Journal articles: 'Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects'

1

Brann, Conrad Max Benedict. "Language and ethnicity in Nigeria." International Review of Sociology 2, no. 1 (March 1991): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906701.1991.9971078.

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Graf, William. "Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 24, no. 2 (July 1986): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048608447490.

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McHenry, Dean E. "Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 24, no. 2 (July 1986): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048608447491.

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Osaghae, Eghosa E. "Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 24, no. 2 (July 1986): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048608447492.

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Ojukwu, Chris, and Oni Ebenezer Oluwole. "Ethnicity and Political Transition Programmes in Nigeria, 1960-1999." Journal of African elections 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2016/v15i2a8.

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Folami, Dr Olakunle Michael, Dr Fasuwon, Adebayo Adebayo, and Olugbenga Olaseinde. "Political Participation through Inclusiveness: An Exploration of Politics of Ethnic-Discrimination in Nigeria." International Journal of Environment, Agriculture and Biotechnology 6, no. 6 (2021): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.66.31.

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Political participation is characterized by ethnic-discrimination in Nigeria. Electoral processes and nomination of candidates at election often laced with ethnicity and discrimination. Selection of candidates for political offices usually follows politics of ethnicity. The constitutional provision which ensures equity often suspended whenever candidates were presented for electoral offices. This study examines causes of ethnic consideration as the basis for political participation. This study argues that recognition of every community member would enhance qualitative political participation in Nigeria. Recognition Theory, a social justice theoretical framework, was used in this study to explain concepts such as discrimination, ethnicity and participatory politics, and their centrality to democratic values in Nigeria. The theory provides explanation for the inequalities in political participation such as inaccessibility, disassociation, discrimination, prejudice and non-participation. Qualitative method of data collection was adopted in this study. Unstructured interview guide was designed to collect data from one hundred and twenty-five participants. The participants were selected from the capital of States selected for this study such as Benin, Suleja, Ilorin, Owerri, Ikeja and Osogbo. This paper found that voting patterns were influenced by factors such as ethnicity, favoritism, godfather, bribery and others. It was also found that candidates’ choice for elections is determined by godfather, ethnicity, age, religion rather that a ten-year residency dictated by the constitution. It was concluded that inclusiveness without discrimination such as ethnicity, region, godfather, state of origin and gender could galvanize equal political participation. This paper finally concluded that political participation though inclusiveness can reduce politics of ethnic-discrimination in Nigeria.

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Ugbem, Comfort Erima. "Ethnicity, Democracy and the Development Nexus in Nigeria." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 6, no. 4 (April 23, 2019): 5400–5406. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v6i4.05.

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Ethnicity is a very salient issue in Nigeria. It is highly mobilized and contested especially with regards to access to resources, opportunities, rights and responsibilities within the Nigerian state. This paper adopts a socio-historical methodology to examine the roots of ethnicity, and the implications for democracy and development in Nigeria. A social constructionist approach is adopted to show the constructed and open ended nature of ethnicity. The paper reveals that ethnicity was a colonial creation which has been reconstructed over time to reflect changing perceptions, aspirations and contentions and needs. Over the years ethnicity has been mobilized to contest inclusion/ exclusion, issues in Nigerian political process and structure thereby undermining the democratization process. This has had far reaching implications for development. The paper recommended restructuring of the Nigerian state as well as continuous socialization of Nigerians to embrace nationhood and nation building as against allegiance to ethnic groups

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Chukwuemeka, Emma E. O., Prof J. C. Okoye, Prof E. A. Egboh, and Ngozi Ewuim. "Obstacles to Nigeria Political Development – A Critical Evaluation." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 2 (June 23, 2012): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i2.1987.

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Nigeria is one of the fast developing nations of the third world, but has many obstacles to her political development. The military ruled Nigeria between 1966 to 1979 and 1984 to 1999. Military dominance in NigeriaPolitics has in no small measure impacted negatively on the political development of Nigeria. Therefore political development of Nigeria has been going at a snail speed not only due to frequent military incursion in government but also due to many other impediments which include ethnicity, incumbency politics, tenure elongation, godfatherism and poor political orientation . The paper which is theoretical and persuasive examined all these factors critically and recommended among other things that National Assembly should pass a law to make elective office a single tenure. The economy of Nigeria should be organized to make it more productive and also to devise a vision of society within which each person can reasonably perceive that equity and social justice are firmly on the national agenda. To eradicate ethnic politics in Nigeria efforts should be made towards equitable distribution of social, political and economic gains of the polity. Finally efforts should be made to enforce the section of the constitution that dwelt on the formation of political parties that are devoid of ethnicity.

