To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ethno-regional parties.
Journal articles on the topic 'Ethno-regional parties'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 30 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Ethno-regional parties.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Eremina, Natalia V. "Ethno-Regional Parties in the European Parliament: The Unevident Political Actor." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-303-316.
Full textAbstract:
Ethno-regional parties play a vital role in the conflict between the center and the ethnic regions, which is relevant for all modern multiethnic EU states. The European integration allows these parties to participate in the regional policy of the EU (contributing to the decentralizing reforms in the member states), as well as to interact within Euroregions and on communitarian platforms, such as the European Parliament. This article aims to clarify if this ethno-regionalist faction is able to influence the integration processes in Europe, and to what extent. To achieve this goal, we need to answer the following questions: how can the ethno-regionalists be described from a theoretical point of view? What is the dynamic of their development within the European Parliament, considering the historical retrospective? What are their current ideological attitudes that allow them to maintain unity and achieve success? The article is based on the author’s concept of cultural-territorial differentiations, which points the correlation between the political ethno-regional movement and the existing ethnocultural features and historical territory. The author concludes that it was Europeanization that led to the strengthening of the ethno-regional movement in Europe as it made the question of the ethno-regional collective response relevant. Therefore, ethno-regionalists are an essential element of every political system at the national and supranational levels. At the same time, the historical evolution and experience of European regionalists prove that they cannot constitute an independent and autonomous political force at the supranational level as their cooperation depends on various legal and political circumstances occurring on the state level.
2
Tronconi, Filippo. "Ethno-regionalist Parties in Regional Government: Multilevel Coalitional Strategies in Italy and Spain." Government and Opposition 50, no. 4 (October 8, 2014): 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.30.
Full textAbstract:
In the last few decades, ethno-regionalist parties have become leading players in many regional political systems across Europe. This increased representation has opened up new strategic opportunities for these parties, and in particular it has offered them the chance to participate in regional government. Based on a newly compiled data set of 282 governmental formations in Italian and Spanish regions during the period 1945–2011, this study develops and tests several hypotheses regarding the governmental participation of ethno-regionalist parties at regional level. These have been partly drawn from similar studies of ‘outsider’ party families, such as the Green parties or the radical right. A specific focus is then placed on multilevel dynamics, based on the idea that there is a relationship between party strategies at regional and state levels, and in particular on the perception that parties are willing to adopt compatible alliance strategies at the two levels (vertical congruence), at least under certain conditions. Both types of hypothesis (single-level and multilevel) are shown to be plausible when empirically tested on the cases of Italy and Spain. Special attention is given to the conditions under which vertical congruence is used by ethno-regionalist parties as an effective way of minimizing the risks associated with inclusion in governmental coalitions at regional level.
3
Eresso, Muluneh Kassa. "Challenges in Ethiopia’s Post-1991 Ethnic Federalism Entwined with Ethnic-based Political Parties." Mizan Law Review 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 313–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i2.1.
Full textAbstract:
For about two and a half decades (1991-2018) it was propagated that Ethiopia’s ethno-linguistic federalism was primarily meant to unify the state and build the nation. However, competing perspectives on whether ethnic-based federalism would preserve unity in diversity in the country as a whole and in regional states in particular have proliferated. This article examines the outcome of post-1995 Ethiopian federalism in ethnic conflict management. It focuses on why Ethiopia has remained deeply divided and prone to ethno-cultural conflicts despite the ethno-linguistic federal political system, which was adopted as a mechanism for building unity in diversity in the context of peaceful coexistence among various ethno-linguistic groups. Although ethnic-federalism alone may not exacerbate ethnic conflicts, ethnic-federalism entwined with the existence of ethnic-based political parties and the rapid proliferation of narrow ethno-nationalist politics constitute major impediments to peaceful co-existence among the country's ethnic groups. Furthermore, the land ownership questions raised by various ethno-linguistic political elites are among the causes of violent ethnic conflicts in contemporary Ethiopia. Mistreatment of ethnic minorities in all regional states is also a source of ethnic conflict. I argue that the current government at the federal and regional levels should work hard to ensure that identity-based politics will incrementally dissolve like salt in water.
4
Isobchuk, Mariya. "ЭТНОРЕГИОНАЛЬНЫЕ ПАРТИИ И ИХ ВЛИЯНИЕ НА СТАБИЛЬНОСТЬ ЭТНОФЕДЕРАЛИЗМА." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 12, no. 4 (2018): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2018-4-78-90.
Full text
5
Oskolkov, Petr V. "Estonia’s party system today: electoral turbulence and changes in ethno-regional patterns." Baltic Region 12, no. 1 (2020): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-1-1.
