Books on the topic 'Ethno-policy'

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1

Metropolitan Toronto (Ont.). Council. Metropolitan Council policy statement on ethno-racial access to Metropolitan services. [Toronto, Ont.]: The Council, 1995.

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2

Rapp, Christopher G. Kosovo: The ethno-national dilemma and policy options for conflict resolution. Monterey, Calif: Naval Postgraduate School, 1998.

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3

Valéry, Université Paul, ed. Les minorités invisibles: Diversité et complexité ethno-sociolinguistiques. Paris: Michel Houdiard éditeur, 2014.

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4

Ornstein, Michael. Ethno-racial inequality in Metropolitan Toronto: Analysis of the 1991 census. Toronto, Ont: Municipality of Metro Toronto, 1996.

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5

Galla, Amareswar. Ethno cultural profile and community development in a multicultural ACT: A report. Canberra City, ACT: Ethnic Communities Council of the Act Inc., 1995.

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6

Ethno-religious transformations of Armenian inhabitants in the Republic of Turkey: (1923 - 2005). Antelias, Lebanon: Printing House of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, 2010.

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7

Galla, Amareswar. One community, many cultures: Best practice in partnership and negotiation for ethno-cultural advocacy and local governance. Civic Square, ACT: ACT Multicultural Council Inc., 1999.

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8

Zhongguo gong chan dang zen yang jie jue min zu wen ti: How the Chinese Communist Party manages the ethno-national issues. Nanchang Shi: Jiangxi ren min chu ban she, 2011.

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9

Zhongguo--Jianada min zu yu wen hua duo yuan hua bi jiao yan jiu: Managing ethno-cultural diversity in China and Canada : comparative perspectives. Shanghai Shi: Shanghai jiao tong da xue chu ban she, 2012.

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10

De la diversité en Amérique: Politiques de représentation des minorités ethno-raciales aux États-Unis. Paris: PUPS, 2013.

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11

Kontogiorgos, Dimitris. Rediscovering the past in the present: Rural economy and ethno-archaeology in two traditional upland communities in Epirus (NW Greece). New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2009.

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12

Papuan Ethno-Political Conflict: Causes, Contexts, and Policy Implications. Storming Media, 2004.

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13

Metropolitan Toronto (Ont.). Community Services Dept., ed. Ethno-racial, linguistic and aboriginal access to services policy. Toronto, Ont: The Dept., 1995.

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14

KOSOVO: The Ethno-National Dilemma and Policy Options for Conflict Resolution. Storming Media, 1998.

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15

Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. and Academy of Political Science (U.S.), eds. Ethno-violence & nationalism in Eastern Europe and U.S. foreign policy responses. New York: Published jointly by Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, Yeshiva University & the Academy of Political Science, 1993.

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16

J, Macchiarola Frank, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law., and Academy of Political Science (U.S.), eds. Ethno-violence & nationalism in Eastern Europe and U.S. foreign policy responses. New York: Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, Yeshiva University, 1993.

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17

Ethno-violence & nationalism in Eastern Europe and U.S. foreign policy responses. New York: Jointly published by Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law & the Academy of Political Science, 1993.

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18

Milligan, Jeffrey Ayala. Islamic Identity, Postcoloniality, and Educational Policy: Schooling and Ethno-Religious Conflict in the Southern Philippines. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020.

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19

Milligan, Jeffrey Ayala. Islamic Identity, Postcoloniality, and Educational Policy: Schooling and Ethno-Religious Conflict in the Southern Philippines. Palgrave MacMillan, 2020.

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20

Milligan, Jeffrey Ayala. Islamic Identity, Postcoloniality, and Educational Policy: Schooling and Ethno-Religious Conflict in the Southern Philippines. Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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21

Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi, and Jeffrey Haynes. Religion, Identity and Power. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474474689.001.0001.

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Turkey and its recent ethno-religious transformation have had a strong impact on the state identity and country’s relation to the Balkan Peninsula. This book examines Turkey’s ethno-religious activism and power-related political strategies in the Balkans between 2002 and 2020, the period under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), to determine the scopes of its activities in the region. This study illuminates an often-neglected aspect of Turkey’s relations with its Balkan neighbours that emerged as a result of the much discussed ‘authoritarian turn’ – a broader shift in Turkish domestic and foreign policy from a realist-secular to a Sunni Islamic orientation with ethno-nationalist policies. In order to understand how these concepts have been received locally, the author draws on personal testimonies given by both Turkish and non-Turkish, Muslim and non-Muslim interviewees in three country cases: Republic of Bulgaria, Republic of North Macedonia and Republic of Albania. The findings shed light on contemporary issues surrounding the continuous redefinition of Turkish secularism under the AKP rule and the emergence of a new Muslim elite in Turkey.
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22

Smith, Leonard V. The “Unmixing” of Peoples. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199677177.003.0005.

