Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnicity Political aspects Europe'
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1
Suvari, Çakır Ceyhan. "A Brief Review of Ethnicity Studies in Turkey." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190467.
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AbstractAs is known, the racist worldview rising in Europe, particularly in Germany of the 1930s, affected also the socio-political realities in Turkey, and became in effect a part of the official policy of the country. Many theories of obvious Turkist nature, such as Güneş Dil Teorisi (Sun Language Theory), were even shaped by the government and introduced into the university programmes. In this framework, the ancient Near Eastern states were declared Turkish, and the idea about the primordial presence of the Turks in Anatolia and Mesopotamia became a sort of axiom or absolute truth. From anthropological perspective, thousands of Armenian and Greek graves were opened and examined for the purpose of determining the real Turkish type; the skulls taken from these graves were compared with those of the contemporary Turks. The racist ideology defeated in Europe as a result of World War II, was correspondingly overthrown in Turkey too; even some sanctions were imposed to its defenders. However, since the 1980s, the similar ideas have been brought to the agenda again via the project of “the re-discovery of the proto-Turks in Anatolia”. Moreover, some Turkish academics have argued that the non-Muslim and non-Turk peoples, such as the Pontus Greeks, the Armenians, and the Assyrians are, indeed, of Turkic origin. This paper examines the recent publications by several Turkish authors who vehemently advocate the above summarised views, which, at the same time, are shared and embraced by a clear majority of the academics studying identity and ethnicity issues in Turkey. The introductory part of the paper discusses the theoretical aspects of ethnicity—again with a focus on the relevant literature published in Turkey.
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Crowe, David M. "The Roma in Post-Communist Eastern Europe: Questions of Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Peace." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080752.
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The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe promised bold opportunities for the various ethnic groups populating that vast, diverse region. Yet if history had any lessons to teach these groups it was that democracy, or at least the political systems that emerged in the midst of the rubble of the Berlin Wall between 1989 and 1991, was no guarantor of whatever idealized rights the region's ethnic groups hoped would come in the wake of the collapse of the communist dictatorships that had dominated these parts of Europe for decades. Communism, had, in many instances, done nothing more than stifle the festering ethnic tensions that had exploded in the nineteenth century and short-circuited the complex, lengthy process of resolving these conflicts. Consequently, for those knowledgeable about the essence of these conflicts, it should have come as no surprise that Yugoslavia, for example, was torn asunder by ethnic violence so terrifying that it took the intervention of the Western world's great powers to end the most violent aspects of these wars of ethnicity.
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Ćorluka, Bojan, and Mile Vukajlović. "Development perspectives of multiculturalism in modern society." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 8 (2013): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1308217q.
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The debate on cultural diversity is faced with a number of complications, and this term has to be issued as problematic. There is often a tendency to issues the problems and the development of the multiculturalism to its most caricaturing aspects: the absurd demands, fictional conflicts, grotesque processes. Across Europe in the last couple of years there has been a change in the way of accepting the legitimacy of regional and ethnic differences and under difference circumstances, for many people culture, ethnicity and race will continue to be a threat and a challenge, and multiculturalism, where one exists, a permanent struggle. Multiculturalism insists on a re-interpretation of the phenomenon of culture and cultural affiliations. Connection between a state and the culture which lasts hundreds of years has limited very own emancipatory potentials of culture. Culture that depends on the state is not able to include cultural processes in multi-ethnical communities and to activate the hidden potential of minority cultures. The concept of multiculturalism is committed to overcoming the exotic status of ethnic groups and their elevation to the position of political-economic elements.
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Cercel, Cristian. "The relationship between religious and national identity in the case of Transylvanian Saxons (1933–1944)." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549470.
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Hitler's coming to power in Germany had its key consequences upon the fate of the German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. The German community in Romania constituted no exception. After 1933, a process of radicalization can be noticed in the case of the Transylvanian Saxons, one of the several German-speaking groups in Romania. The phenomenon has already been analyzed in its political and economic dimensions, yet not so much in its social ones. This article looks at the latter aspect, its argument being that the Nazification of the Transylvanian Saxon community can be best comprehended by using a conceptual framework developed by political scientist Donald Horowitz in the early 1970s. The analysis uses a series of contemporary sources (diaries, issues of the official periodical of the Lutheran Church in Transylvania, Kirchliche Blätter), but also a wide range of secondary sources, academic and literary. Consequently, the article shows that especially after 1933, the Lutheran affiliation, highly relevant for the production and reproduction of the traditional model of Transylvanian Saxon identity, shifted from the status of a criterion of identity to a mere identification indicium. At the same time, the attraction of a (Pan-) German identity, with its Nazi anchors, became stronger and the center of gravity for Transylvanian Saxon identity radically moved towards German ethnicity, in its National-Socialist understanding.
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Mishchanyn, V. V. "Methodology of the research of the Transcarpathia Sovietization in 1944–1950." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/11.