Full textAbstract:
A well-developed party system has emerged in Estonia over the decades of independence. There are, however, distinct geographical patterns of voting. A number of new political parties have appeared in the country; the regional and ethnic patterns of voting (the latter matter much in Estonia) have changed dramatically. This study aims to analyse the recent changes in the Estonian party system as well as the causes of these changes and the effect of the ethnic and geographical factors on the transformation of the electoral behaviour of Estonian citizens. The research employs a systemic approach that makes it possible to solve the agent—structure problem to the benefit of the general structure and integral system of Estonia’s party scene. The method of comparative systemic analysis is used alongside those adopted in electoral geography. It is concluded that the effect of the ethnic and geographical factors on electoral behaviour is diminishing as a civil society based on civic rather than ethnic principles is emerging in the country. The main drivers of the change are the formation of new parties and coalition-building — both have an immediate effect on how the image of the parties is perceived by voters.
6
Morrison, Minion K. C., and Jae Woo Hong. "Ghana's political parties: how ethno/regional variations sustain the national two-party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 623–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002114.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses Ghanaian electoral geography and its accompanying political party variations over the last decade. After re-democratisation in the early 1990s, the Fourth Republic of Ghana has successfully completed multiple elections and party alternation. Due to its single-member-district-plurality electoral system, the country has functioned virtually as a two-party system, privileging its two major parties – the NDC and the NPP. However, close examination of election results in the last parliamentary and presidential elections reveals that notwithstanding the two-party tendency, there is a dynamic and multilayered aspect of electoral participation in Ghanaian politics. Ethnic-based regional cleavages show much more complex varieties of electoral support for the two major parties, especially in light of fragmentation and concentration. Electoral support in the ten regions varies from strong one-party-like to almost three-party systems. Yet this lower, regional level tendency is not invariable. Regional party strengths have shifted from election to election, and it was just such shifts that made the party alternation possible in 2000. Employing traditional and newly designed indicators, this paper illustrates the patterns of electoral cleavage and regional party organisation, and how these ultimately sustain the party system at the national level in Ghana.
7
Kaw, Mushtaq A. "Transcending Multilateral Conflicts in Eurasia: Some Sustainable Peaceful Alternatives." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 349–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.349.
Full textAbstract:
In this article I argue that notwithstanding intermittent conflicts and wars among the nomadic and sedentary peoples since early times, the Asian and Middle Eastern region has been characteristic of relative peace and prosperity. This region has been known for the boom in energy trade, globalization and amalgamation of local, national and global economies during the post-Cold War era. I show how, at least in part, the gradual improvement in the indicators of social sustainability, human security and economic growth, was the natural concomitant of the historical position of this region. Yet, speedy progress in the region, this article shows, is impeded by divergent geo-political, geo-economic and geo-strategic agendas of the regional and global powers; these find manifestation in the conflicts in Middle East, Caucasia, Afghanistan, Indian Kashmir, Chinese part of Turkistan (Xinjiang) etc. The conflicts are diverse in nature, time and space, and are pre-emptive of enormous malice, hatred and heart burning among the contending parties. To downs-size one another, they perpetually build military capability and enhance defense expenditure, in hundreds of thousands of US dollars at the cost of public works, human security and precious national resources. I conclude that the conflicts can be overcome through peaceful means rather than use of force. Several alternatives are warranted for the purpose: (i) engagement of conflicting parties in composite dialogue for generational sustainability, (ii) promotion of regional and economic integration while marginalizing ethno-national, ethno-geographic, ethno-religious and ethno-sectarian disputes, (iii) revival of the region’s rich tradition of multiculturalism and human co-existence, and (iv) glorification of peace message in Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and other religions. The objective is simply making history relevant to the contemporary society, and bolstering peace efforts of the nations, philanthropists and civil society in an otherwise war-torn and conflict-ridden Asian and Middle Eastern space.
8
TROSIAK, CEZARY. "The role of ethno-regional parties in European integration. Is it a distractor or a catalyst?" Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 11 (July 11, 2018): 355–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2017.11.25.
Full textAbstract:
W artykule autor stara się ustalić, jaką rolę powinny i mogą odgrywać partie regionalne procesie integracji europejskiej. Znaczenie tego pytania wynika z faktu, że partie regionalne spotykają się z niechęcią ze strony władz politycznych i społeczeństw „państw narodowych” We wstępie autor pokazuje, w jaki sposób zmieniło się podejście do regionalizmu w Europie w połowie lat 80. XX w. Najbardziej widoczne jest ono w koncepcji „nowego regionalizmu”. Kontynuując swoje rozważania autor opisuje toczącą się debatę na temat tego jaką rolę odgrywają partie regionalne, a zwłaszcza ich szczególna forma jaką są partie etnoregionalne w systemach politycznych współczesnych państw europejskich. Podano również przykład rywalizacji politycznej w regionie i ogólnych zasad rządzących konkurencją na poziomie regionu. Autor wierzy, że analiza funkcjonowania regionalnych systemów partyjnych może być przydatna w analizowaniu procesów społeczno- politycznych, zwłaszcza na Górnym Śląsku.