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Ujunwa, Augustine, Ifeoma Nwakoby, and Charles Ogechukwu Ugbam. "Corporate board diversity and firm performance: Evidence from Nigeria." Corporate Ownership and Control 9, no. 2 (2012): 216–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv9i2c1art6.

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This paper investigates the impact of corporate board diversity on the financial performance of Nigerian quoted firms using a panel data of 122 quoted Nigerian firms. The aspects of board diversity studied comprise board nationality, board gender and board ethnicity. The Fixed Effect Generalised Least Square Regression is used to examine the impact of board diversity on firm performance for the period: 1991-2008. The results show that gender diversity was negatively linked with firm performance, while board nationality and board ethnicity were positive in predicting firm performance. The study provides insights for practitioners and policy makers on the need to view the board as a strategic resource in line with the resource dependency theory instead of viewing the board solely from agency theory perspective.

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Effiom, Lionel, Okonette Ekanem, and Charles Effiong. "The Political Economy of Industrialisation in Nigeria: Is Ethnicity a Constraint?" Research in World Economy 12, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v12n1p293.

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Is Nigeria’s multi-ethnic and multicultural configuration responsible for her low level of industrialisation? Is ethnic pluralism really a significant constraint to Nigeria’s industrial development? What role has Nigeria’s political economy played in foisting industrial underdevelopment on Nigeria? What lessons can be learnt from other industrialised but multi-ethnic countries, as Nigeria strives to industrialise? These were the questions that claimed our attention in this paper. The paper discountenances and refutes the hypothesis that ethnicity is responsible for Nigeria’s lack of industrialization, but rather places the burden for Nigeria’s under-industrialization at the doorsteps of vested interests, neo-colonial dependence, and the distorted, dependency worldview of the ruling class responsible for industrial policy formulation.

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Egbunike, Nwachukwu Andrew. "Social Media, Nigerian Youths and Political Participation." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 4, no. 4 (October 2017): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2017100104.

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This article is a study of the influence of social media on political participation of youths in Nigeria through a review of the methodology, research themes and theoretical trends. The research method was a content analysis of forty-four relevant empirical articles. Findings showed that the predominant themes were political participation, social media and ethnicity. Most of the reviewed studies employed surveys, desktop research or critical review of literature as their research method. Most reviewed studies either adopted quantitative or qualitative research method and without a theoretical framework. It was evident that many studies in the global north did not link political participation to ethnicity, unlike those that were carried out in Nigeria. In addition, there were few studies on the influence of social media on the political participation of youths. Consequently, research in this area has to contextualize the Nigerian experience, adopt a triangulation of quantitative and qualitative research methods with a strong theoretical base.

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Igwara, Obi. "Dominance and difference: rival visions of ethnicity in Nigeria." Ethnic and Racial Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2001): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014198701750052514.

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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.

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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity

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Lenshie, Nsemba Edward. "Ethno-Religious Identity and Intergroup Relations: The Informal Economic Sector, Igbo Economic Relations, and Security Challenges in Northern Nigeria." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a140104.

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Nigeria operates a multidimensional and complex system in which ethnicity and religion have found expression in a competitive environment to exclude other groups. This study aims to examine how ethnicity and religion underlie the hostility and violence in the economic relations between Hausa-Fulani and Igbo people in northern Nigeria. Using documented evidence, the study argues that economic relations between Igbo people and Hausa-Fulani ethnic group have remained unpalatable since the 1960s, and it is associated with the gregarious, assertive and domineering nature of Igbo people in the informal economic sector of northern Nigeria. Democratic revival in 1999 generated new dynamics of ethnic and religious intolerance against Igbo people, especially with the violent transformation of Boko Haram since 2009. Boko Haram violence not only scuttled businesses, but also led to the destruction of lives and properties in which Igbo people incidentally have been victims in most parts of northern Nigeria. Despite the security challenges Igbo people have remained to continue with their businesses in northern Nigeria.

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Ojie, A. E. "Democracy, Ethnicity, and the Problem of Extrajudicial Killing in Nigeria." Journal of Black Studies 36, no. 4 (March 2006): 546–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934705280304.

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Ndolo, Ike S. "The Case for Promoting the Nigerian Pidgin Language." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 679–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020504.