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The article analyzes the modern methodology of the Transcarpathia Sovietization research in 1944–1950. Though there are individual (N. Makara, V. Mishchanyn) and collective monogrpahs (N. Makara, R. Ofitsinsky), it is too early to speak about a serious methodological base to present the causal links of this process. A better understanding of Sovietization in Transcarpathia requires studying the historical and geographical space. A contemporary researcher should go beyond the narrowed framework of the regional approach in the study of the Sovietization in Transcarpathia and compare its post-war transformations with those in Western Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic Republics, Central and Eastern Europe (A. Applebaum) using the methodology of comparative analysis. The epistemological approach employed by P.R. Magocsi can be used to study the historical specificity of the region with its multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, multiconfessionality (S. Makarchuk). The Ukrainian emigration was rather critical of the post-war policy of the Soviet regime. In particular, V. Markus defines the entry of Transcarpathia into Soviet Ukraine as annexation. The Encyclopedia of Ukraine published in the 1950s and 1980s in Canada analyzes many aspects of Sovietization in the Ukrainian SSR. A contemporary researcher should clearly understand such concepts as “totalitarianism” (H. Arendt), “Sovietization”, “socialist version of modernization” (S. Gavrov), “transit”, “transformation”, etc. The article also points out some errors of scholars studying the problems of Sovietization in the region. Thus, the problem of Sovietization of Transcarpathia is still under development. Its multifaceted nature requires interdisciplinary approaches using the tools of history, economics, law, statistics, political science, social science, ethnology, and cultural studies.
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Poster, Winnie. "Gender and Ethnicity in Contemporary Europe." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 33, no. 6 (November 2004): 660–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610403300612.
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Eatwell, Roger. "Racism, ethnicity and politics in contemporary Europe." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 886–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625179.
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Amin, Ash. "Multi-Ethnicity and the Idea of Europe." Theory, Culture & Society 21, no. 2 (April 2004): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276404042132.
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BRUBAKER, ROGERS. "Ethnicity without groups." European Journal of Sociology 43, no. 2 (August 2002): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975602001066.
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This paper offers a critical analysis of ‘groupism’ and suggests alternative ways of conceptualizing ethnicity without invoking the imagery of bounded groups. Alternative conceptual strategies focus on practical categories, cultural idioms, cognitive schemas, discursive frames, organizational routines, institutional forms, political projects, and contingent events. The conceptual critique has implications for the ways in which researchers, journalists, policymakers and NGOs address ‘ethnic conflict’ and ‘ethnic violence’. The paper concludes with an analysis of an empirical case from Eastern Europe.
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Todorova, Maria. "Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Communist Legacy in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 7, no. 1 (December 1992): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325493007001008.
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Rothe, Johanna. "Fatima El-Tayeb.European Others: Queering Ethnicity in Postnational Europe." International Feminist Journal of Politics 15, no. 4 (December 2013): 572–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2013.841562.
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Isobchuk, M. V. "ORGANIZED ETHNICITY: TYPOLOGY OF ETHNIC ORGANIZATIONS IN THE MODERN WORLD." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 3 (2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-3-88-96.
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Ethnic organizations are definitely the main actors in ethnopolitical processes in the modern world. It is they who act as the main agents of mobilization on ethnic grounds and as a result as the direct initiators and par-ticipants of ethnopolitical conflicts too. Of course, in this context, it becomes necessary to structure the eth-nic organizations' typology. However, the typologies existing at the moment reflect only the formal aspects of the status of ethnic organizations (parties, NGOs, etc.), ignoring the organizational aspects of their func-tioning. In the article, based on the author's database of ethnic organizations in Eastern Europe, a new typol-ogy of ethnic organizations is proposed. Based on empirical data on organizational characteristics of 203 ethnic organizations in Eastern Europe (strategies, representative ability, availability of resources, etc.), and using hierarchical clustering, three functional types of ethnic organizations are identified, depending on their manifestation in ethnopolitical conflict. Moreover, the study identifies an aggregate parameter of the signifi-cance of the organizational characteristics of the ethnic organizations in an ethnopolitical conflict. It is also found that the organizational characteristics of ethnic organizations may describe up to a quarter of the varia-tion in ethnic conflict.
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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.
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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Ellis, Patricia, and Bahman Baluch. "On the Subject of a Divided Europe: A Preliminary Survey of a Sample of UK University Students." Psychological Reports 73, no. 3_suppl (December 1993): 1096–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1993.73.3f.1096.
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40 men and 40 women university students responded to a questionnaire in which were assessed their attitudes towards the future of Europe as nations divided along political grounds or ethnicity. Half of the items on the questionnaire assessed the extent to which respondents consider the issue of ethnicity (e.g., language, flag, culture) as a factor important to such a division. The other half were directed to evaluating respondents' views on whether the political gains should be considered were European nations to divide. Analysis showed that respondents considered the issue of ethnicity a more motivating force for division than politics. Moreover, there were significant gender differences, with men showing significantly stronger positive views on both issues of ethnicity and politics than women.
