Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnography; Romans'

AbstractThe presence of Pygmies in Thrace is neither a misunderstanding nor a fantasy of Pliny the Elder: this reference, confirmed by Stephanus of Byzantium, can be explained through the history of the Pygmies, mythic people mentioned in theIliadand integrated in the Classical, Hellenistic, Roman, Medieval and Renaissance descriptions of the inhabited world. The modern historian can reveal the reasons that made the Greeks and Romans locate these little men in the northern country of the cranes: the indigenous, under-earth houses of Dobrodgea and the abandoned caves in the region of Yailata as well as the Greek toponymy imported from the Aegean nourished the imagination of the Greeks and their stories about the Euxine Pontus, colonized by Milesians and Megarians. These observations contribute not only to a better understanding of the geography and ethnography of the western Black Sea coast, but also throw light on the process of “inventing” foreign peoples, at the center but also at the periphery of the civilized world, on the basis of racial, geographic and historical otherness, by taking into account the everlasting authority of the literary tradition.

This article examines the potential of a transdisciplinary ethnographic approach that bridges ethnography, performance, storytelling, and imagination to contribute to an activist research practice within anthropology and other disciplines. It focuses on my current research project that studies, by means of dramatic storytelling, the impact of migration on Polish Romani women’s experiences of aging. In the dramatic storytelling sessions, the ethnographer and the interlocutor stepped into character and co-performed fictional stories loosely based on their own lives. Situating the project within the context of an “imaginative ethnography” that is concerned with people’s imaginative lifeworlds, and methodological experimentations at the ground level of fieldwork, this article discusses the ways the project challenged traditional conceptions of engagement and advocacy. It considers the silence—“quiet theatre”—that engulfed the interlocutor–ethnographer interactions in the storytelling sessions as a form of radical empathic politics that works through affect, projective approximation, and empathy. In doing so, the article proposes a conceptualization of interventionist research practice as a contextually specific particularity that takes to task the meanings of politics in academic activism.

The author reflects on the conditions connected with obtaining data through in-depth interviews. He argues that in studies on the relations of the Romani with non-Romani peoples the issue is particularly sensitive yet seldom considered. In consideration of the social and cultural distance that ordinarily divides the ethnographer and the research subject, and the interpersonal conditions of their encounter, the author calls attention to the deliberate manner in which the researcher’s academic knowledge is engaged in creating empirical ethnographic data. In conclusion, he proposes a research program that would make it possible to define the sense of the “empirical data” category in contemporary anthropology in relation to the majority community and the Romani.

Based on the analysis of archival material, and combined with ethnographic fieldwork conducted among the Finnish Kaale (the Finnish Romani population) since 2011, this article looks at the historical intertwining of Roma religious and social activism in Finland from the beginning of the 20th century. A focus is placed on the role of the Gypsy Mission (Mustalaislähetys), nowadays Romani Mission (Romano Missio), in shaping both historical and present-day Roma policy, activism and mobilisation within the country. Founded in 1906, and initially led by non-Roma Evangelicals, its impact has nevertheless moved beyond a strictly Roma-focused/non-Roma-led mission. While rarely mentioned, Kaale were active participants within the organisation, and some of the earliest Roma activists were shaped within its midst. Furthermore, Roma mobilisation in the country continues to have a religious undertone, particularly in the contemporary transnational humanitarian work conducted by Finnish Kaale missionaries among Roma communities in Eastern Europe. Tracing the legacy of present-day religious mobilisation among Roma in Finland, as well as Finnish Roma’s active involvement in shaping Roma-projects elsewhere in Europe, is therefore crucial in revealing not only contrasts in how Roma activism may have manifested during the interwar period in Europe (from political to religious, from Roma-led to Roma-focused) but points to the present-day influence of Evangelical missions in shaping particular visions of the ‘future’ among Roma communities across Europe.

Being part of an ethnographic research project, which investigated the funds of knowledge and literacy practices of a Romani community in northwestern Romania, this paper presents an exploratory examination, seeking ways to understand drawings and sketches as multimodal texts produced by five Romani children in this community. In general, Romani people, living on the margins of society, have often been labeled illiterate and been discriminated against. The examination of these Romani children’s drawings and sketches illuminated two features of their multimodal literacy practices— intertextuality and design—and scrutinized the stereotype of illiteracy thrust upon the Romani people. Based on the examination of the multimodal literacy practices of these Romani children, implications are drawn, including pedagogical applications, and future research directions are suggested.

A obra intitulada Comentarii de Bello Gallico foi produzida por Caio Júlio César durante os seus pro-consulados na Ilíria e na Gália Cisalpina (59-50 A.E.C.) e trata das campanhas por este empreendidas na Gália, com os objetivos de subjugá-la e conquistá-la. Pretendemos analisar no presente artigo de que forma César estrutura sua etnografia da Gália como metonímia da região pelos habitantes e, portanto, excluindo as etnografias da Germania e da Britânia presente no Bello Gallico. Ademais, exploraremos como o autor constrói a imagem de um inimigo ideal ao articular a construção dessa etnografia com o conceito de virtus, criando um oponente valoroso o suficiente que por vezes é passível de comparação com os romanos, mas que ainda assim fora derrotado e conquistado por ele, César.

I recently spent twenty-two weeks in Zagreb, the capital of Croatia, for the purpose of establishing a Romani women's empowerment program2. My objectives were to help invigorate Croatian Romani women's lives, and to bring their lived experiences into public view. Given the demanding nature of my research agenda and preferred ethnographic approach, I had relatively little time to achieve those objectives.

AbstractThis article takes an ethnographic approach to language standardisation. My research focuses on Romani language use in Prizren, Kosovo, which has a tradition of multilingualism. Moving away from approaches to standardisation that focus only on linguistic processes, I look more broadly at the social processes behind language standardisation. I explore discussions, debates, and attitudes towards me as a language learner to show how a Romani standard is being produced and legitimised in Prizren. Applying theories of purism and standardisation, I examine how certain speech practices are made inferior and how social hierarchies legitimise this. I relate this more broadly to the politics of Romani language and to theories of sociolinguistics and anthropological linguistics. (Romani, Kosovo, standardisation, purism, language ideology)*

The writings of Maximus the Greek (Maxim Grek) devoted to refutation of mantic astrology which proceeded in Moscow Rus in the second quarter of the 16 th century are analyzed. A conclusion is made that the opposition of two dominant pursuits predetermined the semantics of the antiastrological discourse: those were disproval of the ‘Hellenic’ teaching of star- gazers and affirmation of the force of Divine Providence, which granted the freedom of will to the Man (“the absolute rule of the Man”). Maximus the Greek based his polemic on the systemic relationship between the historic experience and the spiritual meaning. The morphology of the anti-astrological discourse embraces such stable elements of narration as the history of star-gazing, the image of fortune (”the wheel of luck”), the fates of Biblical and historical heroes, and a quotation from the song of Prophet Anna (the First Book of the Kings, 2: 7–8). The function of these units of meaning in the writings of different periods by Maximus the Greek, the forms of their presentation, the contextuality, the meaning of verbal communication, and the accents chosen became the part of the theoretical system of the polemic discourse and allowed identification of the stages of formation of the author’s code in the writings of Maximus the Greek. Maximus the Greek names the Romans and the Germans (Nikolay Bulev) to be the main culprits who initiated the spread of mantic astrology in Russia. Whereas in his earlier epistles, the learned monk from Mount Athos presents the history of formation of the pernicious teaching based on series of ethnonyms, in his later writings he pointed to Egypt and Assyria as the countries of the origin of star-gazing. Orthodox Rus is opposed to them. Movement from ethnography to geography made the scene of the anti-astrological expression more definitive. The representative series of mini-stories about the fates of the famous Biblical and historic heroes, whose feats were predetermined by the Divine Providence, served as a strong argument in the critique of star-gazing, and each name became symbolical in the sign system of the agonistic discourse of Maximus the Greek. The quotation from the song of Prophet Anna (the First Book of the Kings, 2: 7–8) should be recognized as the leading through motif of the antiastrological text. Its functioning in the writings of the learned monk allows us to describe the praxis of the discourse. The process of modification of its semantics reflected development of the author’s intention in the history of formation of the theme variety of Maximus the Greek and of the author’s manuscript code (Iosaf’s Collection of Writings) in general.

Begun in 1888, the Gypsy Lore Society (GLS) set out to describe and preserve Welsh Kale Romani customs, culture and language. Leaders in this effort were John Sampson, Francis Hindes Groome and Dora Yates, among others who took on the role of ethnographers, anthropologists and linguists. This paper raises the question, “Who Was John Sampson Really Protecting?” It is answered through an extensive examination of documented sources: birth records, census records, newspaper articles, Gypsy Lore Society Journals, academics on racism, and modern-day ethnography and anthropological practices. As well as family history; the archived memory of a Wood family member. It is premised on these facts – that John Sampson’s ethics, methods and emotional investment ignores the context and inhumane impact of his study, namely the everyday lives and voices of his subject matter. His goal was heavily influenced by the works of Charles Darwin and intellectualbaggage of the history of the world seen through British eyes; simply as a straight line from cultures to possess the deep roots of civilization itself. The purer and more hidden the better. The method used by John Sampson was to capture as much of the Welsh Kale culture and language by embedding himself in one family – the Wood family who he proclaimed spoke the “pure” Romanus language of the Abram Wood tribe of North Wales. His published work on this is The Dialect of the Gypsies of Wales: Being the Older Form of British Romani Preserved in the Speech of the Clan of Abram Wood” (1926). Against this intellectual stronghold fortressed inside a racially superior monolith, the story of Edward Wood, John Roberts and their extended family is told. Ethically however, his project also raises serious questions about the dichotomy of singling out the Wood family from others who also spoke Welsh Kale Romanus but were excluded from John Sampson’s studies. He and the GLS recast the Wood family in romantic Victorian terms to use as props with which to stage their inventions in widely published articles to a gullible audience. In this paper, the moral position taken is one of noncompliance with the Romanized recasting and politicizing of the “Pure” Gypsy that local authorities used as policy to rationalize the separation of families and force them into housing right up to the 1970s. What is called today, “Scientific Racism”. Concluding with the ways we are dealing with the intergenerational trauma and the collateral damage done to these Welsh Kale families. Asserting, our own voices and legacy have earned us a rightful place in the wider collective as we commit to standing together in our ethnicity, diversity, and authenticity with all Roma.

“Social orders, tensions and saviourism” represents an ethnography on the implementation of Finnish national policy on Roma. It draws upon two and half years of fieldwork working in a Roma project. The name of the study, “Social orders, tensions and saviourism,” reflects the core findings of the study. It argues that the neoliberal policy-making applied to Romani people have an ideological premise that is incongruous with their social realities causing tensions among participants and formulating a form of saviourism. Keywords: Finnish Roma, participation, development, policy, neoliberalism, power

This article first aims to establish a genealogy of critical stances on knowledge construction on, about, and from Romani groups in academia. It focuses on critical perspectives that have challenged Eurocentric binary categorizations. Such categories have resulted in the historical perception of a universal “Gypsy”/“non-Gypsy” divide despite the diverse contexts in which Romani identities are negotiated in daily life. The text addresses the writings of authors who have been critical of how central this divide has been to the constitution of Romani Studies as a field, most of whom have relied on insights from Edward Said´s Orientalism (2003 [1978])and other postcolonial theorizations. The theoretical insights brought into conversation come from ethnographic work with Romani individuals and groups whose mobilities exceed imagined European borders. Based on this work, the second part of the article gives an example of the consequences of Eurocentric categorizations: a review of how Romani transatlantic migration and presence in the Americas has been conceived in academic texts. To conclude, the author puts forward engagements with Romani transatlantic passages as one of the ways in which postcolonial stances can actually be operationalized in academic practice. Throughout the argument, transatlantic experiences become not only an epistemic tool but also a case study for a refined understanding of Romani life worlds.

Romulus Vuia, the founder of Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography (founded in 1922) is a famous personality of the begining of the 20th century’s in Transylvania. As a museum founder and director, as a university professor, he was very active in academic life. He represented Romania at international congresses and conferences between 1924 and 1944 and his whole activity was, in a way, aimed to create a good image of Romanian traditional culture abroad, fact that is shown also in the German language press from Germany, in 1944.

The physical scale of buildings like the Baths of Caracalla give the clearest indication of the importance of bathing in the classical order of things – though whether what Romans did in the bath was always clean and decent may be an open question. But what about the prehistory of bathing, and particularly of bathing in steam? An answer is given here which links the historical and ethnographic record to burnt mounds, among the more common and puzzling types of north European site.

AbstractThe aim of this article is to study how ethnographic descriptions and categories in Strabo's Geography might be used in the construction of representations of ethnicity. Departing from, in particular, R. Cohen's approach of ethnicity as constructed through nesting dichotomizations, Strabo's text is studied on the basis of the dichotomies of civilised - uncivilised, Greek - barbarian, and Roman - non-Roman. Special attention is given to Strabo's view of the various stages of evolution of human culture, which intersects with the idea of simple dichotomies, as well as to the particular aspect of city-identities. In the end, the problem turns out to be rather complicated, involving the question of the definition of Romanness in social practice, and the emergence of particular provincial identities within the context of the Roman Empire.