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Nigeria is a nation of tremendous socio-cultural diversities – in historical background, ethnicity, religion, belief, and especially language, which more often than not is the strongest factor giving identity, harmony, and continuity to ethnic groups, shaping the perceptions of their members. John Paden sees language as ‘a major mechanism of social communication between sub-systems …and… of expressing values, culture and ethnicity within a sub-system’.1 It is easy to see, in this light, how the most difficult problems of the entire political fabric of Nigeria are related to its great diversity of language.

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17

Peil, Margaret. "Class, ethnicity and democracy in Nigeria: the failure of the first republic." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 578. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621799.

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Vaughan, Olufemi. "Understanding Modern Nigeria: Ethnicity, Democracy, and Development, written by Toyin Falola." African and Asian Studies 21, no. 1-2 (December 17, 2021): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341517.

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Goulbourne, Harry, and John Solomos. "Families, Ethnicity and Social Capital." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001362.

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In this paper we outline some key aspects of the relationship between ethnicity and social capital in contemporary British society. This is a question that has begun to attract a good deal of attention in recent times, particularly in the context of public debate about the changing position of ethnic minority groups and migrant communities within an increasingly multicultural society. We begin by looking at the ways in which the relationship between ethnicity and social capital has been conceptualised. We then explore the ways that the notion of social capital has begun to shape policy debates about ethnicity and families. In doing so we seek to highlight the limitations of existing accounts and the kinds of questions that need to be addressed in conceptual and empirical research.

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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Freedom C. Onuoha, Bernard U. Nwosu, and Christian Ezeibe. "The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria." African Affairs 119, no. 477 (October 1, 2020): 526–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa025.

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Abstract The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

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LeBas, Adrienne. "Who Trusts? Ethnicity, Integration, and Attitudes Toward Elected Officials in Urban Nigeria." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 10-11 (March 19, 2020): 1738–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020912269.

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In the developing world, politicians often use public office to redistribute resources to their core constituencies. This form of clientelistic exchange motivates ethnic voting in Africa and may also shape broader attitudes toward the state. But does clientelism retain its power as cross-ethnic contact increases, or might new forms of political linkage emerge? This article uses public opinion data from urban Nigeria to investigate how social position affects trust in elected local officials. The article finds that local ethnic minorities are less trusting of local officials, but this trust deficit does not diminish as cross-ethnic contact rises. For members of locally dominant ethnic groups, however, greater cross-ethnic contact and lessened ethnic attachment dampen expressed trust in local elected officials. The article argues that ethnic clientelism is resilient in urban contexts but that scholarship must take a more nuanced approach to assessing membership in clientelistic coalitions.

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Xiao, Allen Hai, and Shaonan Liu. "“The Chinese” in Nigeria: Discursive Ethnicities and (Dis)embedded Experiences." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 50, no. 3 (January 27, 2021): 368–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241620986838.

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In the emerging Africa–China studies, ethnography has been employed to demystify the monolithic Chinese presence in Africa. Drawing on recent concerns about “discourse” in ethnographies of Chinese migrants in Africa, this article recommends the exploration of “discursive ethnicities”: a term coined to frame a conceptualization of ethnicity that, while embedded in migrant experiences, is embodied through discursive practices. Based on inductive analysis of ethnographic fieldwork with Chinese migrants, we propose a framework of discursive ethnicities in the discursive field of “the Chinese” in Nigeria, in which specific subethnicities (Hongkongese, Taiwanese, Fujianese, etc.) emerge, change, or are dismissed, alongside other-ethnicities that are embodied in narrating Nigerians in specific ways as mirrors of Chinese individuals’ self-ethnicities. We also discuss how both embedded and disembedded experiences contribute to embodied discursive Chinese ethnicities. The article concludes that “discursive ethnicities” provides a nonessentialist means of understanding the cognition of ethnicity and discourse in migrant experiences.

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Throup, David W., and Larry Diamond. "Class, Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria: The Failure of The First Republic." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 3 (1990): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219617.

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Reynolds, Jonathan, and Michael Vickers. "Ethnicity and Sub-Nationalism in Nigeria: Movement for a Mid-West State." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 3 (2001): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097589.

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Omobowale, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa. "The roots of division, activism, and civil society in Nigeria." International Sociology 33, no. 5 (September 2018): 558–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580918791968.