9
Panov, Petr. "ETHNIC AND REGIONAL PARTIES IN THE CEE COUNTRIES: SPECIAL FEATURES AND TRAJECTORIES OF DEVELOPMENT." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 14, no. 3 (2020): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2020-3-20-34.
Full textAbstract:
In recent decades, in the context of the transformation of national states and the development of multi-level government, there has been an increase in ethnic/regional political parties in Europe. Ethno-regionalism in the CEE countries has a specific basis related to their imperial past, but despite the similarities, each country has special features concerning the strength of parties, their demands and development. The analysis of the most significant ethnic/regional parties in the CEE countries shows that the main factor affecting their strength is the ethnic structure of the population, especially if it is combined with intense ethnic identity, and the ethnic minority has a historical experience of autonomy/statehood. A favorable combination of these factors results in the stability of the electoral strength of ethnic parties, which makes them an important player in the political arena. Concerning the demands of ethnic parties, it has been confirmed that the localization of the respective ethnic minority has a significant effect. If it is in one administrative unit, it stimulates regionalist aspirations; if it dwells in some compactly located administrative units, an ethnic party usually promotes cross-regionalist demands to create a new region. Under conditions of dispersed localization of a minority, an ethnic party does not put forward regionalist claims.
10
Anghel, Veronica, and Maria Thürk. "Under the Influence: Pay-Offs to Legislative Support Parties under Minority Governments." Government and Opposition 56, no. 1 (April 10, 2019): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2019.11.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPrevious studies show that in multiparty systems the formation of minority governments can be a rational choice. To ensure survival and policy implementation, minority governments make concessions to non-cabinet parties. In this study, we empirically analyse the pay-offs given to support parties under minority governments. We argue that the content of support agreements is conditioned by support party type. Results are based on a two-stage empirical investigation: a text analysis of 10 explicit support arrangements for minority governments in Romania and a within-case comparison of two Romanian minority cabinets with different support arrangements. We employ an original data set of support agreements and elite interviews with former minority cabinet members. We empirically confirm that ethno-regional parties are mostly policy-seeking and target benefits for their specific groups. In contrast, mainstream parties make stronger claims for office distribution. The analysis challenges the widespread understanding that all support parties are mostly policy-seeking.
11
Grabevnik, M. V. "REGIONAL PARTY SYSTEM OF NORTHERN IRELAND: EROSION OF BIPOLARITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 4 (December 13, 2021): 489–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-489-502.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of the article is the dynamics of the regional party system in Northern Ireland in 2000-2010s, as well as the factors contributing to the observed changes. The research is based on the theoretical framework of J. Lane and S. Ersson and is chronologically outlined by the period of 1998-2021. Cross-temporal comparative analysis was used as a key research method. The parameters of the comparative analysis include the following variables: number of parties, effective number of parties, number of significant parties, fragmentation of the party system, ideological polarization and electoral instability. The first part of the article is devoted to the characteristics of the theoretical and methodological research design. The second part is devoted to the analysis of the dynamics of the regional party system in Northern Ireland, which is based on the study of structural and ideological elements. In the final part, the results and key findings of the study are presented, including the characteristics of the key factors in the dynamics of the regional party system. The results of the study demonstrate the dynamics of the regional party system in Northern Ireland regarding two parameters - electoral stability and ideological polarization. The degree of electoral stability of the regional party is slightly decreasing due to the redistribution of electoral preferences from unionist parties to alternative ones. The change in the parameter of ideological polarization of the regional party system is observed in two directions - the erosion of bipolarity, as well as the centripetal tendencies of ideologically extreme party actors. The key factors in the dynamics of the regional party system in Northern Ireland at the present stage are the following: instability of the regional political system based on ethno-confessional criteria; the issue of European Union membership and the future status of Northern Ireland; changes in the demographic structure of the regional community.
12
Aytiev, Shukhrat A. "THE CHANGE OF POLITICAL REGIME IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE REASONS AND CONSEQUENCES." Society and Security Insights 3, no. 3 (August 27, 2020): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2020)3-05.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the features of political regime as a way of functioning of the society's political system, its role in the post-revolutionary period of formation and development of the Kyrgyz statehood. Many of the pending issues, such as ethno-nationalism, separation of parties on a regional basis, increasing unemployment, inflation, weak, non-developing economy, and security problems of the country citizens increasing in recent years, as well as the possible political consequences of unresolved problems are specified. The author sets out his own opinion regarding the prospects and ways of the country development in the context of the post-revolutionary situation.