Dans un premier temps, cet article brosse brièvement une biographie intellectuelle de Sembène Ousmane pour faire ressortir les rapports entre sa production et sa trajectoire de sujet sénégalais, Ousmane Sembène de son vrai nom, devenu le romancier et cinéaste Sembène Ousmane. Du même coup, à partir d’une lecture de l’évolution des titres de ses romans du français au wolof, du Docker noir (1956) à Xala (1973), il tente d’expliquer son passage de l’écrit à l’écran. Dans un deuxième temps, ce texte montre la cohérence interne de l’oeuvre cinématographique de La Noire de... (1966) à Moolaadé (2004), en passant par Mandabi (1968), Ceddo (1976) ou Camp de Thiaroye (1988). Ces films qui, tous, mettent en scène une crise suite à une rencontre avec l’Autre (ou d’autres), plus spécifiquement l’irruption d’un ou des éléments étrangers dans un corps social jamais un mais multiple, divers dans un procès de confrontation/transformation. Cette double contre-ethnographie, portrait de Soi et portrait de l’Autre, ni Soi ni l’Autre n’étant un, mais multiple, divers/divisé est une poéthique (poétique et éthique) liée à un engagement personnel de l’écrivain-cinéaste pour une redéfinition de l’image de l’Afrique sur les écrans. En ce sens, son travail se fait notamment, du moins implicitement, contre un certain cinéma ethnographique dont Jean Rouch a été la figure de proue avec des documentaires comme Les Maîtres fous (1954) ou Mammy Water (1966).

Aim. The main goal of the article is to generalise and describe the aspects revealed during the ethnographic research conducted in 2018 that are related to the gender of Roma girls, as representatives of ethnic group, which have influence on the process of education in the context of school community. Concept. During the ethnographic research conducted in one of the schools in Lithuania in 2018, the fragments of Romani customary law were revealed, which are directly related to the female gender and show how belonging to a certain gender can have impact on the process of education at school. The Roma students were observed in their daily learning and communication environment, i.e. at school. The ethnographic research helped to reveal the ways a Roma school student thinks (interview method) and behaves (observation method) in a basic school. The present research was based on anthropological methodology (Okely, 2002; Bhopal & Myers, 2008; Durst, 2010) and mainly focused on one case-study. Conclusion. The Roma girls in the research acknowledged that life of Roma men is easier and that a heavy burden is placed on the shoulders of girls, what often hinders their successful learning. The burden mentioned by the Roma girls is related to responsibilities in housework and family. She is accompanied by the pressure of community to start a family early: to get married and to give birth to children and, thus, to emphasise and confirm own belonging to this ethnic group and continuation of traditions. The situation is exacerbated by the stereotypes in society and the Roma community, which in most cases are ruthless towards Roma girls and women. Cognitive value. The patriarchate, as the basis of Romani culture, and the unwritten customary law accompanying it frequently become a source of ambiguity. The Roma people, as an ethic group, draw a very distinct boundary between the understanding of "we" and "they", i.e. "the Roma people" and "gadje". Being a non-Roma researcher, i.e. gadje, one faces a difficult challenge - not to make mistakes interpreting various aspects of Romani culture, especially such sensitive ones as gender, gender roles and inequality. However, it becomes easier evaluating indisputable facts: the Romani customary law has influence on the process of their children's education. Roma children (girls in particular) still abandon the system of education too early (from our, gadje, perspective). EU documents (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights [FRA], 2014) indicate that more Roma girls than boys indicate the fact of marriage or pregnancy to be the reason for early school leaving. The academic discourse, feminist anthropology allows for particularly critical evaluation of processes.

The field of demography addresses the composition of human populations, their size, structure and development. The sources with which to conduct demographic analysis in archaeology can incorporate proxy data from areas of settlements, historical or ethnographic sources such as census data or parish burial registers, radiocarbon date densities, or human skeletal remains. The present study aims to use data from human skeletal remains to address questions relating to the size of the population of Roman York.

In recent decades, numerous popular shrines devoted to saints have emerged in Romani settlements, usually in urban areas. At first sight, these shrines and the veneration of saints are reminiscent of the cult of saints and tombs common in regional Muslim traditions and beyond, and possess particular local features. A detailed analysis of this local case shows new meanings and forms the “wider” tradition gains under new conditions. This paper explores the way the regional Muslim tradition of worshiping holy sites is localized and elaborated within popular religious practice of certain Romani communities in the Balkans. Specifically, it focuses on the contestation of the issues of authenticity and marginality of this vernacular practice in order to reveal the peculiarity of images and meanings Islam gains at the intra-confessional level in a quite heterogeneous social and cultural environment. The material discussed in this paper was collected during ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2011 and 2014 in Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo.

The concept of the ethnographic principle is rarely found in the literature, and there is hardly a legal qualification for it. However, historical material (in cases of the Lithuanian, Czech, Bulgarian and Polish peoples) indicates that the ethnographic principle is a significant political and geopolitical phenomenon. This phenomen is especialy characteristic of the development of the peoples of the region of Central and Eastern Europe. First, the ethnographic principle was closely related to the national principle, although it did not coincide with it. The concept of the ethnographic principle points to the special anatomy of nation states, where the basis is ethnic / linguistic culture. Secondly, the advancement of culture to the fore indicated the recognition of its significance, which had not happened before. Consequently, it was a question of freeing this culture from the restrictions imposed on it and even compensating for the damage caused to it. Thirdly, the culture, raised to the state level, needed appropriate guarantees for the future. The article reveals the tendency of great states at the level of their policies and propaganda to act according to the ethnographic principle, thereby encouraging the formation of national states. However, when the latter became a fact, another tendency arose: the Western world began to apply the criteria of a liberal civil society to new states (according to the principle of jus civis romanus sum). This was too hard for the new states. In this context, the alternative was the Soviet ethno-federalist protectorate, which, although under the conditions of a repressive system, actually continued to implement the projections of the ethnographic principle. A fixed paradox: the ethnographic principle, which originated in the West as a variant of democratization, gained strength thanks to Russia, while the West remained, as it were, in aristocratic opposition to this course. The ethnographic principle has not yet acquired a clearer legal legitimacy. But as a historical category, it can serve as a study of the history of Modern times, and especially the Soviet period.

The Spanish state advertises itself internationally as a leading example of “Roma inclusion” and takes particular pride in its policy towards women from the Kalé minority, the main Romani group in Spain. This is reflected in a carefully deployed political communication that centres on the trope of the “empowered Gypsy woman” who will soon reach emancipation thanks to state-funded programmes. On the ground, however, Kalé women’s persistent social marginalisation is imputed on them, while antigypsyism remains unaddressed by institutions.This paper investigates the discursive strategies mobilised by institutional actors in order to rule out discussions on racism. Based on eight months of ethnographic observations as well as semi-structured interviews with professionals in Madrid, I argue that this occurs through a translation of feminist agendas,particularly on intimate partner violence (IPV), into discourses that stigmatise Kalé “culture” as intrinsically patriarchal while promoting a gadjo (non-Romani) norm. This phenomenon, which I refer to as “gadjo feminism,” manifests itself within the justice system, where professionals disproportionately resortto culturalist representations of IPV in Kalé communities, and also within NGO-piloted empowerment programmes for Kalé women which rely upon racial hierarchies while systematically dismissing women’s experiences of institutional racism.

AbstractThis article examines writings on theZigeuner(“Gypsies”) by three prominent Hungarian-German scholars—Johann Schwicker, Anton Herrmann, and Heinrich von Wlislocki—as responses to Magyarization pressures, which divided Hungarian-Germans by threatening the traditional privileges of some while offering others opportunities for social advancement. Hungarian and German elites alike castZigeuneras primitiveNaturvölkerin an effort to legitimize reform efforts. By writing about theZigeuner, scholars asserted competing Magyar and German models for modernization and reform. Passionate German nationalist Johann Schwicker called for theZigeunerto assimilate into Hungarian and Romanian culture, arguing that Germanization was beyond their reach, thereby asserting German culture's supposedly superior status as an elite culture. By contrast, Hungarian nationalist Anton Herrmann urged the Magyarization of theZigeunerto strengthen the Hungarian nation-state, denigrating the role of German and Romanian culture. Finally, Heinrich Wlislocki rejected all nationalist modernizing efforts, presenting theZigeuneras a romantic symbol of the premodern age. In all three cases, Schwicker's, Herrmann's, and Wlislocki'sZigeunerbore very limited resemblance to Romani lived experience. Collectively, the writings of these three scholars illustrate both the range of Hungarian-German responses to nationalist modernization, as well as the role of national disputes in shapingZigeunerkunde(“Gypsy Studies”).

The article analyzes the ethnocultural problems in the scientific works of L. Zalizniak, published by them in 1991-2018. The methodological basis of the study was the principles of historicism and historical retrospective. Also, the researchers applied comparative-analytical, systemic-structural, objective-subjective, biographical, concrete-generalization, chronological, concrete-historical, retrospective and other methods of research. The researcher was interested in the problem of the origin of the Ukrainian people with the arrival to the Institute of Ukrainian Studies in 1992. The fruitful cooperation with the Institute of Ukrainian Studies of the Kyiv University named after Taras Shevchenko and other scientific institutions helped the scientist to form his own vision of the Ukrainian ethnogenetic process. For a quarter century of work on the topic in the conditions of the Ukrainian state, L. Zaliznyak creatively substantiated and developed the early-medieval conception of the origin of the Ukrainian people founded by M. Hrushevsky. During this long time, L. Zalizniak's ethno-cultural studios have become a solid, stable and reliable ground for the modern concept of ethnogenesis of Ukrainians. The scholar highlights the following basic provisions of this ethnogenetic theory: 1) The peoples are ethnocultural organisms that pass through the life cycle from birth through childhood, maturity, old age to ethnic disintegration and assimilation by other ethnic groups; 2) The age of ethnos determines the ethno-cultural continuity of its development, which is established with the help of a complex of sources and methods of various paleo-historical disciplines (archeology, historical sources, linguistics, ethnography, anthropology, etc.); 3) The birth of large ethnic groups in the middle of Europe occurred in the early Middle Ages; 4) The tribal stage of the development of European ethnic groups began at the dawn of the Middle Ages and ended in the IX-X centuries the emergence of their first states - English, French, Czech, Serbian, Croatian, Polish, Russian; 5) The state-owned people of the empire may generate daughters in the provinces of the empire controlled by them. They arose as a result of the synthesis of local traditions with the culture and language of the imperial people-conqueror, and began their own historical existence from the moment of separation from the empire. They arose as a result of the synthesis of local traditions with the culture and language of the imperial people-conqueror, and began their own historical existence from the moment of separation from the empire. So the Romans gave rise to the Romanesque group of peoples, and the ancient Ukrainian (Russian) princely Kievan group of Eastern Slavs (Belarusians, Pskov-Novgorod, Russians). According to L. Zalizniak, in Eastern Europe there really existed a cradle of three fraternal peoples. Newborn Belarussians, Pskov-Novgorodians and Russians sat there, and their father, a pro-Ukrainian from Prince Kiev, sheds it. L. Zaliznyak substantiates the coherence of the early medieval conception of the origin of Ukrainians with the universal scheme of ethnogenesis of the great European ethnic groups and the scheme of the ethnogenesis of the eastern Slavs M. Hrushevsky. If M. Hrushevsky considered the antitates to be direct ancestors of the Ukrainian people, then L. Zaliznyak is convinced that they were the most slobins. According to L. Zaliznyak, Ukrainian ethnogenetic periodization has the following form: ethnogenesis of Ukrainians begins at the end of the fifth century; further - slobins and partially anti (V-VІІ st.); annalistic tribes of Volynians, Derevlyans, Polyan, White Croats, Ulychi, Tiverts (VIII-IX); Ruthenian people (proukrainians) (X-XIV centuries); Rusyns-Ukrainians of the Cossack Age (XV-XVIII centuries); Ukrainians since the emergence of a modern nation (nineteenth and twentieth centuries). Actively criticizing the modern exotic concepts of prehistoric origin of Ukrainians, the scientist emphasizes: 1) Ukrainian people are born only when their basic ethno-cultural complex is formed, which includes language, culture, temperament, character, anthropological type, self-consciousness and specific forms of management; 2) the main defining feature of the age of the Ukrainian ethnos is the continuity of its ethno-cultural development, that is, the presence of a holistic complex of ethno-cultural elements for a sufficiently long time. Consequently, the ethno-cultural studios of L. Zaliznyak in post-Soviet Ukraine, deprived of totalitarian ideology, acquired the finality and systematic comprehension, due to this, they became a solid and reliable ground for the construction of scientifically sound models of Ukrainian ethnogenesis.

This paper takes a language ideological approach to describe the ongoing processes of the construction and negotiation of emergent romano- or lusobourgish ethnicities and identities within Luxembourgish society. The first two sections discuss the main theoretical assumptions of the language ideological approach and provide an overview of the language situation in Luxembourg. The following two sections present the results of an ethnographic study of language use, language ideologies and identity construction among luso-descendant adolescents attending a number of youth centres in Luxembourg city. The final section considers the implications of these results for language-in-education policy and, more particularly, the importance of creating “literacy bridges” for transnational students, rather than some form of mother-tongue education, as a first step towards the elusive goal of educational equity.

RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. 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I libri sibillini fra religione e politica, Cosenza, Giordano.Montero, S. (1993), “Los harúspices y la moralidad de la mujer romana”, Athenaeum. 81, 647-658.Montero, S. (1994), Diosas y adivinas. Mujer y adivinación en la Roma antigua, Madrid, Trotta.Montero, S. (2008), “La supplicatio expiatoria como factor de cohesión social”, en N. Spineto (a cura di), La religione come fattore di integrazione: modelli di convivenza e di scambio religioso nel mondo antico. Atti del IV Convegno Internazionale del Gruppo di Ricerca Italo-Spagnolo di Storia delle Religioni Università degli Studi di Torino (29-30 sept. 2006), Alessandria, Edizioni dell´Orso.Moussy, C. (1977), “Esquisse de l’histoire de monstrum”, RÉL, 55, 345-369.Péter, O. M. (2001), “Olim in prodigiis nunc in deliciis. Lo status giuridico dei monstra nel diritto romano”, en G. Hamza, F. Benedek (hrsg.), Iura antiqua-Iura moderna. Festschrift für Ferenc Benedek zum 75. Geburtstag, Pecs, Dialóg Campus Kiadó, 207-216.Sandoz, L. Ch. 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Este artigo trata de possíveis tensões quando usos da memória, ativismo político e comportamento ético convivem em um ambiente museológico. Para tanto, serve-se do exemplo de dois museus – o Museu Cigano Itinerante (Brasil) e o Roma Ethnographic Museum in Tarnów (Polônia) –, analisando a exposição das instituições e a fala de seus organizadores. Ambos os museus estão engendrados nos movimentos sociais cigano/romani que, por sua vez, trabalham desde os anos 1970 na relocação desse povo na sociedade. Esse novo espaço social seria o de uma nação ou grupo étnico coeso, reconhecido por outras nações, com um primeiro passo para a conquista de uma melhor qualidade de vida. Discute-se aqui que os museus constroem narrativas que exoticizam2 e essencializam populações ciganas heterogêneas, em retóricas que encontram incompatibilidades com o meio acadêmico. O que pode ser entendidocomo ausência de verdade e ética por parte dos museus, no entanto, pode ser relativizado levando em consideração os diferentes objetivos e abordagens de grupos distintos que discutem problemáticas semelhantes.

Despite the vast research on Roma in Europe and beyond, little has been written about Roma agency from a perspective that focuses on manifold dynamics of power. Having worked for two years on the Finnish Roma Inclusion Project in a dual role as ethnographer and project worker has inspired me to rethink concepts of power and to create an alternative narrative of the experience of marginalized and discriminated Finnish Kaale Roma. Encouraged by the current paradigm shift in Romani Studies (which increasingly focuses on Roma agency instead of objectifying the population), this paper explores Kaale power dynamics as part of the social order and empirically demonstrates two parallel and antagonist systems of power exercised by Roma: one that stems from the population’s traditional cultural customs and the other from Pentecostal/charismatic Christianity, agrowing trend among the Finnish Kaale. The purpose of this article is to underline Roma agency within the frame of national Roma policy practices in Finland.

This article examines the genre of “secret history” which gained widespread currency in France after the publication of the book Anecdotes of Florence: or, A Secret History of the House of Medici (1685) by Antoine de Varillas. The preface to the book gives an overview of the theory of the genre that welcomes representation of hidden, sometimes “dishonorable” or “insignificant” premises of important events, usually ignored by official historiographers who tend to focus on the façade of their protagonist’s life. Authors of such “secret” stories are advised to use gossips obtained from the “royal” circles and find their way into the studies and bedrooms hidden from the eyes of the others. The article shows the impact that elements of Varillas’s poetic style (ethnographic flair, the topoi of bedroom and “cabinet,” focus on the human body etc.) had on the texts of “secret” memoirs and notes by François-Paulin Dalairac, Esaias von Pufendorf, Madeleine-Angélique de Gomez, and others. A more detailed interpretation demonstrates how historical narrative degraded into fictional prose and in many respects anticipated — together with other sources analyzed in the article — a formula of the historical novel a la Walter Scott.

Given article presents an overview and analysis of the facts of the crossing of the Slavic, Oriental and European cultures in the very center of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as the connection of the Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim (Islamic) worlds and mentality in the historical retrospective of Bosnia and Herzegovina, its culture, ethnography and language. Special attention is paid to the specific moments of modern political life, socio-demographic problems, as well as to the peculiarities of the national mentality, traditions and customs of different peoples (formed as a result of confessional differences), living on the territory of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. On this basis we try to present the specifics and uniqueness of this region: on the one hand, the Slavonic one, and on the other, not being such in the traditional and direct meaning of this word. Along with these questions, stereotyped views of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia on the Muslim part of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, their actual implementation in contemporary culture, literature and language, as well as their transformation as a result of the crucial political events of the 1990s, are also considered. In the article it is concluded for the first time that apart from the notions Slavia Orthodoxa and Slavia Romana, traditionally accepted in the science about the Slavs, from the XVI century, the third world - Slavia Muslim with its mentality, culture, religion and language has started to form in the Balkans.

This paper deals with issues of ethnic representation; it aims at highlighting how Roman authors tend to portray the Etruscans as ‘others’, whose cultural models deeply differ from those proposed by Rome. Several studies, conducted from different disciplinary and methodological positions, have highlighted the existence, in the Greek world, of complex representations of ‘other peoples’, representations that served political, cultural, and economic purposes. Whether the study of alterity is to be set in the context of a Greek response to the Persian wars (as P. Cartledge and others have pointed out, the creation of the barbarian seems to be primarily a Greek ideology opposing the Greeks to all other peoples), or not, it seems clear from scholarly studies that the Romans often drew upon and reworked Greek characterizations, and created specific representations of other peoples. Latin literature, which (as T. N. Habinek has noted), served the interests of Roman power, abounds with examples of ethnographic and literary descriptions of foreign peoples consciously aimed at defining and marginalizing ‘the other’ in relation to Roman founding cultural values, and functional to evolving Roman interests. Outstanding examples are Caesar's Commentarii and Tacitus' ideological and idealized representation of the Germans as an uncorrupted, warlike people in the Germania. In several cases there is evidence of layering in the representation of foreign peoples, since Roman authors often re-craft Greek representations: thus, the biased Roman portrayal of the Near East or of the Sardinians largely draws on Greek representations; in portraying the Samnites, Latin authors reshaped elements already elaborated by the Tarentines.

Pesantren (Islamic boarding school) has a great potential for family-based corruption prevention. This study aims to determine the values of pesantren and portraits of sakinah family personalities in the texts of “Zadu Az-Zaujayn” and “Syair Madura” in relation to the prevention of corruption. It uses an ethnographic-hermeneutic qualitative approach. The research concludes that the value of pesantren associated with the prevention of corruption lies in the expression "Mondhuk entar ngabdi bhen ngaji (the intention of going to pesantren is to learn and to serve)" and “Mon ngecok jerum e pondok mon mole ka romana ngecok jheren (if you steal a needle in pesantren, you will steal a horse once you get back home)". Through the values, students are accustomed to serving people and being careful of taking others’ belongings. Meanwhile, the values of sakinah family within the text are wara’ (being cautious and able to self-control), zuhud (living a simple life and prioritizing others’ need), and patient (being tender and dare to face difficulties); qona'ah (accepting life as it is), ridha (accepting the provisions of God); and self-presentation. This research is vital to develop to achieve sakinah families free of corruption.Pondok pesantren memiliki potensi besar dalam mencegah korupsi berbasis keluarga. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memaparkan nilai-nilai pesantren dan potret kepribadian keluarga sakinah dalam teks kitab “Zadu Az-Zaujayn” dan “Syair Madura” terkait pencegahan korupsi. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif tipe etnografi-hermeneutik. Hasil penelitian: nilai-nilai pesantren yang terkait dengan pencegahan korupsi yaitu “Mondhuk entar ngabdi dan ngaji (mondok untuk mengabdi dan mengaji)”. Santri juga menghindari ngecok (mencuri):“Mon ngecok jerum e pondok mon mole ka romana ngecok jheren, (kalau mencuri sebuah jarum di pondok, pulangnya akan mencuri seekor kuda)”. Dengan kedua nilai tersebut, santri akan terbiasa melayani orang lain dan menjauhi mengambil hak milik orang lain. Sedang kepribadian pasangan suami-istri sakinah yaitu mampu mengendalikan diri: yaitu wara’ (hati-hati dan mampu mengendalikan diri), zuhud (hidup sederhana dan lebih mementingkan kepentingan orang lain), dan sabar (lapang dada dan berani menghadapi kesulitan-kesulitan); penerimaan hidup apa adanya: qona’ah (menerima kenyataan yang ada), ridha (ketenangan hati menerima ketentuan-ketentuan dari Allah); dan presentasi diri. Penelitian ini penting untuk dikembangkan, agar tercipta keluarga sakinah yang bebas dari korupsi.

Gadabay situated at the western part of Azerbaijan Republic. There are many early medieval Christian temples, churches and monasteries which concern to Caucasian Albania in Gadabay region. This article is dedicated to early medieval temples and religious monuments of Caucasian Albania in Gadabay. It was researched Gadabay temple, Chaldash, Chanakhchi, Girdiman (Pir Javanshir), Agh kilse (White church), Ayrivang temples and Hamshivang monastery in last decade. These historical monuments established during early medieval period of Caucasian Albania. Early medievalreligious situation of the country was largely studied by Azerbaijani Albanian scholars. As it is known from the sources, in the early Middle Ages the religious situation in Albania as a whole was extremely complicated. Thus, idolatry persisted, and Christianity and Zoroastrianism struggled to spread. There was a fierce struggle between their ideologues and supporters. The defense of Zoroastrianism by the Sassanids and Christianity by the Romans and then the Byzantines by all means that the inter-religious struggle went beyond the borders of the country.When thinking about the structure of the society that existed in the Gadabay region in the early Middle Ages, it would be more correct to refer directly to sources on the history of Albania. The study of early medieval archeological monuments of Gadabay region used ancient and medieval sources, materials of historical, archeological and ethnographic researches carried out in various monuments, samples of material culture kept in museums, funds and private collections. As it is known, the works of Strabo, Plolemy, Kirokos Ganjali and especially the Albanian historian M. Kalankatuklu provide very valuable information about the history of Albania. Of course, the study of all this in relation to archeological materials and in a comparative manner is great scientific importance.M. Kalankatuklu states that during the reign of the Albanian Tsar Arsvagen and Prince Khurs of Girdiman, "there are still pagans left in Girdiman". At that time, Christianity was already widespread in the country.

Introducción: Este artículo propone una aproximación socio-etnográfica a aquellos grupos de la circulación migratoria rumana que quedan relegados “al margen” y ubicados estratégica y simbólicamente “al otro lado”, esto es, al margen de la ley, la sociedad y fuera del foco de atención de las ciencias sociales. Así, nos detendremos en las brigadas, formaciones de jóvenes que organizan sus actividades en torno a los delitos contra la propiedad y la práctica de la prostitución trasnacionales; y los clanes romaníes, grupos con vínculo familiar que desempeñan actividades como la recogida y venta de chatarra, las tareas agrícolas de temporada o la mendicidad.Método: El enfoque biográfico se sustenta en la etnografía “multi-situada” (España/Rumanía), dando especial relieve a la construcción de contextos de convivencia e intimidad con los actores. Estos se hallan agrupados en diferentes núcleos familiares procedentes de las regiones de Valaquia, Moldavia y Transilvania, y que hoy participan de una experiencia migratoria trans-nacional.Resultados: Se trata de una investigación iniciada en 2013 y que se encuentra en curso, por lo que los resultados son provisionales. En el caso de la minoría romaní se observa una notable discriminación por parte de los Estados, que produce una injustificada alarma social. En relación con el delito y la prostitución trans-nacionales, las políticas de control social tienden al pánico moral y se concentran en grupos delictivos de baja intensidad, buscando la permanente legitimación en una lucha simbólica (e ineficaz) frente a los fantasmas del “crimen organizado”.Discusión: El paradigma de la victimización criminalizadora contribuye a ahondar en el proceso de estigmatización de estas poblaciones, cuya esperanza emancipadora pasa necesariamente por des-afiliarse de los discursos dominantes. No obstante, evidenciar el carácter heterogéneo de las migraciones rumanas no debe llevarnos a ignorar la influencia de las estructuras socio-políticas ni el peso de la historia. Introduction: This article proposes a socio-ethnographic approach to those groups of the Romanian migratory movement that are reduced to living "on the Margins" and strategically and symbolically located "on the other side", that is, outside the law, society and the attention of the social sciences. Therefore, we will focus on the brigadas, youth groups that organise their activities around property crime and transnational prostitution; and the Roma clans, groups with family ties that survive through the collection and sale of scrap, seasonal agriculture or begging.Method: The biographical approach is based on the "Multi-sited" Ethnography (Spain / Romania), with special emphasis on the building of close and personal relationships with the participants. These are grouped in different family nuclei originated from the regions of Valaquia, Moldavia and Transilvania, and that today participate in a trans-national migratory experience.Results: This research was initiated in 2013 and is still in progress, so the results are provisional. In the case of the Roma minority, there is a considerable discrimination on the part of the state, which feeds an unjustified social alarm. In relation to trans-national crime and prostitution, the social control policies are driven by moral panic and concentrate on low-intensity criminal groups, seeking a permanent legitimisation of a symbolic (and ineffective) struggle against the ghosts of "organised crime".Discussion: The paradigm of criminalising victimisation contributes to deepening the process of stigmatisation of these populations, whose emancipatory hope requires an escape from the dominant discourses. However, illustrating the diversity of the Romanian migrations should not lead us to ignore the influence of socio-political structures or the weight of history.

