primer contacto entre los españoles y los habitantes de Vilcashuamán, su sometimiento por los hispanos y su rebeldía frente al sistema colonial implantado por ellos. Así también, sus raíces andinas, su pasado de mitmaqkuna, la persistencia de sus costumbres y creencias, y cómo la presencia del Inka de Vilcabamba y el movimiento del Taky Onqoy despertaron en ellos su antigua conciencia, que los llevó a resistir y finalmente a pervivir pese a las terribles condiciones de vida a las que fueron sometidos.
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Kühl, Gracieli Erna Schubert. "Etno-história Guarani e a construção do espaço a partir da arquitetura: um estudo de caso na Aldeia Tekoha Añetete." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2013. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2535.

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Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T19:07:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO GRACIELI E SCHUBERT.PDF: 7773083 bytes, checksum: 6bccafec6a99778f82e72f2ada4249d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-25
This dissertation is characterized as a case study in Guarani Indian village named the Tekoha Añetete reservation, Village in the municipality of Diamante d'oeste\/PR. Aims to register main cultural aspects of group through reports on the construction of the living space and the architecture itself. The problem of this activity is devoted to the traditional architecture of the Guarani as opposed to architecture developed by external agents inside the village, among them the Cohapar (housing Company of Paraná) and Itaipu Binacional. Among these buildings are residences and prays. The discussion is divided into three chapters. Initially presents concepts related to the problem, among them: culture, identity, territory. In a second moment is made a dense description of the village in order to characterize it as an object of study. In the third chapter are addressed the architectural works present in the village, including the traditional architecture of the Guarani, the architecture introduced by the Cohapar and the works made by Itaipu, besides brief analysis on merger of these works made by external agents to the sociocultural dynamics of the group from the anthropological gaze of Rubem Thomaz de Almeida.
Esta dissertação caracteriza-se como um estudo de caso na aldeia indígena Guarani denominada Aldeia Tekoha Añetete, situada no município de Diamante d Oeste/PR. Tem por objetivo principal registrar aspectos culturais do grupo através de relatos sobre a construção do espaço habitado e da arquitetura em si. A problemática dessa atividade está voltada à arquitetura tradicional dos Guarani em oposição à arquitetura desenvolvida por agentes externos no interior da aldeia, entre eles a Cohapar (Companhia de Habitação do Paraná) e a Itaipu Binacional. Entre essas construções encontram-se residências e casa de reza. A discussão está dividida em três capítulos. Inicialmente apresentam-se conceitos relacionados à problemática, entre eles: cultura, identidade, território. Em um segundo momento é feita uma descrição densa da aldeia visando caracterizá-la enquanto objeto de estudo. No terceiro capítulo são abordadas as obras arquitetônicas presentes na aldeia, entre elas a arquitetura tradicional dos Guarani, a arquitetura introduzida pela Cohapar e as obras feitas pela Itaipu, além de breve análise sobre os mecanismos de incorporação dessas obras feitas por agentes externos para com a dinâmica sociocultural do grupo a partir do olhar antropológico de Rubem Thomaz de Almeida.
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Webb, Peter Alexander. "New Orleans: A Living Laboratory Dueling Narratives-Tourism vs. Freight." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2541.

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This research concerns the history of how the stories—narratives—which people tell about the Port of New Orleans and its related freight transportation have impacted Port-related traffic congestion on the last mile. “Last mile” refers to the last segment of a freight journey. In the context of the Port, it is the distance between the Tchoupitoulas Street exit ramp on US 90 and the entrance/exit of the Clarence Henry Truckway. The Clarence Henry Truckway is a 3.5-mile one way in/one way out dedicated truck route behind the floodwall of the Port on Tchoupitoulas street. Its access is threatened by proposed tourism-related developments. Chapter one is an overview congestion at the Port and developments which will impact access. It gives the context of freight and logistics, economic development, congestion, and the environment. It then turns to an overview of the Port’s history and importance. Chapter two reviews urban studies and anthropology literature relative to freight. Chapter three discusses the primarily archival methodology. Chapter four discusses narrative in nine freight options: the Riverfront Expressway, freight on Decatur Street, Louisiana Avenue and other uptown arterials, extending Leake Avenue behind Audubon Park, a ship lock and channel connecting the Mississippi River with the Mississippi River Gulf Outlet (MRGO), the MRGO itself, replacing the Inner Harbor Navigational Canal (IHNC or “Industrial canal”) lock, New Orleans Public Belt Railroad (NOPB) cars parked along Leake Avenue; and the Port’s proposed shipping container terminal at the Sinclair tract in Meraux, St. Bernard parish. Chapter five discusses the history of the Port freight narrative from organized Port dockworker labor. Chapter six covers the rise of the tourism/convention narrative. Chapter seven is about gentrification and the Port. Chapters eight and nine are a concluding discussion with policy recommendations. This research argues that community narratives are primary in the facilitation of freight transportation infrastructure, rather than economic concerns about its benefit to the Port. The histories of these narratives show that the social and political capital of the potentially affected residents was more powerful than the economic development and job creation narratives of the business community and the Port.
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Sillar, Bill, and Emily Dean. "Identidad étnica bajo el dominio inka: una evaluación arqueológica y etnohistórica de las repercusiones del Estado Inka en el grupo étnico Canas." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113590.