13
Osei, Anja. "Formal party organisation and informal relations in African parties: evidence from Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000981.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIt is often assumed that political parties in Africa have only weak formal structures and are instead dominated by informal, personalised networks. This paper seeks to challenge this view by presenting a much more nuanced picture of intra-party dynamics. Based on unique survey data from Ghana, it is shown how formal and informal party structures co-exist and interact at the national and constituency level. Because informal relationships are not directly observable and difficult to study, the paper employs a social network approach to map the personal interactions between the Members of the 6th Parliament of Ghana and their respective parties. It is found that the local party organisation plays a strong role in both of the major parties NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party). There are, however, also differences between the parties. At the national level, the NDC is strongly centralised and dominated by its national executives. The NPP, in contrast, has an informal power center located in the Ashanti Region. Ethno-regional factions play only a minor role in both parties. By demonstrating that the relative importance of informal relations varies even between parties in the same country, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the variation in party organisation across Africa.
14
Faanu, Pamphilious, and Emmanuel Graham. "The Politics of Ethnocentrism: A Viability Test of Ghana’s Democracy?" Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (July 2017): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817715534.
Full textAbstract:
The article assesses the use of ethnocentrism as a political strategy in Ghana’s electoral politics and the threat it poses to Ghana’s democracy. It focuses on the strategic ethno-political communication employed by politicians to wield voter support and how voters behave at polls. It reveals that prior to independence Ghana’s political parties were predominantly formed along ethnic and regional dimensions. This transcends into the current dispensation, as the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party are tagged as Ewe-Northerners party and Akans party, respectively. These ethnic affiliations tend to influence voters’ behaviour at the polls. There is, therefore, an increasing incidence of non-evaluative voting because of ethnocentrism in the Ghanaian political domain. As a result, politicking in Ghana tends to rely heavily on ethnic dimensions to solicit votes using the media as the main platform. The incidence of ethno-politics in Ghana has the tendency to reverse the democratic successes chalked because of the unnecessary tensions that are often associated with ethnic politics. This article recommends the need for responsible media practice to minimise this rising phenomenon in Ghana’s electoral politics. Also, it is our suggestion that the Political Parties ACT 574(2000) and the concerned articles of the 1992 constitution be reviewed to place sanctions on ethnocentrism as a political strategy.
15
Zhernokleiev, Oleh. "Ethnopolitical Processes in the Hutsul and Boykos Regions in the 1920s (On the Documents of Local Authorities of Stanislaviv Voivodeship)." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 8, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.8.2.34-44.
Full textAbstract:
The events of recent years have shown the need for regional studies. The problems of regionalism have a deep historical retrospective. The Second Polish Republic attempted to change the map of regionalism, in particular in the Ukrainian Carpathians, inhibited by the Ukrainian ethnographic groups of Hutsuls, Boykos, Lemkos. This attempt was unsuccessful and the local population didn’t support it. How did the regional Polish government see these processes? Despite the significant amount of work on the given subject, the period of the 1920s is not sufficiently researched. This article focuses on the political sources of identification, namely the activities of parties and public organizations in the Hutsul and Boykiv regions of 1924–1929 within the Stanisłav Voivodeship, it studies them through the perception of local Polish authorities. The unpublished documents of the State Archives of the Ivano-Frankivsk region make up the source base of the study. The analysed documents prove that the Ukrainian national identity of the Galician Hutsuls and Boykos in the 1920s was real and functional. It was the active position of political parties as well as cultural-educational, cooperative and other organizations, the position with a distinct Ukrainian ethno-national character that played an important role in its "formation" and manifestation. The most popular parties were the Ukrainian National Democratic Union and the Ukrainian Socialist Radical Party, both of them clearly stated their disagreement concerning the issue of the Ukrainian lands being a part of Poland and they strived for an independent Ukraine. Pro-Polish parties were far from very popular. Compared to Hutsulshchyna, Galician Boykivshchyna was characterized by an obviously higher degree of ethnical politicization. The ethno-political processes of the 1920s in the Hutsul and Boykiv regions resulted in the establishment of the Ukrainian national self-consciousness. In practice, on the local level even Polish officials did not question the national roots of Hutsuls and Boykos and them being Ukrainian; this fact only adds to the artificial character of the following Polish policy of local "regionalisms" of the 1930s. In general, the imaginary picture of the ethnical-political process in the region, provided by the local authority documents, was objective. The question whether it influenced the political decision-making process is open and still to be studied.
16
Carbone, Giovanni M. "Continuidade na renovação? Ten years of multiparty politics in Mozambique: roots, evolution and stabilisation of the Frelimo–Renamo party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 417–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001035.