In this article, we present a historical analysis on how Sardinian pastoralism has become an integrated activity in global capitalism, oriented to the production of cheap milk, through the extraction of ecological surplus from the exploitation of nature and labour. Pastoralism has often been looked at as a marginal and traditional activity. On the contrary, our objective is to stress the central role played by pastoralism in the capitalist world-ecology. Since there is currently little work analysing the historical development of pastoralism in a concrete agro-ecological setting from a world-ecology perspective, we want to contribute to the development of the literature by analysing the concrete case of Sardinian pastoralism. To do so, we will use the analytical framework of world-ecology to analyse the historical dialectic of capital accumulation and the production of nature through which pastoralism -understood as a socio-cultural system that organises nature-society relations for the reproduction of local rural societies- became an activity trapped in the production of market commodities and cheap food exploiting human (labour) and extra-human factors (e.g. land, water, environment, animals etc.). Looking at the exploitation of extra-human factors, the concept of ecological surplus allows us to understand how capital accumulation and surplus was possible thanks to the exploitation of nature, or rather the creation of cheap nature and chap inputs for the production of cheap commodities. We analyse historical pastoralism to understand how geopolitical configurations of global capitalism interact with the national and local scales to change pastoral production, nature and labour relations. We will pay particular attention to the role of land and the relationship between pastoralists and animals. The article is based on secondary data, historical material and primary data collected from 2012 to 2020 through qualitative interviews and ethnographic research. We identify four main cycles of agro-ecological transformation to explore the interactions between waves of historical capitalist expansion and changes in the exploitation of agroecological factors. The first two phases will be explored in the first section of the paper: the mercantilist phase during the modern era and the commodification of pastoralist products, which extend from the nineteenth century to the Second World War. In the mercantilist phase, the expansion of pastoralism finds its external limits in the trend of international demand (influenced by international trade policies that may favour or hinder exports) and its internal limits in the competition/complementarity with agriculture for the available land that results in a transhumant model of pastoralism. In this phase, the ecological surplus needed for capitalist accumulation is produced by nature as a gift, or nature for free, which results in the possibility of producing milk at a very low cost by exploiting the natural pasture of the open fields. The second cycle, “the commodification of pastoralist products”, started at the end of the nineteenth century, with the introduction on the island of the industrial processing of Pecorino Romano cheese, and which was increasingly in demand in the North American market. This pushed pastoralism towards a strong commodification. Shepherds stopped processing cheese on-farm and became producers of cheap milk for the Pecorino Romano processing industry. Industrialists control the distribution channels and therefore the price of milk. Moreover, following the partial privatisation of land and high rent prices, shepherds progressively lose the ecological surplus that was guaranteed by free land and natural grazing, key to lower production costs and to counterbalance the unequal distribution of wealth within the chain. At the beginning of the twentieth century, although the market for Pecorino Romano was growing, these contradictions emerged and the unfair redistribution of profits within the chain (which benefited industrialists, middlemen and landowners to the detriment of shepherds) led to numerous protests and the birth of shepherds' cooperatives. The second section of the paper will explore the third agro-ecological phase: the rise of the “monoculture of sheep-raising” through the modernisation policies (from the fifties until 1990s). The protests that affected the inland areas of Sardinia, as well as the increase in banditry, signal the impossibility of continuing to guarantee cheap nature and cheap labour, which are at the basis of the mechanism of capitalist accumulation. On the basis of these pressures, the 1970s witnessed a profound transformation that opened a new cycle of accumulation: laws favouring the purchase of land led to the sedenterization of pastoralism, while agricultural modernisation policies pushed towards the rationalisation of the farm. Land improvements and technological innovations (such as the milking machine and the purchase of agricultural machinery) led to the beginning of the “monoculture of sheep raising”: a phase of intensification in the exploitation of nature and the extraction of ecological surplus. This includes a great increase of the number of sheep per unit of agricultural area, thanks to the cultivated pasture replacing natural grazing and the production and purchase of stock and feed. Subsidised agricultural modernisation and sedentarisation can once again "sustain" the cost of cheap milk that is the basis of the industrial dairy chain. However, agricultural modernisation results in the further commodification of pastoralism, which becomes increasingly dependent on the upstream and downstream market, making pastoralists less autonomous. Moreover, given the impossibility of further expanding the herd, the productivity need of keeping low milk production costs has to be achieved through an increase in the average production per head. Therefore, there are higher investments in genetic selection to increase breed productivity, higher investments to improve animal feeding and a more intensive animal exploitation to increase productivity. These production strategies imply higher farm costs. In this context, the fourth phase, the neoliberal phase (analysed in the third section of the paper) broke out in Sardinia in the mid-1990s. With the end of export subsidies and the opening of the new large-scale retail channel in which producers are completely subordinate, it starts a period of increased volatility in the price of milk. In order to counter income erosion and achieve the productivity gains needed to continue producing cheap milk, pastoralists have intensified the exploitation of both human (labour) and non-human (nature) factors, with contradictory effects. In the case of nature, the intensive exploitation of land through monocultural crops has reduced biodiversity and impoverished the soil. In the case of labour, pastoralists have intensified the levels of self-exploitation and free family labour to extreme levels and have also resorted to cheaply paid foreign labourers. Throughout the paper, we reconstruct the path towards the production of "cheap milk" in Sardinia, processed mainly into pecorino romano for international export. We argue that the production of ecological surplus through the exploitation of nature and labour has been central to capital accumulation and to the unfolding of the capitalist world ecology. However, we have reached a point of crisis where pastoralists are trapped between rising costs and eroding revenues. Further exploitation of human (cheap labour) and extra-human (nature and animals) factors is becoming unsustainable for the great majority, leading to a polarization between pastoralists who push towards further intensification and mechanisation and pastoralists who increasingly de-commodify to build greater autonomy.

RESUMENNuestro conocimiento sobre las religiones protohistóricas se encuentra prejuiciado por categorías de pensamiento presentistas y el recurso a fuentes posteriores. Para lograr una caracterización mínima de la fenomenología de tales manifestaciones se propone una aproximación a partir de los materiales de la Edad del Hierro, con atención a los problemas y metodologías de la arqueología, que privilegie el estudio de casos particulares frente a la generalización céltica. A través del ejemplo de la cultura castreña, se examinará qué elementos constituyeron objeto de atención ritual y sobredimensión simbólica para una sociedad de la Edad del Hierro.PALABRAS CLAVE: Cultura Castreña, Edad del Hierro, protohistoria, ritual, arqueologíaABSTRACTOur knowledge of protohistoric religions is prejudiced by presentist ways of thinking and recourse to later sources. To achieve a minimum characterization of the phenomenology of such manifestations, I propose an approach based on Iron Age materials, being careful of the archaeological problems and methodologies, and favouring particular case studies rather than Celtic generalizations. Through the example of Castreño culture, I will examine which elements might have been the object of ritual attention and symbolic oversizing in an Iron Age society.KEY WORDS: Castro culture, Iron Age, Protohistory, ritual, archaeologyBIBLIOGRAFÍAAlmeida, C. A. F. (1980) “Dois Capacetes e tres copos, em Bronze, de Castelo de Neiva”, Gallaecia, 6, 245-257.Alonso Burgos, F. (2014): Estructura social y paisaje simbólico: las comunidades astures y el imperio romano. Tesis doctoral inédita, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.Angelbeck, B. y Grier, C. 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(2011): Tales of the barbarians: ethnography and the empire in the RomanWest, Sussex, Wiley-Blackwell.

Este artículo ofrece una interpretación nueva sobre las substituciones sacrificiales partiendo de los pasajes de Serv. Aen. 11.116 y IV.512 y utilizando el método comparativo. El análisis conjunto de diversas fuentes del mundo antiguo y de la documentación etnográfica relativa a estas prácticas ilustra la tipología de las substituciones.This article offers a new interpretation of the substitutions in sacrificial context starting from Serv. Aen. 11.116 and IV.512 and using the comparative method. The analysis of data supplied by different sources ot Ancient World beside the ethnographic documentation about these practices makes clear the typology of substitutions.

The article analyses three museums – the Muzeum Romské Kultury in Czech Republic, the Muzej Romské Kulture in Serbia, and the Roma Ethnographic Museum in Poland – can be considered as elements of the Romani Nationalism. The main objective is to reflect on how these museums support a broad narrative about a common Indian origin of Gypsy/Romani populations. It is discussed how the aforementioned museums – by means of their exhibitions, websites, events or other any kind of official production – support sets of representations which allow a formation of an umbrella rhetoric about the groups known, taken and self-ascribed as Gypsies and/or Roma. The said rhetoric, then, is able to shelter all different groups within this population in a holistic manner, based on a narrative formed by essentializations, exoticizations and generalizations. The utmost layer of such practices it is an elaboration of a founding myth of their Indian Origins. This paper understands throughout that museums have a role in the process in which the concept of Roma is generalized in an attempt to rewrite and relabel Gypsy memory as a Roma history. Hence, considering the plurality that characterise the Gypsy/Romani people, it was necessary to articulate common aspects – whether truthful or not, is not the target of this article to discuss – which would legitimise this new identity, a Roma identity. This paper relies on the theories about memory, museology, sociomuseology, and the theory of representations. Key-words: Gypsy/Roma; Museums; Indian Origins; Nationalism.

El trabajo analiza desde múltiples perspectivas un conjunto de viejos balnearios, hoy en ruinas, en el valle bajo del río Mundo (provincia de Albacete). Los enfoques desde la geología, geografía, historia, arqueología y etnografía, permiten alcanzar una visión amplia e integradora. Se pretende resaltar la continuidad en la utilización de las aguas termales desde el mundo ibérico hasta finales de la presencia romana en la Península. E igualmente recordar la importancia social y económica que los balnearios adquirieron durante el siglo xix y principios del xx.This work analyses a group of ancient spas, which are in ruins today, located on the low valley of the Mundo River (Región of Albacete) from different points of view. We can reach a wide an integral view from the Geology, Geography, History, Archeology and Ethnography approaches. We try to point out that thermal waters have been used from the iberio worid until the end of the Román occupation of the Península. And also to remember both the social and economic importance that these spas reached during the 19'" an also the beginning of the 20* century.

AbstractThis article explores dilemmatic aspects of language policies in a preschool group in which three languages (Swedish, Romani and Arabic) are spoken on an everyday basis. The article highlights the interplay between policy decisions on the societal level, the teachers’ interpretations of these policies, as well as language practices on the micro level. The preschool group is seen as a complex context for negotiating language policies and expectations regarding language use. The theoretical framework builds on Billig’s work on ideological and everyday dilemmas that we argue are detectable at both levels of the analysis. The analysis of the ethnographic material shows that the explicit language policy formulated in the Swedish preschool curriculum leads, in practice, to ideological, pedagogical and everyday dilemmas. Moreover, an unwillingness to set rules for children’s language choice combined with the central position of free play in Swedish preschool practice has led to a situation in which children fall short of their potential to develop bilingual competence.

The migration of Romanian Korturare is analyzed with a focus on the transformation of three aspects of their funerary practices: place of burial, multi-sited funeral celebrations, and the use of communication technologies. This ‘mortuary focus’, which has not previously been applied to studies of international Romani migration, provides a better understanding of the interaction between territorial attachment and international mobility patterns. Observations based on ethnographic fieldwork are complemented by an analysis of social media use, audiovisual materials and a sample of 69 deaths. Localities of origin continue to be the preferred place for burial and collective memorialization, while funerals become multi-sited, involving both host towns and hometowns. The mediatization of death practices reinforces both of these tendencies. The transformation reflects the role of Korturare social organization in the migration process. The broad and densely nested family networks of the Korturare keep the possibility of multidirectional migration open and act as an adaptive resource by reproducing community life abroad. At the same time, they preserve the localities of origin as the common and privileged territory of the symbolic reproduction of family ties.