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Lieberman, Victor. "Ethnic Hatred and Universal Benevolence: Ethnicity and Loyalty in Precolonial Myanmar, and Britain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 2 (March 25, 2021): 310–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000062.
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AbstractInsisting on a radical divide between post-1750 ideologies in Europe and earlier political thought in both Europe and Asia, modernist scholars of nationalism have called attention, quite justifiably, to European nationalisms’ unique focus on popular sovereignty, legal equality, territorial fixity, and the primacy of secular over universal religious loyalties. Yet this essay argues that nationalism also shared basic developmental and expressive features with political thought in pre-1750 Europe as well as in rimland—that is to say outlying—sectors of Asia. Polities in Western Europe and rimland Asia were all protected against Inner Asian occupation, all enjoyed relatively cohesive local geographies, and all experienced economic and social pressures to integration that were not only sustained but surprisingly synchronized throughout the second millennium. In Western Europe and rimland Asia each major state came to identify with a named ethnicity, specific artifacts became badges of inclusion, and central ethnicity expanded and grew more standardized. Using Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain as case studies, this essay reconstructs these centuries-long similarities in process and form between “political ethnicity,” on the one hand, and modern nationalism, on the other. Finally, however, this essay explores cultural and material answers to the obvious question: if political ethnicities in Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain were indeed comparable, why did the latter realm alone generate recognizable expressions of nationalism? As such, this essay both strengthens and weakens claims for European exceptionalism.
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Warikoo, Natasha Kumar. "Ethnicity and Education in England and Europe: Gangstas, Geeks and Gorjas." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 43, no. 1 (December 30, 2013): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306113514539u.
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Smooha, Sammy. "Comparative Citizenship: A Restrictive Turn in Europe and a Restrictive Regime in Israel: Response to Joppke." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1019.
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Smooha argues that Joppke's thesis in his paper on comparative citizenship in Europethere is no restrictive turn in citizenship and immigration laws and practices in Europeis questionable. This is true not only for the pre-enlargement 15 EU countries during the years 1980-2006 under Joppke's study, but also for the post-enlargement 27 EU countries. When the time range is broadened to the post-1945 period, it is clear that the historical trend of liberalization has come to an end in Europe and this is in spite of Europe's dire need of immigrants and the great desire of non-Europeans to immigrate to Europe. Europe is particularly fearful of Moslems, Arab Moslems, and Black Africans.Nevertheless, the comparison between Israel and the EU countries can put the discussion on Europe in perspective. Israel can be representative of non-European countries that claim to be Western or European countries that are latecomers to the West. When these countries are compared to the 15 EU countries, as described and analyzed by Joppke, it is evident that the EU core is liberal and Israel and non-core European countries are not liberal in their laws and practices. EU laws on immigration and naturalization are motivated only partially by ethnicity while those of other countries are more shaped by ethnic considerations and those of Israel are mainly determined by ethnicity and ethnicity-based fear.According to Smooha the EU might move in Israel's highly restrictive direction when it feels that its Western civilization, national cultures, and internal security are more significantly and increasingly threatened by non-European immigrants and their descendants.
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Bauer, Yehuda. "Moral and Political Aspects of Migration Challenges in Europe." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 9, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 387–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2015.1133503.
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Goulbourne, Harry, and John Solomos. "Families, Ethnicity and Social Capital." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001362.
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In this paper we outline some key aspects of the relationship between ethnicity and social capital in contemporary British society. This is a question that has begun to attract a good deal of attention in recent times, particularly in the context of public debate about the changing position of ethnic minority groups and migrant communities within an increasingly multicultural society. We begin by looking at the ways in which the relationship between ethnicity and social capital has been conceptualised. We then explore the ways that the notion of social capital has begun to shape policy debates about ethnicity and families. In doing so we seek to highlight the limitations of existing accounts and the kinds of questions that need to be addressed in conceptual and empirical research.
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Lust, Aleksander. "Nature or nurture? Ethnicity and nationalism in post-communist Europe." Political Geography 29, no. 7 (September 2010): 408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.05.003.
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Mac Laughlin, Jim. "Racism, ethnicity and multiculturalism in contemporary Europe: a review essay." Political Geography 17, no. 8 (November 1998): 1013–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(98)00001-8.
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Morawska, Ewa. "Research on Immigration/Ethnicity in Europe and The United States: A Comparison." Sociological Quarterly 49, no. 3 (August 2008): 465–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.2008.00124.x.
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Елена Николаевна, Тованчова, and Полякова Ольга Андреевна. "GEOPOLITICAL CONTOURS OF EUROPE: HISTORICAL AND METODOLOGICAL ASPECTS." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (September 2022): 231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-3-231-235.
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The article analyzes the essence and specifics of the functioning of the political process of the European Union in a globalizing world and the rapid change of the social and political situation, identifying the geopolitical features of the European Union, which reflect the position of subjective dominance in a complex configuration of annexation and secession manifestations associated with various formats of functional activities of global players in the geopolitical space and political reality of the European Union.