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Throughout its more than a century history, Nigeria has had a checkered story of ethnicity, divisions, violence, and mutual suspicions. Nigeria’s experience with colonialism engendered a Western-oriented activism and metamorphosis of civil society, which have affected governance in diverse ways. Existing civil society is nonetheless affected by contextual factors such as patronage, corruption, and ethnicism, with internal democratization of civil society groups a major factor that could advance their contribution to governance and local development. Nigeria, however, remains at a crossroads, due to deep-seated ethnic animosity as well as the failure of contemporary activism and civil society to redeem the nation from schismatic ills rooted in its colonial foundations.

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Majaro‐Majesty, Henry Olusegun. "Ethnicity, conflict and peace‐building: effects of European football support in Nigeria." Soccer & Society 12, no. 2 (March 2011): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2011.548357.

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Pyżalski, Jacek, and Peter Smith. "Nationality and ethnicity-based (cyber)bullying: how should we tackle this phenomenon in survey studies?" Psychology, Society & Education 14, no. 3 (November 30, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/psye.v14i3.15285.

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Nationality and ethnicity-based (cyber)bullying (NEBB) is generally understood as peer violence where the issues of nationality and ethnicity of the actors involved (mostly targets and perpetrators) come into play. Although central for this kind of bullying, the national, ethnic and cultural differences are not the only aspects that should be included in NEBB definition and measurement approach. Closer analysis of how specifically they may be involved and impact the dynamics and phenomenology of peer aggression suggests the need for establishing a set of criteria that may be implemented into operationalization strategies. This theoretical text presents the different level criteria that may be used for analysing and typologizing the phenomenon of NEBB. These include both behavioral and formal characteristics of hostile behaviours as well as specific issues concerning nationality and ethnicity of bullying actors and racist/nationalistic content. Then the impact of how aspects of the proposed criteria should be present in survey tools is discussed, in order to fully measure the specific types of nationality and ethnicity based bullying. Also the rationale is presented for including contextual aspects in both measurement strategies and interpretation of the results.

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Breitborde, L. B. "City, countryside and Kru ethnicity." Africa 61, no. 2 (April 1991): 186–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160614.

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AbstractThis article explores the origins and continued viability of Kru ethnic identity in Liberia. While previous researchers have emphasised the role of migrants experiences outside the Kru homeland in creating and maintaining a ‘Kru’ identity, the article shows that persons and events in both the city and countryside were integrated in a system of social relationships through which Kru ethnic identity emerged. Further, the integration of the city with the countryside has remained an integral feature of Kru ethnicity, as evidenced by an examination of two aspects of the Monrovia Kru Corporation: its internal organisational structure and its role as a conduit in the political relations between the national government and the rural Kru.

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Pratten, David. "The Politics of Protection: Perspectives on Vigilantism in Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000028.

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Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of the Nigerian social and political landscape. The emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria. Since the return to democracy in 1999, however, Nigeria has witnessed a proliferation of vigilantism: vigilante groups have organized at a variety of levels from lineage to ethnic group, in a variety of locations from village ward to city street, and for a variety of reasons from crime fighting to political lobbying. Indeed, vigilantism has captured such a range of local, national and international dynamics that it provides a sharply focused lens for students of Nigeria's political economy and its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion.Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice.

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UZODIKE, EUNICE. "CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT IN NIGERIA — SOCIO–LEGAL ASPECTS." "International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family" 4, no. 1 (1990): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lawfam/4.1.83.

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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Dynamics of Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: An Impediment to its Political System." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 11, no. 2(J) (May 13, 2019): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v11i2(j).2828.

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Without any form of prejudice, it is a fact that Nigeria is a multi-ethnic state with differences in its socio-political and economic development all of which have resulted in conflicts and counter conflicts. Ethnic politics in Nigeriaâ€™s political system have come to be a tragic and constant in Nigeriaâ€™s political system; where one must belong to the mainstream of ethnic politics for political relevance. It depicts attachments to the sub-national ethnic groups which threaten to undermine national integration and therefore divide the nation. Significantly, ethnicity in Nigeria was orchestrated by a long period of colonialism, a period which witnessed the ascendancy of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups. It was a period when the three major ethnic groups were used by the colonialist as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political and economic goods. Using a mixed method, this work argues that Nigeriaâ€™s political problem hinges on the negative consequences of ethnic politics. The paper concludes that if Nigeriaâ€™s political system must progress, it must be anchored on the need for the review of the constitutional and political structure of Nigeria to restore healthy political competition as opposed to the existing outdated political mechanism imposed on Nigeria by the military under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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Thaut Vinson, Laura. "Disaggregating Ethnicity and Conflict Patterns: Evidence From Religious and Tribal Violence in Nigeria." Ethnopolitics 19, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2018.1536376.