Les rapports perçus entre l’utopisme et l’anthropologie sont complexes, contestés et souvent davantage révélateurs du regard qui est posé sur ces deux formes de discours que d’une parenté évidente entre elles. Le sens même à donner à ces termes est ambigu. Nous commencerons ici par examiner des conceptions plutôt restrictives et formalistes de ces types de discours. Elles tracent une frontière relativement claire et rigide, que les anthropologues ont longtemps tenté de renforcer pour assoir l’autorité de leurs propres productions. Dans un deuxième temps, nous aborderons la manière dont cette frontière est devenue de plus en plus poreuse au XXe siècle, reflétant diverses appropriations anthropologiques de l’utopisme. Selon ses définitions les plus restrictives, le genre utopique serait constitué d’un corpus littéraire dont les codes ont été fixés dans l’Utopie de Thomas More (1516). Ses matériaux seraient le voyage imaginaire et il aurait pour finalité de produire le « plan » d’une société dans laquelle les contradictions que perçoit l’auteur-e dans sa propre société sont résolues. Cette même approche définitionnelle appliquée à l’ethnographie en fait un discours qui tire son autorité de l’expérience directe du terrain, dont le ton est ostensiblement descriptif avant d’être normatif et dont l’objectif ultime réside dans l’appréciation et la théorisation de la diversité des sociétés humaines. Même quand l’ethnographie est critique des rapports de pouvoir qu’elle met en récits, sa prétention typique est généralement de « découvrir » les réponses des personnes rencontrées sur le terrain face à ces systèmes de domination, plutôt que d’inventer des solutions pour contrer ces derniers. La distinction entre « découvrir » et « inventer » renvoie au vocabulaire utilisé à l’un des moments charnières dans la différentiation générique entre l’utopie et le discours des sciences sociales naissantes à la fin du XIXe siècle. Dans une brochure intitulée Socialisme utopique et socialisme scientifique (1880), Engels parlait de la recherche des moyens qui pourraient permettre d’ « éliminer les anomalies » mises au jour par l’analyse des sociétés. Il écrit : « Il faut donc non pas inventer ces moyens dans son cerveau, mais les découvrir à l’aide de son cerveau dans les faits matériels […]. » (Engels 1971 [1880] : 92) Les cibles explicites de cette critique sont, ici, les piliers de l’utopisme socialiste que sont Saint-Simon, Fourier et Owens. Pour Engels, l’engagement politique de ces auteurs est louable, mais ils souffrent d’une « immaturité théorique » qui les contraint à recourir aux codes de l’utopisme pour communiquer leur lecture du social et de l’émancipation. Pour Engels, bien entendu, ces jeux littéraires avaient été rendus caduques par l’échafaudage du « véritable » outil scientifique qu’était le matérialisme historique. Cette ligne de fracture générique entre l’utopisme et les sciences sociales n’est certainement pas un fait unique à la tradition marxienne. Dans son étude consacrée à la période d’émergence et de consolidation de l’anthropologie institutionnalisée, Esteban Krotz (2014 [1994]) a montré que la quête de respectabilité scientifique de la discipline anthropologique a souvent impliqué un rejet brutal, catégorique, de toute association possible avec l’utopisme. Cet acte sacrificiel, si l’on peut dire, par lequel le discours anthropologique désavouait sa parenté avec d’autres formes de discours sur l’ « Autre », tels le conte philosophique, le récit de voyage et l’utopie semble avoir été l’acte rhétorique exigé, selon Krotz, pour gagner une place à la table des sciences sociales. Mais sous ce désaveu se cachaient des filiations, peut-être profondes, qui ont continué de lier l’anthropologie et l’utopisme même durant cette période de définition des formes canoniques de la discipline anthropologique. Traitant du contexte français, Philipe Chanial parle de « deux voies » intervenant dans la genèse des sciences sociales : celle des Lumières et celle des Mystères. La seconde, évoquant l’importance « de l’utopie, du romantisme social et de l’Illuminisme » (Chanial 2000 : 80) est généralement peu assumée dans la narration de l’histoire de l’anthropologie. Pourtant, cette branche de l’arbre généalogique disciplinaire a nourri ce que George Marcus a nommé le « projet caché » au sein de l’écriture anthropologique, son engagement politique donnant une portée critique, si ce n’est justement utopique, aux comparaisons faites entre sociétés humaines. À tout le moins, ces ethnographies peuvent être considérées comme disponibles pour une appropriation utopiste. Les premières décennies du XXe siècle sont celles où la distinction générique entre l’utopie et l’ethnographie est affirmée avec le plus de sévérité. L’historiographie de l’anthropologie montre toutefois une certaine porosité dans la frontière entre ces discours. On relève en outre le fait que l’« exonostalgie » est restée un motif utopique récurrent dans le discours anthropologique jusqu’à nos jours (Makens et Blanes 2016). Mais quoi qu’il en soit, une forte connotation négative est attachée au terme d’ « utopie » à l’époque. Dans les années 1870, même l’utopie littéraire est en voie d’être supplantée par les romans dystopiques. L’optimisme (souvent techno-utopique), lui, se déplace alors vers la science-fiction. Ce n’est qu’avec la renaissance de l’utopie en tant que concept sociologique à la fin des années 1920 que cette dernière commencera à devenir fréquentable pour le vocabulaire anthropologique, particulièrement lorsqu’il sera question des résistances face au colonialisme. La réhabilitation de l’utopie en anthropologie peut être découpée en trois moments importants. Dans un premier temps, il sera question d’ethnographier de manière assez classique des communautés intentionnelles qui tentent de refonder la vie sociale par des pratiques expérimentales assumées comme telles. Paraitront des ethnographies de Kibbutz par exemple (Spiro 1956). Mais ces contributions tirent généralement peu parti de la conceptualisation de l’utopie comme force politique. Les références à des textes clés comme le Idéologie et utopie de Karl Mannheim ou le Thomas Münzerde Ernst Bloch, qui ont définitivement rompu avec les définitions littéraires de l’utopie à partir des années 1920, arriveront avec près de quarante années de retard en anthropologie. S’éloignant de la vision « insulaire » de l’utopie comme une sorte de microcosme à ethnographier, les anthropologues commencent alors à adopter des visions plus dialectiques où l’utopie interagit socialement avec des forces, en particulier l’idéologie, qui participent à la reproduction des formations sociales. Cette approche aura une résonnance particulière dans l’étude des contextes coloniaux où les mouvements religieux millénaristes ou prophétiques, par exemple, seront réinterprétés comme des expressions de la ferveur utopique/révolutionnaire des subalternes. Des travaux de Vittorio Lanternari (1962) et de Mühlmann (1968) sur les messianismes et les millénarismes, à ceux de Jean et John Comaroff sur les églises d’Afrique du sud (1991) et de Mondher Kilani sur les cultes du cargo mélanésiens (1983) dans les années 1980, l’étude de mouvements mus par l’« esprit de l’utopie », mais non nécessairement par ses prétentions totalisantes, dirigistes et insulaires classiques, devint une approche importante pour aborder des mobilisations et des résistances souvent difficilement lisibles comme politiques pour les sciences sociales occidentales. Si, dans les ethnographies d’expériences communautaires ou de mouvements sociopolitiques la différence générique entre l’utopisme et l’écriture anthropologique demeurait relativement stable, un troisième moment de cette réappropriation de l’utopie viendra questionner cette frontière. Des appels faits dans les années 1960 à pratiquer une ethnographie engagée jusqu’aux réflexions sur l’autorité narrative dans les années 1980, nous constatons une remise en question croissante de la possibilité pour les anthropologues d’agir simplement comme les observatrices et observateurs des utopies des « autres ». Réciproquement, des spécialistes de l’utopisme commençaient à proposer que le texte utopique soit compris comme une pratique politique située dans et agissant sur la société (Suvin 1979). Ainsi, la distinction rigide qu’avait postulé Engels entre l’action de « découvrir » des réponses aux contradictions de la société et celle de les « inventer » devenait de moins en moins claire. L’apparent délitement des frontières génériques entre l’ethnographie contemporaine et l’utopisme met en évidence l’importance de recentrer notre appréciation de ces genres sur les usages qui sont faits des textes eux-mêmes. Une ethnographie peut facilement être réappropriée dans des projets délibérés de revitalisation, voire de réinvention, de la vie sociale. Les tentatives de faire du buen vivir un un principe de refondation macro-sociale de certains États d’Amérique latine, par exemple, mettent en évidence de telles réappropriations. L’inscription du principe du buen vivirdans la constitution de l’Équateur en 2008, par exemple, peut être vue comme une telle appropriation. Inversement l’utopie ou des genres apparentés, dont la science-fiction en particulier, sont de plus en plus mobilisés explicitement comme puissants outils auto-ethnographiques par une diversité de groupes historiquement marginalisés (Dillon 2012). Un certain nombre d’auteurs du Sud ont d’ailleurs noté la pertinence de s’inscrire dans la tradition utopique et d’y revendiquer une participation en soutenant qu’elle a débordé l’Occident depuis bien longtemps déjà (Bagchi 2016). Elle peut même constituer une réponse épistémologique critique face aux idéaux eurocentriques des Lumières dans la mesure où l’utopie elle-même s’est souvent définie par son rapport agonique face à ces derniers (Kannepalli Kanth 1997 ; Sarr 2016). Activer et déstabiliser les codes de littératures et pratiques si étroitement liées à la modernité occidentale devient alors une stratégie à la fois pour découvrir et pour inventer des manières de la confronter sur son propre terrain.