Full textAbstract:
Post-conflict elections in Mozambique, held in 1994, 1999 and 2004, established a formally competitive and pluralistic system. This paper examines the country's emerging two-party system as an essential feature affecting prospects for democratic deepening and consolidation. The condition for political parties to actually help the establishment of democratic politics is their development as durable, socially rooted, country-wide effective and legitimate organisations. The paper contends that the current party system has indeed been a major instrument for political expression and for the channelling and peaceful management of conflicts. It shows how both Frelimo and Renamo – and the competition between them – have deep-seated historical origins and well-established regional roots. Yet, a number of aspects concerning the Mozambican party system negatively affect the deepening of democratic politics: the legitimacy of the party system is weakened by post-conflict polarisation and uncertain mutual recognition; the ethno-regional entrenchment of the two main parties bestows a communal connotation on electoral competition; and most importantly, the party system remains unbalanced and unevenly institutionalised, with Frelimo's disciplined and fundamentally institutionalised organisation opposed by a strongly personalistic and weakly organised Renamo, which struggles to operate within state institutions and to accommodate internal differences.
17
Frolova, Yu N. "ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICTS IN THE NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE BASQUE COUNTRY: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 2 (2022): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-2-70-79.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the study of the current stage of the Basque and Northern Irish ethno-political conflicts. The research methods are comparative analysis and drama theory. Researchers from different fields have addressed the problem of comparing these conflicts, but a large proportion of these publications are related to the period of terrorist activity; this study complements the existing scientific base with studying the current stage that has come after the cessation of hostilities in both territories. Despite the fact that at the moment both regions are not "hot spots", and in Northern Ireland the issue has been formally settled, nationalist sentiments continue to be on top of the agenda, as evidenced by the steady support of nationalist parties and projects in both regions. In this regard, the author aims to formulate the essential characteristics and a number of trends of the current stage of conflicts that need to be taken into consideration both in the formation of regional policy and at the European level, which is especially significant for the European Union, where most of the participating states are somehow involved in such ethno-political conflicts.
18
Ashindorbe, Kelvin. "Electoral Violence and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 1 (January 24, 2018): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417749639.
Full textAbstract:
Elections are the hallmarks of democracy; they also serve the purpose of peaceful change in government and confer political legitimacy on the government. Viewed from this prism, elections represent the expression of the sovereign will of the people. However, the conduct of elections in a plural society like Nigeria is often fraught with animosities and violence. Failing is the process to satisfy the test of popular participation and legitimacy. At the core of this bitter contest is the struggle for power by factional elite groups perceived as representing ethno religious and regional interest. Electoral seasons more than anytime else reveals the fragility and soft underbelly of the Nigerian state. The country’s electoral history is replete with narratives of flawed and disputed elections that have turned violent, resulting in numerous fatalities and reversing previous attempts at democratic consolidation. The 2015 general election was unprecedented in the annals of the country because for the first time an entrenched and incumbent party was defeated at the polls, and the country witnessed a peaceful alternation of power between contending political parties thereby fulfilling one of the preconditions for democratic consolidation. A tensed pre-election political atmosphere occasioned by the activities of the terrorist group, Boko Haram, that then controlled a large swath of Nigeria’s territory and a fragmented elite divided along ethno-religious and regional lines foreshadowed the election. Shuttle diplomacy by the United States secretary of state and the constitution of body called ‘National Peace Committee’ comprised of Kofi Anan, the immediate past secretary general of the United Nations, past presidents of Nigeria and leading clergymen and the postponement of the election date by six weeks before the electoral management body could deliver an election whose outcome was accepted by the contending political parties and averting the prediction of an apocalyptic endgame. This study seeks to engage the factors that make conduct of elections in Nigeria to be violent prone and undermine attempts at institutionalising a democratic tradition. The methodology is qualitative in approach, relying on secondary data from books, journal articles and newspaper commentaries.
19
Zhorobekov, Z. Z., S. A. Aytiev, and S. K. Imanbayev. "The reaction of the international community to political events in Kyrgyz Republic." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 8 (August 7, 2022): 527–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2208-02.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the features of the socio-political conflict and its role in the development of the political regime as a way of functioning of the political system of society as a whole. Based on the analysis of the post-revolutionary period of the formation and development of the political system, many unresolved problems have been identified, in particular, ethno-nationalism, division of parties on a regional basis, growing unemployment, inflation, a constant rise in food prices, a weak, practically non-developing economy, problems that have been growing in recent years the security of the citizens of the country and the possible consequences of unresolved problems. At the same time, in a summary aspect, the results of socio-political conflicts in Kyrgyzstan in 2015–2010 are given.
20
Ahmetović, Amir. "Social and political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the 1990 elections." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.163.