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Ethnic Identity under Inka Rule: An Archaeological and Ethnohistoric Assessment of the Effects of the Inka State on the Canas Ethnic GroupCieza de Leon describes how after agreeing to an amnesty with Inka Viracocha the Canas ethnic group became major allies of the Inka and relocated their settlements away from the hill tops and down onto the valley floor. In this paper we will consider these claims in the light of archaeological evidence for changes and continuities within the Canas territory during the Late Intermediate and Inka periods. This will be primarily based upon the results of survey, architectural analysis, excavations and artifact studies within a 520 km2 survey area around the site of Cacha/Raqchi. We will describe the very limited effect which inclusion within the Inka Empire seems to have had on local settlement organization as well as examing the administrative apparatus that the Inka state located within the Canas territory. We will evaluate what this archaeological evidence tells us about how the Inka treated their allies and to what degree local ethnic identity can be recognized before, during, and following incorporation into the Inka Empire. Finally, we will contrast the Canas situation with the factors that led to the development of an "Inka" identity in the Cuzco region prior to the emergence of the Inka state.
Cieza de León describe como luego de acordar una amnistía con el Inka Viracocha, el grupo étnico Canas se convirtió en aliado principal de los inkas y reubicó sus asentamientos lejos de la cumbre de los cerros y, más bien, se asentaron en el fondo de los valles. En el presente trabajo se consideran estas afirmaciones a la luz de las evidencias arqueológicas de cambios y continuidades dentro del territorio canas durante el Periodo Intermedio Tardío y el Periodo Inca. Por ello se basa primeramente en los resultados de análisis de datos de prospección, análisis arquitectónicos, excavaciones y estudios de los artefactos en un área prospectada de 520 km2 alrededor del sitio de Cacha/Raqchi. Se describe el efecto muy limitado que la incorporación dentro del imperio parece haber tenido en el patrón de asentamiento local, así como se examina el aparato administrativo que el estado estableció dentro del territorio canas. Se evalúa lo que estas evidencias arqueológicas aportan acerca de cómo los inkas trataron a sus aliados y en que grado se puede reconocer la identidad étnica local antes, durante y después de su incorporación dentro del Imperio Inka. Finalmente, se contrasta la situación de los canas con los factores que condujeron al desarrollo de la identidad "inka" en la región del Cuzco antes del surgimiento del Estado Inka.
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MacCormack, Sabine. "¿Inca o español? Las identidades de Paullu Topa Inca." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113531.

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Inca or Spanish? The Identities of Paullu Topa IncaPaullu Topa Inca tends to be described, in modern historiography, as a traitor to his own people. This judgement misrepresents the circumstances of his life as perceived during the sixteenth century. During his own life time, he was indeed respected by many Spaniards, but Incas and andean people also regarded him as a man of very great authority and worth. After his death, the complex events of the invasion and conquest in which Paullu Topa Inca participated were streamlined into a smooth narrative that fitted in with the perspective of the winning side in the civil wars of the conquest period, and that became canonical once the viceregal state was established. The old men who at century’s end remembered Paullu Topa Inca did so as part of their own memories of their childhood and youth.
En la historiografía moderna, Paullu Topa Inca aparece como traidor de su gente. Este juicio da una imagen falsa de las circunstancias de su vida como la representaron sus contemporáneos. Durante su existencia, muchos españoles lo respetaron, y los incas y la gente andina lo miraron como hombre de gran autoridad y valía. Después de muerto, los sucesos complejos de invasión y conquista en los que Paullu Topa Inca participó fueron transformados en una narrativa llana y sencilla, según las ideas del partido victorioso en las guerras civiles. Esta narrativa se hizo canónica, una vez que se estableció el Estado virreinal. Los viejos que recordaban a Paullu Topa Inca lo hicieron en el contexto de sus propias memorias de niñez y juventud.
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