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Filani, Ibukun. "Editorial: Dis laf fit kill person - An overview of Nigerian humour." European Journal of Humour Research 6, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2018.6.4.filani.

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In Nigeria, in relation to the aforesaid functions, everyday citizens and professional humourists use humour to express their expectations from and disappointments in the socio-political leadership of the country. Common Nigerian jokes indicate the country’s travails with ethnicity and failed political leadership. They also enunciate populist perspectives on nationhood, identity and the challenges of everyday living. In spite of the centrality of humour to daily life in Nigeria, scholarly interests in its sociocultural, political, rhetorical, interactional and interpersonal dimensions have been very minimal. According to Obadare (2016), it is as if once something is categorised as humour, it is expunged from any serious interrogations. There are diverse and numerous dimensions of humour in Nigeria, given the country’s extensive and still expanding popular culture landscape. A handful of these dimensions are examined in the papers that make up this special issue of EJHR.

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Paulson, Susan, and Pamela Calla. "Engaging Ethnicity and Gender in Bolivia." Practicing Anthropology 24, no. 4 (September 1, 2002): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.24.4.k926t12rxw6084n4.

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As anthropologists living and working in Bolivia, we came to understand ethnicity and gender as interlocking cultural systems that organize and give meaning to countless aspects of our worlds: not only individual identities, but also political, legal and economic interactions and environments. Throughout the 1990s, gender and ethnicity were hot topics in Bolivia, and we both encountered a great deal of tension surrounding the application of these concepts in the arenas in which we worked, including graduate education and projects for social change. Questions about how and why these concepts are applied in different contexts led us toward an ethnographic study of our own colleagues: scholars and practitioners who engage ethnicity and gender in their work in Bolivia.

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Ioratim-Uba, Godwin. "Language, Ethnicity and Conflict: Applying Linguistic Measure to Prevent Ethnic Violence in Middle Belt Nigeria." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 4 (October 18, 2014): 557–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02104006.

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This research highlights the efficacy of community-based language planning initiatives in ethnic conflict and violence prevention. As a threshold which elucidates how linguistic measures can help to prevent inter-ethnic violence, the research illustrates that where ethnic safeguarding reaches the extremity of violence, language issues are found to have covert but very strong causal roles as manifested in the ethnic violent conflicts affecting Nigeria’s Middle-Belt including the Berom/Afizere/Anaguta versus Hausa/Fulani; Taroh versus Hausa/Fulani (Plateau State); Tiv versus Etulo (Benue State); Tiv versus Jukun (Benue and Taraba States); and Jukun versus Kuteb (Taraba State). Paired t-test values set at a confidence interval of 95 per cent indicate that the statistical mean differences (1.60 in Tiv/Jukun and 9.60 in the Jos area) are close to the true difference occurrences in the randomly sampled populations. More significant are the two tailed P values of 0.5895 (Tiv/Jukun) showing low bilingualism; and 0.3477 (Jos area) depicting more acute bilingualism decline associated with the ethnic violence. The research then considers the application of linguistic measures vital to prevent ethnic violence. In particular, critiqued aspects of the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scales (EGIDS) are recommended to ethnic communities, voluntary organisations and governments for implementation in dealing with violent conflicts.

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Orji, Nkwachukwu. "Responses to Election Outcomes: The Aftermath of 2007 Elections in Nigeria and Kenya." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 4 (2010): 436–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534814.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to explain variations in losers’ behaviour after the 2007 elections in Nigeria and Kenya. It analyzes the conditions that made it possible for violent post-election protests to occur in Kenya and not in Nigeria. The main question the article addresses is why the losers in Nigeria chose to peacefully protest the 2007 election results while the losers in Kenya protested violently. This article adopts a methodology involving analysis of documents, including published literature, official documents, and media reports. It argues that violent post-election protests occurred in Kenya, and not in Nigeria, because of the higher political salience of ethnicity, the stronger elite-mass linkage, and the winner-loser power parity in Kenya.

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Konstan, David. "Defining Ancient Greek Ethnicity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.6.1.97.