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Rosicki, Remigiusz. "Political topology of Europe." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.6.
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The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses selected aspects of policy in its topological dimension. The space of policy is understood as both a theoretical construct (a policy field) and relations between the characteristics of political actors and their special kind of geographical co-existence. The following have been recognised as essential characteristics of policymaking: (1) electoral process and pluralism, (2) functioning of government, (3) political participation, (4) political culture and (5) civil liberties. These features can become an object of analysis in the assessment of democratic and authoritarian tendencies in selected countries. The text uses two statistical methods of multidimensional comparative analysis (Ward’s method and k-means method), apart from which use has been made of basic descriptive statistics and a comparative analysis of the values of the parameters of political characteristics. A selection of 40 European countries (EU-28 and 12 other countries) have been subjected to a statistical analysis according to the 2018 data. The main goal of the analysis is to connect facts and characteristics attributed to policy with a specific geographical area. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the research problem, the following research questions have been presented in the text: (1) Which of the characteristics of policy will determine the division of state entities according to a special type of clusters?, (2) Will political characteristics determine the division of particular state entities according to a special type of geographical division? The addressed research questions have been related to the hypotheses subjected to verification in the text.
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ERSSON, SVANTE, KENNETH JANDA, and JAN-ERIK LANE. "Ecology of Party Strength in Western Europe." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 2 (July 1985): 170–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018002002.
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Following the Lipset-Rokkan cleavage approach, we present an ecological analysis of the electoral outcomes at the regional level of the political parties in 16 European democracies. The search for relationships between voter alignments and the social structure is conducted in terms of a comparative ecology model. Ecological factors at the regional level within each country account for 75% of the variance in support for 93 parties over three elections during the 1970s. More than half of the “regional” variance could be explained by five “structural” properties of the regions: industry, agriculture, affluence, religion, and ethnicity. The impact of these structural properties varied across countries and across party types. Some of the more theoretically interesting variations are discussed for specific countries, individual parties, and party types.
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Black, Antony. "Political Languages In Later Medieval Europe." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002027.
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Certain aspects of both major and minor political writings in later medieval Europe remain intrinsically puzzling. Michael Wilks, in his seminal work on the ‘Problem of Sovereignty’ in this period called the later medieval and early modern epochs an ‘age of confusion’. One problem may be summed up as (1) What difference did Aristotle make? Ullmann argued that Aristotle made it possible to construct a plausible case for ‘the ascending’ (that is, quasi-democratic) view of authority. In that case, as Wilks persistently enquires: Why did defenders of papal monarchy make such free, prolific use of Aristotle?
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Bodiguel, Jean-Luc. "The Political Control of Civil Servants in Europe: Some Aspects." International Review of Administrative Sciences 52, no. 2 (June 1986): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085238605200205.
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Lachmann, Richard. "Origins of Capitalism in Western Europe: Economic and Political Aspects." Annual Review of Sociology 15, no. 1 (August 1989): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.so.15.080189.000403.
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Wollman, Howard. "The Politics of Multiple Belonging: Ethnicity and Nationalism in Europe and East Asia." British Journal of Sociology 56, no. 4 (December 2005): 666–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2005.00088_4.x.
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Pyżalski, Jacek, and Peter Smith. "Nationality and ethnicity-based (cyber)bullying: how should we tackle this phenomenon in survey studies?" Psychology, Society & Education 14, no. 3 (November 30, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/psye.v14i3.15285.
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Nationality and ethnicity-based (cyber)bullying (NEBB) is generally understood as peer violence where the issues of nationality and ethnicity of the actors involved (mostly targets and perpetrators) come into play. Although central for this kind of bullying, the national, ethnic and cultural differences are not the only aspects that should be included in NEBB definition and measurement approach. Closer analysis of how specifically they may be involved and impact the dynamics and phenomenology of peer aggression suggests the need for establishing a set of criteria that may be implemented into operationalization strategies. This theoretical text presents the different level criteria that may be used for analysing and typologizing the phenomenon of NEBB. These include both behavioral and formal characteristics of hostile behaviours as well as specific issues concerning nationality and ethnicity of bullying actors and racist/nationalistic content. Then the impact of how aspects of the proposed criteria should be present in survey tools is discussed, in order to fully measure the specific types of nationality and ethnicity based bullying. Also the rationale is presented for including contextual aspects in both measurement strategies and interpretation of the results.
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Breitborde, L. B. "City, countryside and Kru ethnicity." Africa 61, no. 2 (April 1991): 186–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160614.
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AbstractThis article explores the origins and continued viability of Kru ethnic identity in Liberia. While previous researchers have emphasised the role of migrants experiences outside the Kru homeland in creating and maintaining a ‘Kru’ identity, the article shows that persons and events in both the city and countryside were integrated in a system of social relationships through which Kru ethnic identity emerged. Further, the integration of the city with the countryside has remained an integral feature of Kru ethnicity, as evidenced by an examination of two aspects of the Monrovia Kru Corporation: its internal organisational structure and its role as a conduit in the political relations between the national government and the rural Kru.