Full textAbstract:
Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very suitable experimental space for the analysis of integrative policy in the conditions, war and long-lasting crisis, of a devastated society which, due to the challenges of history, is deeply divided. In such a space, applying the analytical model designed and used by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokan, the paper deals with the detection of social divisions that underlie party preferences in the 1990 elections for the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzes of pre-election and post-election activities of political entities show the existence of an important link between ethno-confessional characteristics and attitudes on political issues and party preferences, which in accordance with the used theoretical model creates preconditions for talking about social divisions that have turned into party divisions. It can be determined that they are bh. political parties formed, with all their specifics, on the basic lines of Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. In the analysis of the relationship between social and political space and the influence of the structure of society on political relations and divisions, it is possible to determine that party divisions and divisions, their segmentation and polarization are conditioned, above all, by the depth and dynamics of fundamental Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. The divisions that emerged in the pre-election period of 1990 (we can conditionally define them as divisions communism vs anti-communism) were pushed into the background in the first post-election year and priority was given to the split that S. Lipset and S. Rokan defined as the center-periphery split. (or the territorial-cultural split as, after adaptation, Professor Nenad Zakošek called it). The second part of the paper presents an overview of the most important political parties in the 1990 elections and continues to examine the applicability of S. Lipset and S. Rokan's theory of turning social divisions into party divisions, this time in the first year of ethno-confessional parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzing the basic lines of historical ethnic and confessional divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina society and in the sphere of political (sub) system through indicators such as: predominant (ethnic, confessional, linguistic, cultural and regional) identifications, the relationship between ethno-confessional and civil, the relationship to the rights and freedoms guaranteed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Constitution, the attitude towards different solutions to the state question (remaining in the common state of Yugoslavia vs. the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) tested the hypothesis that historical lines of ethno-confessional splits represent the basic determinant of political goals. It can be seen that the territorial-cultural divide (primarily in the form of center-periphery conflict) is actually a kind of complete split, given that it is a split that involves conflict between stable social groups (residents of the center and periphery but also members of different ethnic and confessional communities). In the Bosnia and Herzegovina case, these are (ethnic and confessional) communities that have different views on the most important issues of the social organization of the common state, which results in open conflict on the political scene in the form of voting for different political options, which can be transformed by ethnopolitical elites. (very easily) into various forms of violence against others and different in the territory that is under their political (and police) control.
21
Charnysh, Volha. "Analysis of current events: Identity mobilization in hybrid regimes: Language in Ukrainian politics." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.750288.
Full textAbstract:
In August, a new language law in Ukraine allowed cities and regions to elevate the status of any minority language spoken by at least 10% of their population to “official” alongside Ukrainian. I argue that the law fails to protect genuine linguistic minorities and is likely to further undermine linguistic diversity in certain Ukrainian regions. More important, the law prolongs the vicious circle between Ukraine's lack of democracy and its politicians’ reliance on identity cleavages to gather votes. I argue that the continuing exploitation of identity divides is increasing the popularity of extreme right parties and widening the gap in policy preferences between Ukrainian and Russian speakers. However, the current ethno-regional cleavages do not stand for irreconcilable identity attachments and their impact can be mitigated. The EU could contribute to this outcome by providing expert opinions on minority and language rights; demonstrating a commitment to Ukraine's territorial integrity and independence to de-securitize the minority rights discourse; and increasing individual-level contacts between the EU and Ukraine to promote a broader European identity.
22
Zavodyuk, S. Yu. "VOLOST AND MAGISTRATE COURTS IN THE SOCIO-CULTURAL SPACE OF POST-REFORM RUSSIA (ON THE MATERIALS OF SAMARA PROVINCE IN 1861-1889)." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 4, no. 1 (2022): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-4-1-11-21.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the formation and reform of local justice in 1861-1889 from the perspective of local (regional) history using the methodology of socio-cultural analysis, the concepts of “social trust” and “social capital”. It contains a characteristic of the volost courts in the state and udel villages of the Samara province until the 1861. The author addresses the problems of the formation and development of the magistrate court in the Samara province in the 1860-1870s, its specifics in comparison with the volost courts. She notes such common features of local justice bodies as complete economic dependence on the population and the desire to reconcile the parties. The thesis is postulated about the restrained confidence of the peasants in the newly created institution of the world court, their desire to have the opportunity to choose between the old and new local justice bodies. The author reveals differences in the approaches of peasants to local judicial institutions, depending on the ethno-confessional situation in the volost, contradictions within the peasant community and the influence of the elders on the volost court.
23
Baranov, A. V. "The Catalan crisis 2012-2017: political, institutional and ethnopolitical aspects." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-7-12.
Full textAbstract:
The relevance of the study: attempts to secede of Catalonia from Spain in 2012–2017 are a characteristic manifestation of the crisis of the national states in the context of globalization. The objective of the study is to determine the politicalinstitutional and ethno-political parameters of the Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 in the context of the interactions of the Spanish state of autonomies and their autonomous communities. The research materials are normative juridical acts of the Kingdom of Spain and the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, resolutions of political parties, statements of political leaders, results of opinion polls, statistical data of population censuses. Research methods: neoinstitutionalism, constructivist paradigm in ethnopolitology. The results of the investigation. The Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 confirmed the decrease in confidence in the state of autonomy and the party system of the country, caused by a deficit of democracy. The main factors in the fragmentation of the state are: the unfinished nation-building; weak national identity compared to regional and ethnic identity; import of secession institutes and technologies. The conflict is not resolved and requires a radical reform of Spain’s political system based on dialogue and constitutional reform.