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As the first full-length modem study of ethnicity in the culture that gave us the word, Jonathan Hall’s book is an event in classical scholarship. Hall has brought to the task a profound knowledge of the ancient Greek world: he is equally conversant with the literary and archaeological sources, which is rare among classical historians, and thoroughly informed, as well, about the technical specialty of Greek linguistics, which is indispensable to the analysis of the role of language in the construction of ethnic identity. Hall is also up-to-date on modem approaches to ethnicity, and, in a fine introductory chapter, he reviews attitudes toward Greek ethnicity within Classics over the past couple of centuries—since the founding, that is, of the modern discipline of classical philology. Hall writes clearly, and has done what he can to make the argument accessible to non-specialists: he translates all Greek words and passages, provides thumbnail summaries of historical or geographical information, and summarizes the current state of the question in respect to the major topics he addresses. Nevertheless, the detailed investigation of obscure and complex Greek genealogies, involving multiple variants and unfamiliar names, or of the differences among the several dialects of ancient Greek and how they may have evolved, will be hard going for the reader who is not moderately conversant with the materials, or at least interested enough to peruse the book with dictionary and encyclopedia in hand. Accordingly, in this review I shall recapitulate the central themes of Hall’s book (without, of course, reproducing the meticulous documentation and careful argumentation that make the book so valuable) while simultaneously calling attention to those aspects of Hall's approach that seem to me to be problematic, or at all events debatable.

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Gupta, Arvind. "Unravelling the Mosaic: Spatial Aspects of Ethnicity in Nepal by Pitamber Sharma." Strategic Analysis 33, no. 5 (July 30, 2009): 782–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160903119242.

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Oskolkov, P. "Politicization of Ethnicity and Related Phenomena." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-131-138.

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In the article, the phenomenon of the politicization of ethnicity is analyzed, together with the related phenomena, i.e. ethnopolitical mobilization (including pan-ethnic mobilization and demobilization), ethnicization of politics and of other social fields for political ends. The author works within the framework of constructivist and ethnosymbolist approaches. The nature, dynamics and actor structure of the processes are considered, and an attempt is made to conceptualize them correctly. The author points at the interconnectedness of the phenomena in the terminological field of the political science as well as at the necessity to distinguish them and adapt ethnopolitical strategies to their variations. The politicization of ethnicity is defined as an attachment of political functions to the ethnic identity. Ethnopolitical mobilization is different in that it has a particular goal. Main factors stimulating ethnopolitical mobilization are: dissatisfaction of a group with different aspects of its status, political opportunities, material and non-material resources available, activities of ethnopolitical elites. Pan-ethnic mobilization employs the wider group identity involving not only actors’ own ethnic group but also other groups close to it within a linguacultural cluster. The ethnicization of politics is defined as the inclusion of ethnic components into the political process. Though both politics ethnicization and ethnicity politicization are typical of majority as well as minority groups, the ethnicization of politics is usually conducted “from above” employing memory archetypes and socially significant symbols. Other social identities, namely religion, sport affiliation, etc. are prone to be ethnicized for political goals, but this process has some important constraints. For instance, religion can be ethnicized if a territorially close ethnic group has other religious affiliation or is less devote; ethnicization of sport depends on a specific historical context. Especially the ethnicization of social discrepancies has a conflict potential and is to be prevented by relevant ethnopolitical management.

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Oluwajenyo, Fasoranti Olayiwola, Abrifor Chiedu Akporaro, and Haruna Ishola Abdullahi. "Social security as a panacea to kidnapping in South-West Nigeria: A theoretical review." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 3, no. 1 (January 5, 2022): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v3i1.52.

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There are various security challenges facing societies around the world. Kidnapping is one challenge that undermines peace and stability in the globe. Kidnapping leads to death of victims, bodily harm, loss of properties and worsening economic conditions. To tackle kidnapping, social security is one valuable measure put in place. However, social security is bedeviled with challenges like corruption, mismanagement, lack of political will, ethnicity, bad policy and programmes. Therefore, this paper addresses the challenges of social security and kidnapping in South-West, Nigeria. The study intends to fill the gap created by shortage of scholarly materials to explore challenges of social security and kidnapping in South-West Nigeria. The data were obtained secondarily through the content analysis of peer reviewed journals, edited textbooks, and credible online resources. It anchors on social control theory by Travis Hirsch. Findings revealed that corruption, lack of political will, ethnicity, religiosity and other challenges are working against social security drives to combat kidnapping in Nigeria. The paper recommends effective youth empowerment schemes to bring to the shore the potentials among the youths. This paper will be useful by improving knowledge on the social security and kidnapping, improve the extant literature on social security and kidnapping, the policy-makers, employment of labour, organized private sectors and researchers in the field of social and management sciences will find it beneficial.