Introduction“Chav” is a social phenomenon that gained significant popular media coverage and attention in the United Kingdom in the early 2000s. Chavs are often characterised, by others, as young people from a background of low socioeconomic status, usually clothed in branded sportswear. All definitions of Chav position them as culturally anomalous, as Other.This article maps out a multidisciplinary definition of the Chav, synthesised from 21 published academic publications: three recurrent themes in scholarly discussion emerge. First, this research presents whiteness as an assumed and essential facet of Chav identity. When marginalising Chavs because of their “incorrect whiteness”, these works assign them a problematic and complex relationship with ethnicity and race. Second, Chav discourse has previously been discussed as a form of intense class-based abhorrence. Chavs, it would seem, are perceived as anomalous by their own class and those who deem themselves of a higher socioeconomic status. Finally, Chavs’ consumption choices are explored as amplifying such negative constructions of class and white ethnic identities, which are deemed as forming an undesirable aesthetic. This piece is not intended to debate whether or not Chav is a subculture, clubculture or neotribe. Although Greg Martin’s discussion around the similarities between historical subcultures and Chavs remains pertinent and convincing, this article discusses how young people labelled as Chavs are excluded on a variety of fronts. It draws a cross-disciplinary mapping of the Chav, providing the beginnings of a definition of a derogatory label, applied to young people marking them anomalous in British society.What Is a Chav?The word Chav became officially included in the English language in the UK in 2003, when it was inducted into the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). The current OED entry offers many points for further discussion, all centred upon a discriminatory positioning of Chav:chav, n. Etymology: Probably either < Romani čhavo unmarried Romani male, male Romani child (see chavvy n.), or shortened < either chavvy n. or its etymon Angloromani chavvy. Brit. slang (derogatory). In the United Kingdom (originally the south of England): a young person of a type characterized by brash and loutish behaviour and the wearing of designer-style clothes (esp. sportswear); usually with connotations of a low social status.Chav was adopted by British national media as a catch-all term encompassing regional variants. Many discussions have likened Chav to groups such as “Bogans” in Australia and “Trailer Trash” in the US. Websites such as UrbanDictionary and Chavscum have often, informally, defined Chav through a series of derogatory “backcronyms” such as Council Housed And Violent or Council House Associated Vermin, positioning it as a derogatory social label synonymous with notions of perceived criminality, poverty, poor taste, danger, fear, class, and whiteness.Chav came to real prominence in the early 2000s in mainstream British media, gaining visibility through television shows such as Shameless (2004-2013), Little Britain (2003-2006), and The Catherine Tate Show (2004-2009). The term exploded across the tabloid press, as noted by Antoinette Renouf in 2005. Extensive tabloid press coverage drove the phenomenon to front-page coverage in TIME magazine in 2008. Chavs were observed as often wearing Burberry check-patterned clothing. For the first time since its founding in 1856, and due to the extent of Chav’s negative media coverage, Burberry decided to largely remove its trademark check pattern between 2001 and 2014 from sale. Chavs in AcademiaThe rubric of the Chav did not emerge in academia with the same vigour as it did in popular media, failing to gain the visibility of previous youth social formations such as Punks, Mods, et al. Rather, there has been a modest but consistent number of academic publications discussing this subject: 1-3 publications per year, published between 2006-2015. Of the 22 academic texts explicitly addressing and discussing Chavs, none were published prior to 2006. Extensive searches on databases such as EBSCO, JSTOR and ProQuest, yielded no further academic publications on this subject since Joanne Heeney’s 2015 discussion of Chav and its relationship to contested conceptualisations of disability.From a review of the available literature, the following key thematic groupings run through the publications: Chavs’ embodiment of a "wrong" type of white identity; their embodiment of a "wrong" type of working-class identity; and finally, their depiction as flawed consumers. I will now discuss these groupings, and their implications for future research, in order to chart a multidisciplinary conceptualisation of the Chav. Ultimately, my discussion will evidence how "out of place" Chavs appear to be in terms of race and ethnicity, class, and consumption choices. Chavs as “Wrong” WhitesThe dividing practices (Foucault) evident in UK popular media and websites such as Urbandictionary in the early 2000s distinctly separated “hypervisible ‘filthy whites’” (Tyler) from the “respectable whiteness” of the British middle-class. As Imogen Tyler puts it, “the cumulative effect of this disgust is the blocking of the disenfranchised white poor from view; they are rendered invisible and incomprehensible”, a perspective revisited in relation to the "celebrity chav" by Tyler and Joe Bennett. In a wider discussion of ethnicity, segregation and discrimination, Colin Webster discusses Chav and “white trash”, within the context of discourses that criminalise certain forms of whiteness. The conspicuous absence of whiteness in debates regarding fair representation of ethnicity and exclusion is highlighted here, as is the difficulty that social sciences often encounter in conceptualising whiteness in terms exceeding privilege, superiority, power, and normality. Bennett discusses Chavspeak, as a language conceived as enacting combinations of well-known sociolinguistic stereotypes. Chavspeak derives from an amalgamation of Black English vernaculars, potentially identifying its speakers as "race traitors". Bennett's exploration of Chavs as turncoats towards their own whiteness places them in an anomalous position of exclusion, as “Other” white working-class people. A Google image search for Chav conducted on 8th July 2020 yielded, in 198 of the first 200 images, the pictures of white youth. In popular culture, Chavs are invariably white, as seen in shows such as Little Britain, The Catherine Tate Show and, arguably, also in Paul Abbott’s Shameless. There is no question, however, that whiteness is an assumed and essential facet of Chav identity. Explorations of class and consumption may help to clarify this muddy conceptualisation of ethnicity and Chavs. Chavs as “Wrong” Working ClassChav discourse has been discussed as addressing intense class-based abhorrence (Hayward and Yar; Tyler). Indeed, while focussing more upon the nexus between chavs, class, and masculinity, Anoop Nayak’s ethnographic approach identifies a clear distinction between “Charver kids” (a slang term for Chav found in the North-East of England) and “Real Geordies” (Geordie is a regional term identifying inhabitants from that same area, most specifically from Newcastle-upon-Tyne). Nayak identified Chavs as rough, violent and impoverished, against the respectable, skilled and upwardly mobile working-class embodied by the “Real Geordies” (825). Similar distinctions between different types of working classes appear in the work of Sumi Hollingworth and Katya Williams. In a study of white, middle-class students from English urban state comprehensive schools in Riverside and Norton, the authors found that “Chav comes to represent everything about whiteness that the middle-classes are not” (479). Here, Chav is discussed as a label that school-age children reserve for “others”, namely working-class peers who stand out because of their clothing, their behaviour, and their educational aspirations. Alterity is a concept reinforced by Bennett’s discussion of Chavspeak, as he remarks that “Chavs are other people, and Chavspeak is how other people talk” (8). The same position is echoed in Sarah Spencer, Judy Clegg, and Joy Stackhouse’s study of the interplay between language, social class, and education in younger generations. Chavspotting is the focus of Bennett’s exploration of lived class experiences. Here, the evocation of the Chav is seen as a way to reinforce and reproduce dominant rhetoric against the poor. Bennett discusses the ways in which websites such as Chavscum.com used towns, cities and shopping centres as ideal locations to practice Chav-spotting. What is evident, however, is that behind Chavspotting lies the need for recontextualisation of normalising social practices which involve identification of determinate social groups in social spaces. This finding is supported by the interviews conducted by Ken McCullock et al (548) who found the Chav label, along with its regional variant of Charva, to be an extension of these social practices of identification, as it was applied to people of lower socioeconomic status as a marker of difference: “Chav/Charva … it’s what more posh people use to try and describe thugs and that” (McCulloch et al., 552).The semi-structured interview data gathered by Spencer, Clegg, and Stackhouse reveals how the label of Chav trickled down from stereotypes in popular culture to the real-life experiences of school-aged children. Here, Chavs are likened by school children to animals, “the boys are like monkeys, and the girls are like squeaky squirrels who like to slap people if they even look at you” (136) and their language is defined as lacking complexity. It bears relevance that, in these interviews, children in middle-class areas are once again “othering” the Chav, applying the label to children from working-class areas. Heeney’s discussion of the Chav pivots around questions of class and race. This is particularly evident as she addresses the media contention surrounding glamour model Katie Price, and her receipt of disability welfare benefits for her son. Ethnicity and class are key in academic discussion of the Chav, and in this context they prove to be interwoven and inexorably slippery. Just as previous academic discussions surrounding ethnicity challenge assumptions around whiteness, privilege and discrimination, an equally labyrinthine picture is drawn on the relationship between class and the Chavs, and on the practices of exclusion and symbolic to which they are subject. Chavs as “Wrong” ConsumersKeith Hayward and Majid Yar’s much-cited work points to a rethinking of the underclass concept (Murray) through debates of social marginality and consumption practices. Unlike previous socio-cultural formations (subcultures), Chavs should not be viewed as the result of society choosing to “reject or invert mainstream aspirations or desires” but simply as “flawed” consumers (Hayward and Yar, 18). The authors remarked that the negative social construction and vilification of Chav can be attributed to “a set of narrow and seemingly irrational and un-aesthetic consumer choices” (18). Chavs are discussed as lacking in taste and/or educational/intelligence (cultural capital), and not in economic capital (Bourdieu): it is the former and not the latter that makes them the object of ridicule and scorn. Chav consumption choices are often regarded, and reported, as the wrong use of economic capital. Matthew Adams and Jayne Rainsborough also discuss the ways in which cultural sites of representation--newspapers, websites, television--achieve a level of uniformity in their portrayal of Chavs as out of place and continually framed as “wrong consumers", just as Nayak did. In their argument, they also note how Chavs have been intertextually represented as sites of bodily indiscretion in relation to behaviours, lifestyles and consumption choices. It is these flawed consumption choices that Paul Johnson discusses in relation to the complex ways in which the Chav stereotype, and their consumption choices, are both eroticised and subjected to a form of symbolic violence. Within this context, “Council chic” has been marketed and packaged towards gay men through themed club events, merchandise, sex lines and escort services. The signifiers of flawed consumption (branded sportswear, jewellery, etc), upon which much of the Chav-based subjugation is centred thus become a hook to promote and sell sexual services. As such, this process subjects Chavs to a form of symbolic violence, as their worth is fetishised, commodified, and further diminished in gay culture. The importance of consumption choices and, more specifically, of choices which are considered to be "wrong" adds one final piece to this map of the Chav (Mason and Wigley). What was already noted as discrimination towards Chavs centred upon notions of class, socioeconomic status, and, ethnicity, is amplified by emphasis on consumption choices deemed to be aesthetically undesirable. This all comes together through the “Othering” of a pattern of consumerist choices that encompasses branded clothes, sportswear and other garments typically labelled as "chavvy". Chav: Not Always a LabelIn spite of its rare occurrence in academic discourse on Chavs, it is worth noting here that not all scholarly discussions focus on the notion of Chav as assigned identity, as the work of Kehily, Nayak and Young clearly demonstrates.Kehily and Nayak’s performative approach to Chav adopts an urban ethnography approach to remark that, although these socio-economic-racial labels are felt as pejorative, they can be negotiated within immediate contexts to become less discriminatory and gain positive connotations of respectability in given situations. Indeed, such labels can be enacted as a transitional identity to be used and adopted intermittently. Chav remains an applied label, but a flexible label which can be negotiated and adapted. Robert Young challenges many established conceptualisations of Chav culture, paying particular attention to notions of class and self-identification. His study found that approximately 15% of his 3,000 fifteen-year old respondents, all based in the Glasgow area, self-identified as Chav or "Ned" (a Scottish variant of Chav). The cultural criminological approach taken by Young does not clearly specify what options were given to participants when selecting "Neds or popular" as self-identification. Young’s work is of real value in the discussion of Chav, since it constitutes the only example of self-identification as Chav (Ned); future work reasserting these findings is required for the debate to be continued in this direction. Conclusion: Marginalised on All Fronts?Have Chavs been ostracised for being the wrong type of white person? Much has been discussed around the problematic role of ethnicity in Chav culture. Indeed, many scholars have discussed how Chav adopted the language, dress and style of ethnic minority groups. This assimilation of non-white identities leaves the Chav stranded on two fronts: (1) they are marked as Other by predominantly white social groups and vilified as race/ethnicity traitors (Bennett, Chavspeak); (2) they stand apart from ethnic minority identities through a series of exaggerated and denigrated consumption choices – adopting a bricolage identity that defines them against other groups surrounding them. Are Chavs the wrong type of white, working-class consumer? We know from the seminal works of Dick Hebdige and Stuart Hall that subcultural styles can often convey a range of semiotic messages to the outside world. If one were to bear in mind the potentially isolated nature of those considered Chavs, one could see in their dress a consumption of "status" (McCulloch et al., 554). The adoption of a style predominantly consisting of expensive-looking branded clothes, highly-visible jewellery associated with an exaggerated sporting lifestyle, stands as a symbol of disposable income and physical prowess, a way of ‘fronting up’ to labels of poverty, criminality and lack of social and cultural capital.As my charting process comes to a conclusion, with the exclusion of the studies conducted by Young, Kehily and Nayak, Chav is solely discussed as an “Othering” label, vastly different from the self-determined identities of other youth subcultures. As a matter of fact, a number of studies portray the angry reactions to such labelling (Hollingworth and Williams; Bennett; Mason and Wigley). So are Chavs vilified because of their whiteness, their class, or their consumption choices? More likely, they are vilified because of a combination of all of the above. Therefore, we would not be mistaken in identifying Chavs as completely lacking in identity capital. What is apparent from the literature discussed is that the Chav exists in an anomalous “no man's land”. ReferencesAdams, Matthew, and Jayne Raisborough. "The Self-Control Ethos and the Chav: Unpacking Cultural Representations of the White Working Class." Culture & Psychology 17.1 (2011): 81-97.Bennett, Joe. "‘And What Comes Out May Be a Kind of Screeching’: The Stylisation of Chavspeak in Contemporary Britain." Journal of Sociolinguistics 16.1 (2012): 5-27.———. "Chav-Spotting in Britain: The Representation of Social Class as Private Choice." Social Semiotics 23.1 (2013): 146-162.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Boston: Harvard UP, 1984.Foucault, Michel. “The Subject and Power." Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. Eds. Hubert L. Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow. Brighton: Harvester, 1982. 777-795.Hayward, Keith, and Majid Yar. "The Chavphenomenon: Consumption, Media and the Construction of a New Underclass." Crime, Media, Culture 2.1 (2006): 9-28.Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Methuen, 1979. Heeney, Joanne. "Disability Welfare Reform and the Chav Threat: A Reflection on Social Class and ‘Contested Disabilities’." Disability & Society 30.4 (2015): 650-653.Hollingworth, Sumi, and Katya Williams. "Constructions of the Working-Class ‘Other’ among Urban, White, Middle-Class Youth: ‘Chavs’, Subculture and the Valuing of Education." Journal of Youth Studies 12.5 (2009): 467-482.Johnson, Paul. "’Rude Boys': The Homosexual Eroticization of Class." Sociology 42.1 (2008): 65-82.Kehily, Mary Jane, and Anoop Nayak. "Charver Kids and Pram-Face Girls: Working-Class Youth, Representation and Embodied Performance." Youth Cultures in the Age of Global Media. Eds. Sara Bragg and Mary Jane Kehily. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 150-165.Maffesoli, Michel. The Time of the Tribes: The Decline of Individualism in Mass Society. London: SAGE, 1995.Martin, Greg. "Subculture, Style, Chavs and Consumer Capitalism: Towards a Critical Cultural Criminology of Youth." Crime, Media, Culture 5.2 (2009): 123-145.Mason, Roger B., and Gemma Wigley. “The Chav Subculture: Branded Clothing as an Extension of the Self.” Journal of Economics and Behavioural Studies 5.3: 173-184.McCulloch, Ken, Alexis Stewart, and Nick Lovegreen. "‘We Just Hang Out Together’: Youth Cultures and Social Class." Journal of Youth Studies 9.5 (2006): 539-556.Murray, Charles. The Emerging British Underclass. London: IEA Health and Welfare Unit, 1990.Nayak, Anoop. "Displaced Masculinities: Chavs, Youth and Class in the Post-Industrial City." Sociology 40.5 (2006): 813-831.Oxford English Dictionary. "Chav." 20 Apr. 2015.Renouf, Antoinette. “Tracing Lexical Productivity and Creativity in the British Media: The Chavs and the Chav-Nots.” Lexical Creativity, Texts and Contexts. Ed. Judith Munat. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. 61-93. Spencer, Sarah, Judy Clegg, and Joy Stackhouse. "Language, Social Class and Education: Listening to Adolescents’ Perceptions." Language and Education 27.2 (2013): 129-143.Thornton, Sarah. Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital. Cambridge: Polity, 1995.Tyler, Imogen. “Chav Scum: The Filthy Politics of Social Class in Contemporary Britain”. M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). 7 July 2020 <http://www.journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/09-tyler.php>.Tyler, Imogen, and Bruce Bennett. "‘Celebrity Chav’: Fame, Femininity and Social Class." European Journal of Cultural Studies 13.3 (2010): 375-393.Webster, Colin. "Marginalized White Ethnicity, Race and Crime." Theoretical Criminology 12.3 (2008): 293-312.Young, Robert. "Can Neds (or Chavs) Be Non-Delinquent, Educated or Even Middle Class? Contrasting Empirical Findings with Cultural Stereotypes." Sociology 46.6 (2012): 1140-1160.