24
Zan, Mykhaylo P. "Political and party representation of Rusin community leaders in Transcarpathia during the local elections of 2020." Rusin, no. 68 (2022): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/68/20.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the political and party representation of the Rusin leaders in Transcarpathia (Ukraine) who particiapted in the local elections of 2020. The analysis is based on the electoral statistics and interviews with participants in the election campaign. According to the author, the Rusin leaders are heads and activists of national cultural associations and opinion leaders who do not represent ethno-cultural associations, but are widely known in Transcarpathia. The author argues that the new electoral system of “semi-open” party lists has resulted in the failure of local elections for all candidates representing the Rusin community. However, the electoral statistics shows that Rusin leaders actually received: 1) more votes than their opponents on the political party lists (Vladimir Fenych, Vasilij Sich, Nikolai Rishko); 2) the same number of votes (Svyatoslav Gal); 3) the required 25 % of the votes from the electoral quota (Yurij Shypovych). Most of the Rusin candidates ran for the political forces “For the Future” (7 persons) and “Opposition Platform - For Life” (5 persons). Their dominance can be explained by identifying candidates with the oppositional rhetoric of these parties, as well as their proximity to regional party leaders who sympathize with the Rusin public movement and identify themselves as Rusins. One of the representatives of Rusin community ran for the party of power “Servant of the People” (Svyatoslav Gal), one (Nikolaj Rishko) - for “The Team of Andrej Baloga” Candidates Ivan Danatsko, Ivan Palinkash, and Ivan Bushko, as self-nominated candidates, distanced themselves from political parties.
25
Zhurba, О. I., and Т. F. Lytvynova. "NARRATIVIZATION OF THE UKRAINIAN PAST IN THE LATE 19TH – EARLY 21ST CENTURY: IS OVERCOMING POSSIBLE?" Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(50) (2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2020-3-27-41.
Full textAbstract:
The basic strategies for constructing the framework of the Ukrainian national historical and historiographic narratives in the late 19th and early 20th centuries are analyzed in the first part of the paper. The nationalization of Ukrainian history and historical writing and the decisive role in forming the Ukrainian project of the pre-modern Little Russian nation are shown. The main mechanisms of the process are revealed, such as the historiographic expansion of the Little Russian intellectual range, the consolidation and ethnicization of regional history of the metropolises, the building of linear, teleological constructions, and the anthropologization of the ethnic community. Attention is paid to the technology of forming images of neighbors as contouring enemies. The authors demonstrate the methods for implementing the basic principles of constructing a national narrative in the practice of historical writing. Three competing strategies for creating large Ukrainian national histories that have had a decisive influence on the algorithms of modern didactic, affirmative and analytical historiography are presented. In the second part of the paper, contemporary approaches to the modernization of the traditional national narrative determined during the discussion of 2012−2014 are identified: 1) the deconstruction of national narrative, the rejection of the «tyranny» of asynchronous territoriality, and the development of dual research optics (the methodology of regional history and the integration of national history into the contexts of large cultural communities); 2) the decorative updating of the national narrative through the implementation of a multinational approach; 3) the middle position of «pluralistic indifference», consistent with the arguments of the extreme parties. It is noted that the current socio-political situation has formed an increased demand for the modernization of the ethno-national narrative of the early 20th century, which threatens to discard Ukrainian historiography to the standards of historiography at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.
26
Borysenko, Valentyna, and Teofil Rendiuk. "GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF ETHNIC COMMUNITIES IN UKRAINE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY." Ukrainian Geographical Journal, no. 3 (2021): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ugz2021.03.063.
Full textAbstract:
The issues of resettlement of representatives of national minorities and main ethnic groups that make up a certain part of the population of the state, aspects related to ethnic geography and the current ethno-demographic situation in the country are covered, categories of foreign ethnic inclusions in the Ukrainian state are determined, definitions in clarifying the ethnic map, the processes of integration of ethnic communities into Ukrainian civil society are revealed on an objective basis. Beginning from the XVIII-th century, the geographical areas of modern Ukraine began to be intensively inhabited by other peoples, especially the South and Southeast of our state, as a result of which these regions as well as the borders of the country were ethnically heterogeneous. Historical information on the emergence of different ethnic communities is given, the dynamics of the number and modern settlement of ethnic groups in Ukraine are shown. Attention is drawn to the relationship between the history of the respective ethnic groups and their current geographical location in Ukraine, as well as to debates on the relationship between different ethnic communities and the search for ways to peace and harmony in interethnic relations. The importance of the issue of development of regional specifics of culture and preservation of spatial identification is emphasized. The political speculation about the ethnic composition of the population of Ukraine, its geographical location on the map of the state, the danger of artificial conflicts of tolerant ethnic communities, including the geographical factor, which is fueled by political parties are taken into account.