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The Paris Peace turned to population policies when and where it could not draw boundaries to suit peoples. Plebiscites, ostensibly the most democratic of population policies, took place in the context of choices already having been made as to the territories in which plebiscites would be held, and who could vote in them. Treaties for minority protection sought to guarantee ethnic or religious difference within the ethno-national state. Successor states bitterly contested them as an infringement of state sovereignty. The racial categorization of the mandates constituted a territorial policy transformed into a population policy. Peoples were classified according to how avidly the mandatory power sought direct annexation of the territory in question. “Population exchanges” simply carried a certain version of “national self-determination” to one logical conclusion. With the tacit approval of the conference, peoples were categorized and forcibly relocated for reasons of state.
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23

Borja, Melissa. Migration and Modern Religious Pluralism. Edited by Paul Harvey and Kathryn Gin Lum. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190221171.013.6.

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In the second half of the twentieth century, the United States enacted major changes in immigration policy that, in turn, produced dramatic changes in the ethno-racial and religious makeup of the American population. Especially after 1965, unprecedented numbers of Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, animists, and ancestor-worshippers migrated to the United States, as did Asian, African, and Latino Christians who introduced new cultural diversity to American churches. During the same period, ideology of pluralism gained currency, and Americans revised their understanding of what it means to pursue harmonious relations across lines of religious difference. Ideas and practices of pluralism not only adjusted to these new conditions but also powerfully reshaped both secular and religious institutions in the United States in the process. However, despite the public embrace of pluralism, recent developments have made clear that aspirations of religious freedom and interfaith harmony have been more difficult to put into practice than many people have expected.
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24

Dumbrava, C. Nationality, Citizenship and Ethno-Cultural Belonging: Preferential Membership Policies in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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25

Nationality, Citizenship and Ethno-Cultural Belonging: Preferential Membership Policies in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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26

Bader, Veit. Raising Claims and Dealing with Claims in a ‘Mobile World’ of ‘Superdiversity’: Institutions and Policies of Accommodation under Pressure. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474428231.003.0011.

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Global migration has become more diversified and also the settlement, citizenship and integration package has changed. These changes have important consequences for cultures and identity-definitions, for the socio-political conditions of collective action and claims-making, for established institutional policy-patterns and dealing with claims, for citizenship and democratic representation, and for theories of multiculturalism. My focus is on changing socio-political conditions of collective action because it seems to be the empirically least researched topic and because the competing, fashionable paradigms – ‘intersectionalism’, ‘transnationalism’, ‘mobility’ or ‘superdiversity’ – are kryptonormative, overgeneralized and misleading. I start with conceptual, theoretical, empirical and normative objections against the superdiversity paradigm because it seems to have rapidly increasing traction. Next, however, I proceed from the criticized assumption that superdiversity diagnoses would be empirically true: If, and to the degree to which, cultural practices get more radically flexible, hybrid and fluid and objective social positions, collective identity definitions, netness, groupness and organizations would get fluid and flexible, less stable claims-making can be expected: immigrant ethno-religious minorities of all kinds would loose collective voice. Contrary to the normative praise of superdiversity and ‘individualization’ and of ‘diversity-policies’ this would be – in the real world of structural power-asymmetries – not a praiseworthy utopia but a nightmare.
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27

Doherty, David, Conor M. Dowling, and Michael G. Miller. Small Power. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197605004.001.0001.

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This book examines the role local party organizations play in the electoral process. It draws on dozens of in-person interviews with local party chairpersons, as well as findings from a national survey of these local elites. Part I of the book explores who leads local party organizations and what these organizations do. The findings demonstrate that these organizations play a critical role in converting citizens into politicians and supporting them as they navigate the campaign process. These efforts appear to pay dividends as candidates from a party tend to perform better in areas where the local party organization is active. Part II considers what local party chairpersons look for in a candidate, drawing on findings from an experiment included in the national survey of party chairs. The experiment asked chairs which of a pair of candidates they thought would be most likely to prevail in a primary in their area and varied an array of candidate characteristics, including their policy positions, family structures, and their purported ethno-racial identity and gender. The results offer novel insights into the attributes elites who play a critical role in candidate recruitment see as enhancing (or degrading) an individual’s electoral prospects. Throughout, the experimental evidence is bolstered by findings from the in-depth interviews with chairs.
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28

Schenk, Caress. Anti-migrant, but not nationalist: Pursuing statist legitimacy through immigration discourse and policy. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0011.

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Despite increasingly securitized anti-migrant policies in Russia, President Vladimir Putin has been extremely cautious in his rhetoric about international migrants, avoiding overtly ethno-nationalist frames. By repeatedly emphasizing the role of migrants in development and their potential for integration, Putin has charted out a statist agenda, outlining how immigration can contribute to the state’s goals. This chapter analyses a series of Putin’s speeches, asking whether he employs the rhetoric of three common migration myths: ‘migrants take our jobs’; ‘migrants are culturally incompatible with the host society’; and ‘migrants represent a security threat’. While these myths are partially consistent with public opinion, they are not actively employed by the Kremlin. These findings temper the notion of an ‘ethnic turn’ in Russian politics and are especially surprising, given the current populist swing experienced throughout much of the Western world.
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