Les plus observateurs de la première génération de missionnaires, de militaires et de marchands européens à avoir sillonné l’Afrique des villages avaient souvent remarqué qu’à proximité de la maisonnée tôt le matin leur vénérable hôte versait dans un tesson de canari, parfois logé à l’intérieur d’un modeste édicule, un peu de bière ou y laissait un morceau de viande tout en s’adressant respectueusement à un interlocuteur invisible. La plupart de ces ethnographes amateurs de la première heure ont automatiquement conclu qu’il s’agissait d’un rite d’offrande sacrificielle accompli par un prêtre sur l’autel d’un petit temple où étaient localisés des esprits d’ancêtres (qu’on distinguait des purs esprits ancestraux). A leurs yeux judéo-chrétiens et gréco-latins, ce culte répondait à une religiosité primitive axée autour de la croyance dans la survie (immatérielle) des âmes (immortelles) qui, implorées en prière par les vivants, pouvaient, grâce à Dieu, venir en aide aux leurs. The medium is the message En inventoriant et analysant ainsi le phénomène en des termes sacrés on ne pouvait pas tomber plus mal ou loin d’une plaque phénoménologique qu’en l’absence in situ de la dichotomie occidentale entre le naturel et le surnaturel, on ne saurait même pas décrire comme « profane ». Emportés par des préjugés ethnocentriques peu problématisés, même des anthropologues occidentaux ou occidentalisés (mais y en a-t-il d’autres ?), ont désigné comme « le culte religieux des esprits ancestraux » une philosophie et pratique indigènes qui, au ras des pâquerettes phénoménologiques, ne représentaient que l’expression conceptuelle et cérémonielle des rapports intergénérationnels tels que vécus dans un certain mode historique de (re)production agricole. Préprogrammés par leur héritage chrétien, même s’ils n’y croyaient plus trop, les premiers observateurs occidentaux de la scène africaine se sont sentis obligés d’y localiser une sphère du sacré et du religieux bien distincte d’autres domaines clôturés par leur culture d’origine dont, entre autres, l’économique, le social ou le politique. Je parle des seuls Européens à l’affut savant et non sectaire des traits univoques d’une religiosité universelle qu’ils estimaient relever d’une nature religieuse censée être commune à tous les hommes. Car il faut passer sous le silence qu’ils méritent les Occidentaux qui, en laïques rabiques ou croyants fondamentalistes traitaient ce qu’ils voyaient de stupidités sauvages voire de superstitions sataniques. Néanmoins, faisons écho du meilleur des ethnographes ecclésiastiques qui ont cru bon de voir dans le phénomène des relents soit d’une Révélation Primitive (Uroffenbarung) soit des jalons vers la vraie Foi. Car en filigrane dans le mânisme (un terme savant renvoyant aux mânes des foyers romains) ils pensaient pouvoir lire la croyance en le monothéisme et en l’immortalité individuelle ainsi que le pendant de l’intercession médiatrice entre les Saints voire des Ames du Purgatoire et Dieu – autant de dogmes du XIXe siècle auxquels désormais peu de Chrétiens critiques souscrivent et qui, de toute évidence ethnographique n’avaient aucun équivalent indigène. L’anthropologie n’est rien si ce n’est une topologie : à chaque lieu (topos) sa logique et son langage. Or, d’un point de vue topographique, le lieu du phénomène qui nous préoccupe n’est ni religieux ni théologique dans le sens occidental de ces termes, mais tout simplement et fondamentalement gérontologique (ce qui ne veut pas dire « gériatrique » !). En outre, son langage et sa logique relèvent foncièrement de facteurs chronologiques. A partir des années 1950, je me suis retrouvé en Afrique venant du premier Monde à subir les conséquences sociétales d’un renversement radical de vapeur chronologique. Depuis l’avènement de la Modernité occidentale les acquis d’un Passé censé absolument parfait avaient perdu leur portée paradigmatique pour être remplacés par l’espoir d’inédits à venir – porté par les résultats prometteurs d’une croissance exponentielle de la maitrise technoscientifique des choses. Au Nord les jeunes prenant toujours davantage de place et de pouvoir, les vieillissants deviennent vite redondants et les vieux non seulement subissent une crise d’identité mais font problème sociétal. C’est dire que dans le premier village africain où en 1969 je me suis trouvé en « prêtre paysan » chez les WaKonongo de la Tanzanie profonde j’avais d’abord eu mal à encaisser la déférence obséquieuse des jeunes et des femmes à l’égard de ce qui me paraissait la prépotence prétentieuse des vieux. Les aînés non seulement occupaient le devant de la scène mais se mettaient en avant. Toujours écoutés avec respect et jamais ouvertement contredits lors des palabres villageois, ils étaient aussi les premiers et les mieux servis lors des repas et des beuveries. Un exemple parmi mille : en haranguant les jeunes mariés lors de leurs noces il n’était jamais question de leur bonheur mais de leurs devoirs à l’égard de leurs vieux parents. Mais j’allais vite me rendre compte que sans le savoir-faire matériel, le bon sens moral et la sagesse « métaphysique » des aînés, nous les jeunes et les femmes de notre village vaguement socialiste (ujamaa) nous ne serions pas en sortis vivants. Les vieux savaient où se trouvaient les bonnes terres et où se terrait le gibier ; ils avaient vécu les joies et les peines de la vie lignagère (des naissances et des funérailles, des bonnes et des mauvaises récoltes, des périodes paisibles mais aussi des événements stressants) et, sur le point de (re)partir au village ancestral tout proche (de rejoindre le Ciel pour y contempler Dieu pour l’Eternité il n’avait jamais été question !) ils étaient bien placés pour négocier un bon prix pour l’usufruit des ressources vitales (la pluie et le gibier, la fertilité des champs et la fécondité des femmes) avec leurs nus propriétaires ancestraux. En un mot : plus on vieillit dans ce genre de lieu villageois, plus grandit son utilité publique. Si de gérontocratie il s’agit c’est à base d’un rapport d’autorité reconnu volontiers comme réciproquement rentable puisque dans l’intérêt darwinien de la survie collective et aucunement pour euphémiser une relation de pouvoir injustement aliénant. La dichotomie entre dominant et dominé(e) est l’exception à la règle d’une vie humaine normalement faite d’asymétries non seulement acceptées mais acceptables aux intéressé(e)s. Les WaKonongo ne rendaient pas un culte à leurs ancêtres, ils survivaient en fonction d’un Passé (personnifié ou « fait personne » dans les ainés et les aïeux) qui avait fait ses preuves. Pour être on ne saurait plus clair : entre offrir respectueusement les premières calebasses de bière aux seniors présents à une fête pour qu’ils ne rouspètent pas et verser quelques gouttes du même breuvage dans un tesson pour amadouer un ancêtre mal luné et fauteur de troubles et qu’on a fait revenir du village ancestral pour l’avoir à portée de main, n’existe qu’une différence de degré formel et aucunement de nature fondamentale. Dans les deux cas il s’agit d’un seul et même rapport intergénérationnel s’exprimant de manière quelque peu cérémonieuse par des gestes de simple politesse conventionnelle et aucunement d’une relation qui de purement profane se transformerait en un rite religieux et profondément sacré. Pour un topologue, le non-lieu est tout aussi éloquent que le lieu. Dans leurs modestes bandes, les Pygmées vivent entièrement dans le présent et dans l’intergénérationnel acceptent tout au plus de profiter des compétences effectives d’un des leurs. Il ne faut pas s’étonner qu’on n’ait trouvé chez eux la moindre trace d’un quelconque « culte des ancêtres ». Cultivant sur brûlis, allant toujours de l’avant de clairière abandonnée en clairière défrichée les WaKonongo, voyageant légers en d’authentiques nomades « oubliaient » leurs morts derrière eux là où des villageois sédentaires (à commencer par les premiers de l’Anatolie) les avaient toujours lourdement à demeure (ensevelis parfois dans le sous-sol des maisons). Le passage d’un lieu à un lieu tout autre parle aussi. Quand le savoir commence à passer sérieusement à la génération montante celle-ci revendique sa part du pouvoir et de l’avoir monopolisés jusqu’alors par la sortante. En l’absence d’un système de sécurité sociale dépassant la solidarité intergénérationnelle du lignage cette transition transforme souvent la portée intégratrice de la gérontocratie en une structure pathogène. Aigris et inquiets par cette évolution, les vieux que j’ai connu au milieu des années 1980 dans des villages congolais, de bons et utiles « sorciers » s’étaient métamorphosés en vampires anthophages. Dans des contextes urbains des pays où l’Etat est faible et la Famille par nécessité forte, l’enracinement empirique du phénomène bien visible au point zéro du petit village d’agriculteurs sédentaires, se trouve parfois masqué par des expressions fascinantes (tels que, justement, les ancêtres superbement masqués que j’ai côtoyé chez les Yoruba du Nigeria) ou à l’occasion folkloriques – je pense aux Grecs qui vont pique-niquer d’un dimanche sur les tombes familiales ou aux vieillards que j’ai vu en Ethiopie terminant leur vie au milieu des monuments aux morts des cimetières. Mais la raison d’être du phénomène reste familial et ne relève pas (du moins pas dans sa version initiale) d’une rationalité qui serait centrée « religieusement » sur des prétendues réalités onto-théologiques qui auraient pour nom Dieu, les esprits, les âmes. Enfin, sur fond d’une description réaliste mais globale du religieux, deux schémas pourraient nous aider à bien situer l’identité intentionnelle des différents interlocuteurs ancestraux. En partant du latin ligare ou (re)lier, le religieux en tant que le fait de se retrouver bien obligé d’interagir avec des interlocuteurs autres que purement humains (selon le vécu et le conçu local de l’humain), a lieu entre l’a-religieux du non rapport (donnant-donnant) ou du rapport à sens unique (le don pur et simple) et l’irréligieux (le « Non ! » - entre autre du libéralisme contractuel - à tout rapport qui ne me rapporte pas tout). Si le gabarit des interlocuteurs aussi bien humains que supra-humains varie c’est que la taille des enjeux dont ils sont l’expression symbolique (« sacramentaires » serait mieux puisqu’une efficacité ex opere operato y est engagée) va du local au global. Quand le réel est intra-lignager (maladie d’enfants, infertilité des femmes dans le clan) la solution symbolique sera négociée avec l’un ou l’autre aïeul tenu pour responsable. Par contre, quand le signifié (sécheresse, pandémie) affecte indistinctement tous les membres de la communauté, le remède doit être trouvé auprès des personnifications plus conséquentes. Ces phénomènes faits tout simplement « personnes » (i.e. dotés du strict minimum en termes de compréhension et de volonté requis pour interagir) avaient été identifiés autrefois avec le « dieu de la pluie » ou « l’esprit de la variole » mais mal puisque les épaisseurs ethnographiques parlaient ni de religion ou de théologie ni d’opposition entre matière et esprit, corps et âme, Terre et Ciel. Une communauté villageoise est fondamentalement faite de groupes lignagers – représentés par les triangles. En cas de malheurs imprévus (en religiosité « primitive » il est rarement question de bonheur attendu !) l’aîné du clan devinera qui en est responsable (un sorcier, un ancêtre ou « dieu » - nom de code personnalisé pour la malchance inexplicable). Il prendra ensuite les dispositions s’imposent –le cas échéant relocalisant à domicile un aïeul mauvais coucheur. Leurs ancêtres n’étant pas concernés, les patriarches de lignages voisins se montreront tout au plus sympathiques. La ligne du milieu représente le pouvoir ou mieux l’autorité du conseil informel des notables. Si, en haut de la pyramide, le chef figure en pointillé c’est qu’il n’a aucun rôle proprement politique mais fonctionne comme médiateur entre les villageois et les nus propriétaires ancestraux en vue de l’usufruit collectif de leurs ressources vitales (en particulier la pluie). En invoquant ses ancêtres, il remédiera aussi à des problèmes affectant tout le monde (la sécheresse, une épidémie, des querelles claniques, menace ennemi). En partant de l’étymologie ligare ou « lier » j’entends par « être religieux » le fait de se (re)trouver obligé en commun à interagir de manière cérémonielle mais asymétrique, avec des interlocuteurs à l’identité plus qu’humain (tel que défini selon la logique locale), afin de satisfaire des intérêts réciproques et pas d’alimenter la curiosité intellectuelle, alors la spirale représente le réseau des rapports proprement religieux. Dans ce sens on peut penser que les vivants villageois se comportent « religieusement » avec les morts vivants du lignage ou de l’ensemble ethnique. Autour de la ligne médiane ont lieu les relations entre hommes, elles aussi à la limite religieuses – délimitées, à droite, par l’a-religieux de l’étranger vite devenu l’ennemi à qui on ne doit rien et qui peut tout nous prendre, et, à gauche, par l’irréligieux de l’adversaire du dedans tel que le sorcier parmi les vôtres qui vous en veut à mort. En bas, il y a le monde dit par l’Occident, animal, végétal et minéral mais qui fait partie intégrante de la religion animiste. En haut se trouve un premier cercle d’interlocuteurs religieux ceux impliqués dans des affaires claniques. Plus haut, constellant l’ultime horizon religieux, on rencontre des interlocuteurs personnifiant des enjeux globaux – la pluie, le gibier, des pandémies… Logiquement, puisqu’elle n’est pas négociable, les Africains ont localisé hors toute réciprocité religieuse, une figure des plus insaisissables – de nouveau mal décrit comme deus otiosus puisqu’elle n’a rien de théologique et n’est pas tant inoccupé que peu préoccupé par le sort humain. Trois diapositives illustrent les trois types d’interlocuteurs : 1. Des édicules pour fixer à côté de la maisonnée des ancêtres lignagers et faciliter les échanges intéressés avec eux ; 2. Un tombeau royal associé grâce à la houe cérémoniale à la pluie ; 3. Un « temple » à la croisée des chemins en brousse où siège le Seigneur de la Forêt et les Animaux.