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Ejobowah, John Boye. "Who Owns the Oil? The Politics of Ethnicity in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Africa Today 47, no. 1 (January 2000): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2000.47.1.28.

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Ejobowah, John Boye. "Who Owns the Oil? The Politics of Ethnicity in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Africa Today 47, no. 1 (2000): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2000.0011.

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Apamshan, Zachariah, Norafidah Ismail, and Knocks Tapiwa Zengeni. "Insurgency in Nigeria: Boko Haram Phenomenon and the Poverty Debate." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 6, no. 2 (February 27, 2017): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v6.n2.p5.

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<div><p><em>The focus of this paper is to unravel who Boko Haram members are, what brought about the rebellion against the Nigerian state by the group and the platform on which the sect operates. The paper further seeks to examine the raging debate that poverty is principally responsible for the emergence of Boko Haram insurgency. The paper made use of content analysis such as the use of newspapers, books, published articles, internet library sources available. The conduct of this research involves structured and semi-structured interviews used to interview respondent such as academics in the field of strategic studies and political science. The research found out that there are factors that motivate terrorism other than poverty and unemployment. Such factors are seen to be religion, ethnicity and political interest.</em></p></div>

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Uzodike, Eunice Nkiru. "Custody of Children in Nigeria—Statutory, Judicial and Customary Aspects." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 39, no. 2 (April 1990): 419–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/39.2.419.

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Nicolas, Guy. "Recompositions sacrificielles au Nigeria contemporain." European Journal of Sociology 32, no. 2 (November 1991): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006287.

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La pratique sacrificielle s'inscrit au cœur des traditions de toutes les sociétés africaines, dont elle a constitué la pierre d'angle. Rite omniprésent, nœud de visions du monde globales, elle fut associée jusqu'à l'impact colonial à tous les détours de la vie économique, sociale, politique de celles-ci. C'sest en partie pour cette raison que le colonisateur l'a souvent prise pour cible, pour le plus grand bénéfice des « religions du Livre » où sa place, bien que centrale, n'est plus que symbolique. La dissociation du « religieux », de l'économique, du politique, la diffusion de modèles nouveaux de « développement », la réduction des cultes ancestraux en ont réduit la portée en même temps que les normes éthiques « modernes » l'expurgeaient de ses aspects contraires à la sensibilité occidentale.

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Boyajian, Vahe S. "Is there an Ethno-religious Aspect in Balochi Identity?" Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 3-4 (December 19, 2016): 397–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160309.

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The paper deals with certain aspects of the complex phenomenon of Balochi identity in their traditional habitat, including the Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchistan, the Pakistani province of Balochistan, as well as the areas of Afghanistan where the Baloches live compactly. Considering quite different socio-political and cultural situations in the mentioned environments, it is argued that the identity perceptions among the Baloches themselves and among the others towards the Baloches (Persian-speaking Shi‘a population in Iranian province, as well as mostly Sunni diverse ethnic groups in the Pakistani province and in Afghanistan) are not fixed ideas bound by ethnicity and/or religion, but, rather, flexible constructs dependent particularly upon the peripeteia of the state policies. The multiple aspects of the Balochi identity could constantly be negotiated, as well as manipulated by engaged parties. The main argument of this paper rests upon the speculation that the already existing and bona fide aspects of Balochi identity, such as ethnicity and religion, could be paralleled into the aggregate of ethno-religiousness depending on the socio-political and cultural landscape.

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Apamshan, Zachariah, Norafidah Ismail, and Knocks Tapiwa Zengeni. "Insurgency in Nigeria: The Real Test of Nationhood." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 6, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v6.n1.p5.

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<em>The Boko Haram and the Niger Delta militancy today remain unarguably the greatest security threats to the corporate existence of the Nigerian state and her development. At the root of these insurgencies are socio-economic, ethno-political and religious challenges which are actually bye-products of a dysfunctional system. This research work examines the issues and challenges as it relates to the real test of Nigeria’s nationhood. The research work made use of content analysis through the use of books, newspapers, journal publications and available sources from the internet library. This is to give a deeper understanding of the issues that surround insurgency in Nigeria with a view of proffering solutions. The findings of this research work revealed that, lack of employment and equal opportunities especially for the youths of the minority tribes who make up the people of the Niger Delta region are seen as the root cause of agitations. Also, the findings disclosed poor and ineffective governance as responsible for the increased social and political uncertainties, rigidity and institutional failure. Issues such as religion, ethnicity, and regional sentiments were the real problems behind the violent conflict in Nigeria.</em>

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Markova, Elena A. "Precious resources of Dark Continent: a New Status of African Literature or Regional Augment to World National Literatures?" Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education 2, no. 6 (November 2020): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.6-20.307.