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Warner-Søderholm, Gillian, Giedrė Blažytė, Inga Minelgaite, and Romie Frederick Littrell. "Ethnicity in management studies." Management 27, no. 2 (2022): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30924/mjcmi.27.2.4.
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Many global changes in the past three decades pose new challenges for contemporary management, including the perception of ethnicity by individuals in different geographic entities. In the European Union (E.U.), Central and Eastern Europe, and Lithuania in particular, ethnicity and social identity are challenged by contemporary political, business, and social life, especially after the dissolution of the USSR and the restoration of independence of nations. The purpose of this study is twofold. First, to provide empirical evidence that issues of ethnicity matter at different levels in an organizational context in this six-country study. Second, we contribute to the body of knowledge in management and social science research on demographic survey items such as ethnicity. We contribute to changing approaches to the logic of specific survey items and shed new light on the response rate challenges and fatigue that can weaken empirical studies and stagnate the implementation of new knowledge. Findings suggest that in more homogeneous societies or societies facing domestic unrest, the ethnicity question may be perceived as unexpected, taboo, discriminatory, or confusing. This uncertainty among respondents can lead to a high dropout rate in research. We provide six specific recommendations for future research designs to address this challenge.
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Axford, Barrie, and Richard Huggins. "Towards a Post-National Polity: The Emergence of the Network Society in Europe." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03511.x.
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This chapter explores the prospects for a postnational polity in Europe where the territorial base of power is replaced by a system of networks and flows in which the principal resource is knowledge. The argument depicts a united Europe as a space of flows rather than as a super- or supra-statist entity. Tensions that arise between a Europe of networks and spaces and a Europe of places are examined, partly through a study of the burgeoning European Information Society Project which attempts to harness these developing networks in the service of European integration. Issues relating to the democratic nature of governance without government in the network polity are highlighted to exemplify the difficulties of re-imagining Europe. The rhetoric surrounding the European Information Society expresses the ambivalence within a programme that foresees Europe as a web of discursive spaces while continuing to acknowledge the power of the old imagined communities based upon territory and ethnicity.
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Starova, Eda. "The Ethnographer’s Ethnicity." Teaching Anthropology 10, no. 2 (April 20, 2022): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22582/ta.v10i2.499.
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Introductions to ethnographic research for university students in Macedonia are understandably starkly different from the often idealized ‘first encounters’ we read in classical anthropological texts, what Hammersley and Atkinson call “the Western ‘rite of passage’”. Students from Macedonia, during their four-year studies, conduct fieldwork in urban and rural areas of their home country, usually focusing on a different geographic region every year. Through this experience, students are introduced to a ‘foreign’ field that is often very familiar – the language is common and the general cultural context is shared. In such a fieldwork context, the question of ethnicity, as a general category of importance in the self-identification of communities and citizens of the region, as well as a category frequently present in the rhetoric of various political groups, cannot be withheld. As such, the aim of this paper is to highlight the need for including ethnicity in conversations about fieldwork in Southeastern Europe, especially in introductory courses on research methodologies. In this sense, it is not only the ethnic identity of our interlocutors that comes to interest, but that of the researcher as well, for whom it can represent either a barrier or a tool with the ability to aid the research process. The paper will examine introductory reading materials and practices in ethnography, and attempt to synthesize understandings of auto-reflexive examples of fieldwork in multi-ethnic communities or multi-ethnic ethnographic encounters by anthropologists from Macedonia to propose methods that ethnicity can be included as a significant factor and characteristic of the researcher in teaching ethnography in the Southeastern European region.
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Montero, Paula. "Religion, ethnicity, and the secular world." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 11, no. 2 (December 2014): 294–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412014000200011.
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This paper explores the contrastive, or even contradictory, relations established between 'religions' and 'ethnicities' and what is by convention called the secular world in the conception of contemporary multicultural and post-secular democracies. When and why are 'religions' and 'ethnicities' perceived as a challenge to the political system? We draw on the literature that addresses the challenges posed by the growing presence of Muslim populations in Europe in order to analyze the confrontation in Brazil between Neo-Pentecostal and Afro-Brazilian groups. Our purpose is to understand why, differently from the European conflict, in which Muslim minorities are perceived as a simultaneously ethnic and religious challenge, conflict in Brazil occurs in a doubly inverted relation. Afro-Brazilian religions have built a positive relation to Brazilian nationality and have been acknowledged as religions by the State. In contrast, Neo-Pentecostal religions, although legally recognized, are weakly connected to Brazilian nationality.
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Lubomir S., Dobrovolskiy, Kazhenova Gulnar T., and Umitkaliev Ulan U. "“Ethnicity” of the Scythians: Problems in the Aspects of Ontology and Gnoseology." Humanitarian Vector 17, no. 3 (October 2022): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2022-17-3-89-99.