In the last three years a new filthy vocabulary of social class has emerged in Britain. The word “chav”, and its various synonyms and regional variations, has become a ubiquitous term of abuse for white working class subjects. An entire slang vocabulary has emerged around chav. Acronyms, such as “Council Housed and Vile” have sprung up to explain the term. Folk etymologies and some scholarly sources suggest that the term chav might derive from a distortion of a Romany word for a child, while others suggests it is a derivative of the term charver, long used in the North East of England to describe the disenfranchised white poor (see Nayak). In current parlance, the term chav is aligned “with stereotypical notions of lower-class” and is above all “a term of intense class-based abhorrence” (Haywood and Yar 16). Routinely demonized within news media, television comedy programmes, and internet sites (such as the chavscum) the level of disgust mobilized by the figure of the chav is suggestive of a heightened class antagonism that marks a new episode of class struggle in Britain. Social class is often represented through highly caricatured figures—the toff, the chav—figures that are referred to in highly emotive terms. One of the ways in which social class is emotionally mediated is through repeated expressions of disgust at the habits and behaviour of those deemed to belong to a lower social class. An everyday definition of disgust would be: an emotion experienced and expressed as a sickening feeling of revulsion, loathing, or nausea. The physicality of disgust reactions means that the communication of disgust draws heavily on metaphors of sensation. As William Miller notes, disgust “needs images of bad taste, foul smells, creepy touchings, ugly sights, bodily secretions and excretions to articulate the judgments it asserts” (218). Our disgust reactions are often revealing of wider social power relations. As Sara Ahmed notes: When thinking about how bodies become objects of disgust, we can see that disgust is crucial to power relations. … Disgust at “that which is below” functions to maintain the power relations between above and below, through which “aboveness” and “belowness” become properties of particular bodies, objects and spaces (89). Ahmed’s account of the connection between disgust and power relations echoes Beverly Skeggs’ influential account of “class making”. As Skeggs suggests, class as a concept, and as a process of classification and social positioning, is not pre-given but is always in production and is continually re-figured (3). Social class virtually disappeared as a central site of analysis within cultural and media studies in the late 1980s, a disappearance that was mirrored by a similar retreat from the taxonomy of class within wider social and political discourse (Skeggs 45). This is not to say that class distinctions, however we measure them, have been eroded or are in decline. On the contrary, class disappeared as a central site of analysis at precisely the same time that “economic polarization” reached “unparalleled depths” in Britain (ibid.). As the term “working class” has been incrementally emptied of meaning, teaching and researching issues of class inequality is now often seen as “paranoid” and felt to be embarrassing and shameful (see Sayer). (Roland Barthes uses the concept of ‘ex-nomination’ to explain how (and why) social class is emptied of meaning in this way. According to Barthes, this process is one of the central mechanisms through which dominant classes naturalise their values.) In the last two decades academics from working class backgrounds and, perhaps most perversely, those who work within disciplines that were founded upon research on class, have increasingly experienced their own class origins as a “filthy secret”. If social class “directly articulated” and as “the object of analysis, has largely disappeared” (Skeggs 46) within the academy and within wider social and political discourses, portrayals of class differences have nevertheless persisted within popular media. In particular, the emergence of the grotesque and comic figure of the chav within a range of contemporary British media, primarily television comedy, reality-genre television, Internet forums and newspapers, has made class differences and antagonisms explicitly visible in contemporary Britain. Class-based discrimination and open snobbery is made socially acceptable through claims that this vicious name-calling has a ‘satirical’ function. Laughing at something is “an act of expulsion” that closely resembles the rejecting movement of disgust reactions (Menninghaus 11). In the case of laughter at those of a lower class, laughter is boundary-forming; it creates a distance between “them” and “us”, and asserts moral judgments and a higher class position. Laughter at chavs is a way of managing and authorizing class disgust, contempt, and anxiety. Popular media can be effective means of communicating class disgust and in so doing, work to produce ‘class communities’ in material, political and affective senses. In the online vocabulary of chav hate, we can further discern the ways in which class disgust is performed in ways that are community-forming. The web site, urbandictionary.com is an online slang dictionary that functions as an unofficial online authority on English language slang. Urbandictionary.com is modelled on an internet forum in which (unregistered) users post definitions of new or existing slang terms, which are then reviewed by volunteer editors. Users vote on definitions by clicking a thumb up or thumb down icon and posts are then ranked according to the votes they have accrued. Urbandictionary currently hosts 300,000 definitions of slang terms and is ranked as one of the 2000 highest web traffic sites in the world. There were 368 definitions of the term chav posted on the site at the time of writing and I have extracted below a small number of indicative phrases taken from some of the most highly ranked posts. all chavs are filth chavs …. the cancer of the United Kingdom filthy, disgusting, dirty, loud, ugly, stupid arseholes that threaten, fight, cause trouble, impregnate 14 year olds, ask for money, ask for fags, ….steal your phones, wear crap sports wear, drink cheap cider and generally spread their hate. A social underclass par excellence. The absolute dregs of modern civilization The only good chav is dead one. The only thing better than that is a mass grave full of dead chavs and a 24 hour work crew making way for more… This disgust speech generates a set of effects, which adhere to and produce the filthy figure and qualities of chav. The dictionary format is significant here because, like the accompanying veneer of irony, it grants a strange authority to the dehumanising bigotry of the posts. Urbandictionary illustrates how class disgust is actively made through repetition. Through the repetition of disgust reactions, the negative properties attributed to chav make this figure materialize as representative of a group who embodies those disgusting qualities – a group who are “lower than human or civil life” (Ahmed 97). As users add to and build the definition of “the chav” within the urban dictionary site, they interact with one another and a conversational environment emerges. The voting system works on this site as a form of peer authorization that encourages users to invoke more and more intense and affective disgust reactions. As Ngai suggests, disgust involves an expectation of concurrence, and disgust reactions seek “to include or draw others into its exclusion of its object, enabling a strange kind of sociability” (336). This sociability has a particular specificity within online communities in which anonymity gives community members license to express their disgust in extreme and virulent ways. The interactivity of these internet forums, and the real and illusory immediacy they transmit, makes online forums intensely affective communal spaces/places within which disgust reactions can be rapidly shared and accrued. As the web becomes more “writable”, through the development and dissemination of shared annotation software, web users are moving from consuming content to creating it ‘in the form of discussion boards, weblogs, wikis, and other collaborative and conversational media” (Golder 2). Within new media spaces such as urbandictionary, we are not only viewers but active users who can go into, enter and affect representational spaces and places. In the case of chavs, users can not only read about them, but have the power to produce the chav as a knowable figure. The chav thread on urbandictionary and similar chav hate forums work to constitute materially the exaggerated excessive corporeality of the chav figure. These are spaces/places in which class disgust is actively generated – class live. With each new post, there is an accruement of disgust. Each post breathes life into the squalid and thrillingly affective imaginary body of the filthy chav. Class disgust is intimately tied to issues of racial difference. These figures constitute an unclean “sullied urban “underclass”“, “forever placed at the borders of whiteness as the socially excluded, the economically redundant” (Nayak 82, 102-3). Whilst the term chav is a term of abuse directed almost exclusively towards the white poor, chavs are not invisible normative whites, but rather hypervisible “filthy whites”. In a way that bears striking similarities to US white trash figure, and the Australian figure of the Bogan, the chav figure foregrounds a dirty whiteness – a whiteness contaminated with poverty. This borderline whiteness is evidenced through claims that chavs appropriate black American popular culture through their clothing, music, and forms of speech, and have geographical, familial and sexual intimacy with working class blacks and Asians. This intimacy is represented by the areas in which chavs live and their illegitimate mixed race children as well as, more complexly, by their filthy white racism. Metaphors of disease, invasion and excessive breeding that are often invoked within white racist responses to immigrants and ethnic minorities are mobilized by the white middle-class in order to differentiate their “respectable whiteness” from the whiteness of the lower class chavs (see Nayak 84). The process of making white lower class identity filthy is an attempt to differentiate between respectable and non-respectable forms of whiteness (and an attempt to abject the white poor from spheres of white privilege). Disgust reactions work not only to give meaning to the figure of the chav but, more complicatedly, constitute a category of being – chav being. So whilst the figures of the chav and chavette have a virtual existence within newspapers, Internet forums and television shows, the chav nevertheless takes symbolic shape in ways that have felt material and physical effects upon those interpellated as “chav”. We can think here of the way in which” signs of chavness”, such as the wearing of certain items or brands of clothing have been increasingly used to police access to public spaces, such as nightclubs and shopping centres since 2003. The figure of the chav becomes a body imbued with negative affect. This affect travels, it circulates and leaks out into public space and shapes everyday perceptual practices. The social policing of chavs foregrounds the disturbing ease with which imagined “emotional qualities slide into corporeal qualities” (Ngai 573). Chav disgust is felt and lived. Experiencing the frisson of acting like a chav has become a major leisure occupation in Britain where middle class students now regularly hold “chav nites”, in which they dress up as chavs and chavettes. These students dress as chavs, carry plastic bags from the cut-price food superstores, drink cider and listen to ‘chav music’, in order to enjoy the affect of being an imaginary chav. In April 2006 the front page of The Sun featured Prince William dressed up as a chav with the headline, “Future Bling of England”, The story details how the future king: “joined in the fun as his platoon donned chav-themed fancy dress to mark the completion of their first term” at Sandhurst military academy. William, we were told, “went to a lot of trouble thinking up what to wear” (white baseball cap, sweatshirt, two gold chains), and was challenged to “put on a chavvy accent and stop speaking like a royal”. These examples of ironic class–passing represent a new era of ‘slumming it’ that recalls the 19th century Victorian slummers, who descended on the East End of London in their many thousands, in pursuit of abject encounters – touristic tastes of the illicit pleasures associated with the immoral, urban poor. This new chav ‘slumming it’ makes no pretence at any moral imperative, it doesn’t pretend to be sociological, there is no “field work”, no ethnography, no gathering of knowledge about the poor, no charity, no reaching out to touch, and no liberal guilt, there is nothing but ‘filthy pleasure’. The cumulative effect of disgust at chavs is the blocking of the disenfranchised white poor from view; they are rendered invisible and incomprehensible. Nevertheless, chav has become an increasingly complex identity category and some of those interpellated as filthy chavs have now reclaimed the term as an affirmative sub-cultural identity. This trans-coding of chav is visible within popular music acts, such as white teenage rapper Lady Sovereign and the acclaimed pop icon and urban poet Mike Skinner (who releases records as The Streets). Journalist Julie Burchill has repeatedly attempted both to defend, and claim for herself, a chav identity and in 2005, the tabloid newspaper The Sun, a propagator of chav hate, ran a ‘Proud to be Chav’ campaign. Nevertheless, this ‘chav pride’ is deceptive, for like the US term ‘white trash’ – now widely adopted within celebrity culture – this ‘pride’ works as an enabling identity category only for those who have acquired enough cultural capital and social mobility to ‘rise above the filth’. Since the publication in English of Julia Kristeva’s Power’s of Horror: An Essay on Abjection in 1982, an entire theoretical paradigm has emerged that celebrates the ‘transgressive’ potential of encounters with filth. Such theoretical ‘abject encounters’ are rarely subversive but are on the contrary an increasingly normative and problematic feature of a media and cultural studies devoid of political direction. Instead of assuming that confrontations with ‘filth’ are ‘necessarily subversive and disruptive’ we need to rethink abjection as a violent exclusionary social force. As Miller notes, ‘disgust does not so much solve the dilemma of social powerlessness as diagnose it powerfully’ (353). Theoretical accounts of media and culture that invoke ‘the transformative potential of filth’ too often marginalize the real dirty politics of inequality. References Ahmed, Sara. The Cultural Politics of Emotion. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP and New York: Routledge, 2004. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. New York: Hill and Wang, 1972 [1949]. Birchill, Julie. “Yeah But, No But, Why I’m Proud to Be a Chav.” The Times 18 Feb. 2005. Chav Scum. 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.chavscum.co.uk>. Golder, Scott. “Webbed Footnotes: Collaborative Annotation on the Web.” MA Thesis 2003. 31 Oct. 2006 http://web.media.mit.edu/~golder/projects/webbedfootnotes/ golder-thesis-2005.pdf>. Hayward, Keith, and Majid Yar. “The ‘Chav’ Phenomenon: Consumption, Media and the Construction of a New Underclass.” Crime, Media, Culture 2.1 (2006): 9-28. Kristeva, Julia. Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. Trans. Leon Roudiez. New York: Columbia UP, 1982. Larcombe, Duncan. “Future Bling of England.” The Sun 10 April 2006. Menninghaus, Winfried. Disgust: Theory and History of a Strong Sensation. Trans. Howard Eiland and Joel Golb. State University of New York Press, 2003. Miller, William. The Anatomy of Disgust. Harvard UP, 1998. Nayak, Anoop. Race, Place and Globalization: Youth Cultures in a Changing World. Oxford: Berg, 2003. Ngai, Sianne. Ugly Feelings: Literature, Affect, and Ideology. Harvard UP, Cambridge, 2005. “Proud to be Chav.” The Sun. 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.thesun.co.uk>. Sayer, Andrew. “What Are You Worth? Why Class Is an Embarrassing Subject.” Sociological Research Online 7.3 (2002). 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.socresonline.org.uk/7/3/sayer.html>. Skeggs, Beverly. Class, Self and Culture. London. Routledge, 2005. Urbandictionary. “Chav.” 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=chav>. Wray, Matt, and Annalee Newitz, eds. White Trash: Race and Class in America. London: Routledge, 1997. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Tyler, Imogen. "Chav Scum: The Filthy Politics of Social Class in Contemporary Britain." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/09-tyler.php>. APA Style Tyler, I. (Nov. 2006) "Chav Scum: The Filthy Politics of Social Class in Contemporary Britain," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/09-tyler.php>.