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This article examines literary works of bilingual authors in Nigeria, who create their own national cultural worldviews through the language in which they write, thereby explaining why English in Nigeria is influenced by Nigerian culture. Nigeria is a country that has witnessed a cross-flow of linguistic change due to its inherent multilingualism combined with colonial experiences under British rule, a country where ethnic minorities were referred to as “oil minorities”. Although only two languages are recognized as official languages in Nigeria — Yoruba and English –the problem of multilingualism in Nigeria today remains unexplored, and where there is language contact, there must be a language conflict. Indeed, contiguous languages are often competitive languages and there is no language contact without language conflict. Moreover, the problem of linguistic contact and linguistic conflict exists at three different but interrelated levels: social, psychological and linguistic. The social aspect is related to such issues as the choice of language and its use, the psychological — to the attitude towards language, ethnicity, while the linguistic aspects are focused on the code switching, the donor language intervention, which the English language is. The language conflict has influenced the literary work of Nigerian writers writing in English, which has become an exoglossic language, superimposed on the indigenous languages of the Nigerian peoples. Thus, bilingualism in Nigeria can be considered semi-exoglossic, including English coupled with language mixing.

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Abubakar, Dauda. "Ethnic Identity, Democratization, and the Future of the African State: Lessons from Nigeria." African Issues 29, no. 1-2 (2001): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s154845050000617x.

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The issues of ethnicity and democratization and the prospects for development in postcolonial Africa have long preoccupied scholars. When most African countries gained independence from the colonialists in the 1960s, the ruling elites who inherited state power insisted that Africa could not afford the luxury of democracy because of its potential for exacerbating ethnic pluralism and political conflict, which would be detrimental to the more pertinent projects of development and integration/nation building. The ideology of development and national integration in postcolonial Africa thus became the justification for one-party rule, autocracy, and military dictatorship.

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Tokovenko, O. S., and O. A. Tretyak. "Political epistemity: theoretical and pragmatic aspects." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 10 (November 16, 2018): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718136.

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The article examines the imperatives of applying contemporary political-theoretical intelligence to political knowledge and political truth. The limits of the contemporary political theory`s tasks are being set, which is gradually updated after the post-behavioral turn. The relativism of contemporary political knowledge associated, with the peculiarities of political activity is studied. The significance of the fundamental justifications` structure of the political existence of the present day is investigated. The influence of political doctrines, which has a claim not only on the correction of macro-political governance and the transformation of the life of society on certain ideological principles, but also of universal significance, is outlined. Hypotheses are put forward on political truth as part of the conceptual-categorical apparatus of modern political science, which allows conducting an examination of the concepts` correspondence and interaction between the political system and the global ecosystem. The significance of political epistemicity is determined in accordance with the priorities and criteria of effective political decisions. The distinction between politicization of ethnicity and ethnization of politics, which introduces an element of instability into political systems of countries of the world, is substantiated. Emphasized the importance of concept of political truth applying within contemporary theoretical discussions and political practice. The influence of the content establishing and the integrated value of political truth as a symbol and a real phenomenon in political science and political life of the modern world is considered. The peculiarities of evolutionary epistemology as a paradigm of ordering ideas about ways of obtaining a plausible political knowledge are studied. The specificity of political epistemism in the evolutionary-cultural context as a result of a long process of approbation of scientific and applied provisions is analyzed. The conditions of establishing possible and used connotations of the notion of truth in the modern scientific environment of political science are revealed. The processes of the constitution of political epistemology, as a subdiscipline, focused on the answers to the fundamental questions of contemporary political theory, are given attention.The main scientific-methodological and philosophical directions of interpretation of the concept of truth in relation to the main components of the political system and political process are considered. Established problems of finding the truth in modern political conditions characterized by variability and dynamism.New centers of authoritative substantiation, which can become only institutionalized scientific communities, research centers, association of expert centers on the local, regional, national and global level, are considered.The need to form an interdoclining and even deligative, based on the discussion and the open approval of political truth is analyzed. It is concluded that the epistemological dimension of political truth, focused on achieving reliable political knowledge on the basis of the intensive development of modern political theory, theoretical political knowledge goes through the improvement of the concept-categorical apparatus and previously established conceptual content.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects'

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