27
Alborova, Dina, Boris Koybaev, and Elena Galkina. "Non-Use of Force Agreement as a Factor of Influence on Security Issues in the System of International Relations (On the Example of Georgian-Ossetian Conflict and Conflicts in Europe." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.11.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.
28
Chernova, K. "ETHNIC AND REGIONAL DIMENSIONS OF UKRAINIAN SOCIETY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Sociology, no. 6 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7979/6.12.
Full textAbstract:
The problem of regionalism is important for Ukraine, based primarily in view of the availability of certain differences between different regions of the country, in particular economic, historical, cultural, geopolitical and more. The article singled out the factors that influence the spatial self-organization of ethnic groups, and analyzed the phenomenon of social distance in the socio-political orientations of different ethnic groups. The existence of social distance among these groups indicates the presence and use of regional auto heterostereotypiv, especially in the activities of some political parties and public organizations, and the conflict between central and regional government institutions is a result of inconsistency and inefficiency ethnic policy. It is clear that the emergence of regionalism in Ukraine is some reflection of objective differences between the citizens of the country in economic, cultural and primarily manifested in the internal and external political orientations inherent to the population of certain regions. In this respect, we should mention the situation ethno-national state of ethnic relations in Crimea where tensions are the main hosts of Crimean Tatar problem and the problem of Russian majority population of the peninsula.
29
Petrosino, Daniele. "Italy: Old and New Territorial Claims." Studies on National Movements 6, no. 1 (December 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/snm.85335.
Full textAbstract:
The question of sub-state nationalism in Italy assumes some peculiar characteristics because territorial fractures have existed since the birth of the Italian nation-state, and in recent decades new sub-state nationalist movements were born on the edge of these cleavages. Although some sub-state nationalist groups are seeking apparently new declinations of the nationalist claim, the majority moves according with the traditional sub-nationalist ideology. The devolvement of powers is one of the successful strategies to disempower the centrifugal pressures coming from ethno/regionalist/sub-state parties and movements and to accommodate ethno-regional claims. At the same time, it responds to a functional reorganization of the state. But, of course, autonomy is not independence and it does not imply any form of recognition of national identity. On the one hand, there is a functional problem of governance and of optimal scale for policy decisions. On the other hand, there are the claims of identity/cultural type. When these two levels overlap it is highly likely that independence movements will emerge. In border regions and islands, this overlap could have relied on fractures present for a long time and on the presence of sufficiently recognized and shared cultural markers; but at the same time, the specific institutional arrangements and accommodations have reduced the strength of the protests. Conversely, in the case of the Northern League, the attempt to invent an ethno-cultural identity failed, leaving space first for pure territorial claims, which have had great success, and then for a transformation still underway from a territorial party into an anti-immigrant and antiEurope Italian party. At the same time, all these strains point out the weakness of the Italian nation-state, both under the identity profile and the institutional one, and the need to define it in new terms.
30
Oller, José M., Albert Satorra, and Adolf Tobeña. "Unveiling pathways for the fissure among secessionists and unionists in Catalonia: identities, family language, and media influence." Palgrave Communications 5, no. 1 (November 26, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41599-019-0357-z.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractCatalonian secessionism acquired prominence from 2010 onwards. During the last decade secessionist parties won three regional elections and sustained Governments by tiny majorities at the Autonomous Parliament. Two illegal consultations about self-determination were called and around 2 million (38% of population census) supported secession from Spain. An “Independence Declaration” was proclaimed on 27th Oct. 2017, followed by suspension of Home Rule sanctioned by Spanish Parliament that endured till mid-2018. The main consequence of the secessionist push was the build-up of a confrontation between two large segments of Catalan citizenry, unionists and secessionists, which was absent before. This study aims to shed light on the rise of secessionism and the appearance of a deep fissure between these communities. By building upon the complete series of data from iterated official polls (88.538 respondents, 45 surveys), the paper displays the evolving changes along the period 2006–2019 of national identity feelings (“sense of belonging”). Along that period, there were increases exceeding 15 percentage points of “only Catalan” national identity and analogous decreases of "equally Catalan and Spanish" dual national identity. The findings disclosed highly significant covariations between changing trends on national identity feelings with: (1) family/mother language, Catalan vs. Spanish; (2) following regional media versus other media. Since language/ascendancy origins and media consumption trends are closely interrelated, within Catalonia, our discussion focuses on the role played by such ethno-cultural cleavage. Further, statistical analysis for longitudinal data identified several turning points linked to singular political events that likely accentuated polarization around the issue of secession. The findings unveil evolving tracks that could help in the understanding of a process that, in a very short time, produced a severe social division within a fully open and democratic society at the heart of Europe.