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The work is devoted to the problem of the archaeological definition of the ethnos in connection with the range of questions of the genesis of the Scythians and their anthropological composition in connection with the eastern migration impulses. The objective is to study the development of this set of problems, as well as to consider the possibilities of further research in the aspect of competing hypotheses by systematizing and interpreting the data of history, archeology and physical anthropology. The reason for the unresolved issue of the origin of the Scythians is the lack of a generally accepted content of the concepts of “Scythian” and “Scythian culture”, as well as “Scythian archaeological culture”, due to the blurring of the boundaries of the areas of distribution of monuments of the “Scythian type culture”. The reason for the diversity of opinions about the physical appearance of the Scythians is the lack of a sufficient amount of anthropological material and the difference in interpretations of morphological relationships and lines of development. We consider the study of the genesis of the Scythians and the development of the Scythian culture from the perspective of migrations within the framework of the Srubna-Andronovo cultural and historical community to be a promising direction. It is necessary to define both multi-vector pulsating migrations and the “Scythian area” as a vast material and cultural (“ethnic, cultural and historical”) landscape and the environment within which they occurred. It is extremely important to single out compact typological variants and their cultural and chronological boundaries within the framework of the cultural community of the Scythians in the south of Eastern Europe, Sauromatians and Saks. In terms of establishing the Scythian area and identifying ethnic and cultural components, it is necessary to carefully localize the settled zones on its borders, study trans-boundary zones, the localization of which is confined to isolated physical and geographical structures and zones of integration of material production, and identify the patterns and specifics of the course of ethnic and cultural processes within and on the borders of large trans-zonal territories.
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Bošnjaković, Branko. "Europe Between Climate and Energy Insecurity: Geopolitical Aspects." Journal of Maritime & Transportation Science Special edition, no. 1 (April 2016): 29–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18048/2016-00.29.
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EU sees itself as a world leader in coping with the challenge of climate change. At the same time, the Ukraine crisis has demonstrated how vulnerable its energy supply security is due to EU’s dependence on import oil and gas. The paper addresses the interlinkages and prospects of EU’s climate and energy policies with respect to ethical and security dimensions. The ethical dimension is addressed in terms of how to fairly allocate responsibility among nations, regions and states to reduce GHG emissions to non-dangerous levels, a central issue at the upcoming UN summit in Paris. The proposed principles, such as the common but differentiated responsibility, are discussed in view of a growing literature, political controversies and converging diplomatic moves. At the same time the fundamental values of the EU may be at stake if the security dimension of all EU member states cannot be guaranteed. Both ethical and security challenges EU is confronted with points strongly towards accelerated introduction of a low-carbon economy and corresponding infrastructure, with renewables to play a central role in the medium/long term. A review of the literature shows that continuing import dependence on oil and gas, including from Russia, is a risk factor both in economic, political and environmental terms. Some recently proposed policy responses, such as the creation of an EU energy union, are reviewed and critically evaluated.
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von Below, Susanne, Mathias Bös, and Lance W. Roberts. "Can the North American Model of Ethnicity Be Applied to Europe ? The German Example." Tocqueville Review 25, no. 1 (January 2004): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.25.1.41.
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In the last decade of the 20th century, the self-perception of many continental European nations has shifted dramatically. Terms like diversity, multiculturalism and, last but not least, ethnicity are increasingly used to describe group structures and inequalities in these countries. This is especially surprising in the case of Germany. In sociological folklore, Germany epitomizes a nation which sees itself as an ethnically homogeneous people (among many see Brubaker 1992).
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Paulson, Susan, and Pamela Calla. "Engaging Ethnicity and Gender in Bolivia." Practicing Anthropology 24, no. 4 (September 1, 2002): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.24.4.k926t12rxw6084n4.
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As anthropologists living and working in Bolivia, we came to understand ethnicity and gender as interlocking cultural systems that organize and give meaning to countless aspects of our worlds: not only individual identities, but also political, legal and economic interactions and environments. Throughout the 1990s, gender and ethnicity were hot topics in Bolivia, and we both encountered a great deal of tension surrounding the application of these concepts in the arenas in which we worked, including graduate education and projects for social change. Questions about how and why these concepts are applied in different contexts led us toward an ethnographic study of our own colleagues: scholars and practitioners who engage ethnicity and gender in their work in Bolivia.
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Tagirova, N. F., E. I. Sumburova, Yu A. Zherdeva, and A. S. Zotova. "“Mobilization of Ethnicity” as Europe-Asian Project: Constructing a Higher Education Policy." SHS Web of Conferences 71 (2019): 05009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20197105009.
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The article discusses the ethnic policy in the field of higher education in Russia between the First and Second World Wars. The "mobilization of ethnicity" in the educational policy of the first years of Soviet power is presented in the study as the "European-Asian project" of Soviet Russia - an attempt to create a single supranational economic, political and cultural space in a significant part of Eurasia. Based on the materials of the multicultural region of the Middle Volga region, the authors analyze the process of integration of the Volga peoples (Tatars, Mordovians and Chuvash) into the higher education system. The study showed that at the first stage of designing the new policy (1920s), the key direction was to provide ethnic groups with relative cultural autonomy (preserving and supporting national languages, religious customs and social traditions) in exchange for recognizing the legitimacy of the new government. At the second stage (1930s), the national educational policy of the state became more straightforward, integration processes intensified and, as a result, the mutual economic dependence of the capital and regions.
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Weiss, Gilbert. "Searching for Europe." Identity Politics 1, no. 1 (August 16, 2002): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.1.1.06wei.
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Europe is in a phase of institutional and political transformation. It is however not only the restructuring of the organisational procedures, i.e. the so-called reform of the institutions in the face of the coming enlargement of the European Union (EU), but also questions of the overall identity and legitimacy of Europe that are increasingly approached in political discourses. This essay analyses recent political speeches on Europe; it focuses on the problems of legitimisation and political representation at the “new” supranational level. In a comparison between French and German speeches the different semantic fields in talking about Europe are explored. Particular emphasis will be given to the interplay of ideational and organizational aspects — Making meaning of Europe and Organizing Europe — as being constitutive for these speeches. The discursive construction of past and future, experience and expectation; will be illuminated as well as problems of space and time, strategies of territorialisation and temporalisation.
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PANDUREVIC, NENAD. "Security Aspects of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe." Security Dialogue 32, no. 3 (September 2001): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010601032003004.
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Muś, Anna. "Politicization of Ethnicity: The Moravian-Silesian Movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian Movement in Poland—A Comparative Approach." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (November 2019): 1048–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.66.
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AbstractEthnoregionalism in Europe is a phenomenon usually studied in the context of Western Europe. Still, in Central and Eastern Europe, there are some social and political movements that can be categorized as ethnoregionalist. The phenomenon started to play a role even before the Great War and in the interwar period, but was suppressed during the times of socialist regimes. It resurfaced immediately after 1989 during the times of transformation of political systems to fully democratic systems when problems of decentralization, authority, and division of power became openly discussed. In this article, I compare two such movements in the context of their political potential. The Moravian-Silesian movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian movement in Poland have both similarities and differences, but the article mostly focuses on the evolution of these movements.
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Karklins, Rasma. "Ethnopluralism: Panacea for East Central Europe?" Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687469.
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Worldwide, ethnopolitics takes on various shapes. Yet, while politics involving ethnicity can be either conflictual, competitive, or cooperative, analysts typically focus either on instances of conflict or ignore the multiethnicity of states by sticking to “the comfortable integrationist presumptions of the 1950s.” All too rarely does one find analyses of policies that work in difficult situations. This global trend is intensified in the case of Eastern Europe. As this region has suffered instances of ethnic politics gone wrong—most recently in the former Yugoslavia—many analysts assume that constructive approaches to ethnic relations are impossible, even though they are needed more than ever. Here, I outline a model of ethnopolitics which is both democratic and constructive, has been used in East Central Europe in the past, and has potential for the future. In presenting the case for ethnopluralism, I outline a promising alternative to ethnic conflict or neglect.
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Konstan, David. "Defining Ancient Greek Ethnicity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.6.1.97.
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As the first full-length modem study of ethnicity in the culture that gave us the word, Jonathan Hall’s book is an event in classical scholarship. Hall has brought to the task a profound knowledge of the ancient Greek world: he is equally conversant with the literary and archaeological sources, which is rare among classical historians, and thoroughly informed, as well, about the technical specialty of Greek linguistics, which is indispensable to the analysis of the role of language in the construction of ethnic identity. Hall is also up-to-date on modem approaches to ethnicity, and, in a fine introductory chapter, he reviews attitudes toward Greek ethnicity within Classics over the past couple of centuries—since the founding, that is, of the modern discipline of classical philology. Hall writes clearly, and has done what he can to make the argument accessible to non-specialists: he translates all Greek words and passages, provides thumbnail summaries of historical or geographical information, and summarizes the current state of the question in respect to the major topics he addresses. Nevertheless, the detailed investigation of obscure and complex Greek genealogies, involving multiple variants and unfamiliar names, or of the differences among the several dialects of ancient Greek and how they may have evolved, will be hard going for the reader who is not moderately conversant with the materials, or at least interested enough to peruse the book with dictionary and encyclopedia in hand. Accordingly, in this review I shall recapitulate the central themes of Hall’s book (without, of course, reproducing the meticulous documentation and careful argumentation that make the book so valuable) while simultaneously calling attention to those aspects of Hall's approach that seem to me to be problematic, or at all events debatable.
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Gupta, Arvind. "Unravelling the Mosaic: Spatial Aspects of Ethnicity in Nepal by Pitamber Sharma." Strategic Analysis 33, no. 5 (July 30, 2009): 782–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160903119242.
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Oskolkov, P. "Politicization of Ethnicity and Related Phenomena." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-131-138.
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In the article, the phenomenon of the politicization of ethnicity is analyzed, together with the related phenomena, i.e. ethnopolitical mobilization (including pan-ethnic mobilization and demobilization), ethnicization of politics and of other social fields for political ends. The author works within the framework of constructivist and ethnosymbolist approaches. The nature, dynamics and actor structure of the processes are considered, and an attempt is made to conceptualize them correctly. The author points at the interconnectedness of the phenomena in the terminological field of the political science as well as at the necessity to distinguish them and adapt ethnopolitical strategies to their variations. The politicization of ethnicity is defined as an attachment of political functions to the ethnic identity. Ethnopolitical mobilization is different in that it has a particular goal. Main factors stimulating ethnopolitical mobilization are: dissatisfaction of a group with different aspects of its status, political opportunities, material and non-material resources available, activities of ethnopolitical elites. Pan-ethnic mobilization employs the wider group identity involving not only actors’ own ethnic group but also other groups close to it within a linguacultural cluster. The ethnicization of politics is defined as the inclusion of ethnic components into the political process. Though both politics ethnicization and ethnicity politicization are typical of majority as well as minority groups, the ethnicization of politics is usually conducted “from above” employing memory archetypes and socially significant symbols. Other social identities, namely religion, sport affiliation, etc. are prone to be ethnicized for political goals, but this process has some important constraints. For instance, religion can be ethnicized if a territorially close ethnic group has other religious affiliation or is less devote; ethnicization of sport depends on a specific historical context. Especially the ethnicization of social discrepancies has a conflict potential and is to be prevented by relevant ethnopolitical management.
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Joppke, Christian. "Culturalizing religion in Western Europe: Patterns and puzzles." Social Compass 65, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 234–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768618767962.
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The relationship between culture and religion in Western Europe is marked by opposite, if not contradictory trends. One is the rise of ‘pure’ religion, abstracted from ethnicity and culture, which is registered particularly among immigrant minorities. This article focuses on an opposite trend of ‘culturalizing’ religion, which has occurred on the part of majority society. A prominent actor driving this trend is the high courts, which try to square the circle of living up to liberal state neutrality and acknowledging a privileged position for majority religion in society. However, the privileging of Christianity in Europe is light and largely symbolic, as I show in a contrast with the substantive privileging of Islam in Muslim-majority societies. If applied to immigrant Islam, culturalization still has exclusive implications, as it removes the respective practices from the ambit of religious liberty protections.
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Konarski, Wawrzyniec Konrad. "The Application of Language as a Tool for Ethnopolitics in Europe – Selected Remarks." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.03.
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The revitalisation of ethnicity as a concept associated with politics has been a meaningful social fact since the early 1960s. This process began at that time in Western Europe. In Central and Eastern Europe the increase of the power of ethnicity had a dramatic effect towards the end of the twentieth century. An important part in this revitalisation is played by the language policy which has a huge influence on the socio‑political stabilisation of many entities. Its success, both from the point of view of the interests of the state and of the group distinguished through language, depends on the legal and political culture of both these parties. The initiative should, however, be on the part of the state. In turn, the actions of the authorities negating the importance of language – often the main identity factor of a minority group – foster an uncontrolled growth of the ethnos. This may lead to the increase of ethnically motivated separatism destabilising both separate states and whole regions. Thus, the issue of language is used in ethnopolitics as a starting point either for obtaining political and legal results or for maintaining the ones already achieved. In either case the evaluation of these activities depends on the expectations of the involved parties. Generally it is possible to distinguish three ways of perceiving language as a factor – applied by politicians and ideologically biased intellectuals – influencing the existing political, legal and cultural order. Namely, language may be considered: 1) a recognized threat; 2) an approved means of support; or 3) a postulated opportunity for a beneficial change and its continuity.
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Koroschupov, V. "Some Aspects of European Defence Industry Development." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-98-107.
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As a result of the analysis of defence spending in European countries for the period 1990–2022, the author reveals a trend towards underfunding of their defence-industrial base. Due to the fall in defence spending, there is a reduction in European defence companies in Europe, some companies go into the commercial sector, the other part is trying to consolidate. The armed forces of European countries conduct exercises and fight on a multinational basis, and purchase weapons on a national basis. This situation does not allow industrial enterprises to consolidate demand, which makes it possible to increase production volumes. By researching the state of the defense-industrial base of European countries, it becomes evident that there are disagreements between the states of Europe about which is better to buy samples of weapons. Some are in favor of purchases in the United States, others – for joint European projects, and others – for national ones. For example, for fighters, we are talking about choosing between the F‑35, Eurofighter Typhoon, Dassault Rafale or SAAB. A study of data on arms exports from the United States to Europe shows that Europe has lost its status as the main export destination of the United States. The results of research illustrate that the procurement of weapons is a long and complex process, the programming of the construction of the armed forces and the costs are planned, taking into account the threats of tomorrow, in advance. The research findings indicate that the prevailing conditions of peace and stability of the last 30 years have shaped the image of the defense industrial base of European countries unable to produce military products in large quantities and in a short time. The author comes to the conclusion that the ambitions of Europe exceed the available resources.