Academic literature on the topic 'Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects"
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Brann, Conrad Max Benedict. "Language and ethnicity in Nigeria." International Review of Sociology 2, no. 1 (March 1991): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906701.1991.9971078.
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Graf, William. "Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 24, no. 2 (July 1986): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048608447490.
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McHenry, Dean E. "Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 24, no. 2 (July 1986): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048608447491.
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Osaghae, Eghosa E. "Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 24, no. 2 (July 1986): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048608447492.
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Ojukwu, Chris, and Oni Ebenezer Oluwole. "Ethnicity and Political Transition Programmes in Nigeria, 1960-1999." Journal of African elections 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2016/v15i2a8.
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Folami, Dr Olakunle Michael, Dr Fasuwon, Adebayo Adebayo, and Olugbenga Olaseinde. "Political Participation through Inclusiveness: An Exploration of Politics of Ethnic-Discrimination in Nigeria." International Journal of Environment, Agriculture and Biotechnology 6, no. 6 (2021): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.66.31.
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Political participation is characterized by ethnic-discrimination in Nigeria. Electoral processes and nomination of candidates at election often laced with ethnicity and discrimination. Selection of candidates for political offices usually follows politics of ethnicity. The constitutional provision which ensures equity often suspended whenever candidates were presented for electoral offices. This study examines causes of ethnic consideration as the basis for political participation. This study argues that recognition of every community member would enhance qualitative political participation in Nigeria. Recognition Theory, a social justice theoretical framework, was used in this study to explain concepts such as discrimination, ethnicity and participatory politics, and their centrality to democratic values in Nigeria. The theory provides explanation for the inequalities in political participation such as inaccessibility, disassociation, discrimination, prejudice and non-participation. Qualitative method of data collection was adopted in this study. Unstructured interview guide was designed to collect data from one hundred and twenty-five participants. The participants were selected from the capital of States selected for this study such as Benin, Suleja, Ilorin, Owerri, Ikeja and Osogbo. This paper found that voting patterns were influenced by factors such as ethnicity, favoritism, godfather, bribery and others. It was also found that candidates’ choice for elections is determined by godfather, ethnicity, age, religion rather that a ten-year residency dictated by the constitution. It was concluded that inclusiveness without discrimination such as ethnicity, region, godfather, state of origin and gender could galvanize equal political participation. This paper finally concluded that political participation though inclusiveness can reduce politics of ethnic-discrimination in Nigeria.
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Ugbem, Comfort Erima. "Ethnicity, Democracy and the Development Nexus in Nigeria." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 6, no. 4 (April 23, 2019): 5400–5406. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v6i4.05.
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Ethnicity is a very salient issue in Nigeria. It is highly mobilized and contested especially with regards to access to resources, opportunities, rights and responsibilities within the Nigerian state. This paper adopts a socio-historical methodology to examine the roots of ethnicity, and the implications for democracy and development in Nigeria. A social constructionist approach is adopted to show the constructed and open ended nature of ethnicity. The paper reveals that ethnicity was a colonial creation which has been reconstructed over time to reflect changing perceptions, aspirations and contentions and needs. Over the years ethnicity has been mobilized to contest inclusion/ exclusion, issues in Nigerian political process and structure thereby undermining the democratization process. This has had far reaching implications for development. The paper recommended restructuring of the Nigerian state as well as continuous socialization of Nigerians to embrace nationhood and nation building as against allegiance to ethnic groups
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Chukwuemeka, Emma E. O., Prof J. C. Okoye, Prof E. A. Egboh, and Ngozi Ewuim. "Obstacles to Nigeria Political Development – A Critical Evaluation." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 2 (June 23, 2012): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i2.1987.
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Nigeria is one of the fast developing nations of the third world, but has many obstacles to her political development. The military ruled Nigeria between 1966 to 1979 and 1984 to 1999. Military dominance in NigeriaPolitics has in no small measure impacted negatively on the political development of Nigeria. Therefore political development of Nigeria has been going at a snail speed not only due to frequent military incursion in government but also due to many other impediments which include ethnicity, incumbency politics, tenure elongation, godfatherism and poor political orientation . The paper which is theoretical and persuasive examined all these factors critically and recommended among other things that National Assembly should pass a law to make elective office a single tenure. The economy of Nigeria should be organized to make it more productive and also to devise a vision of society within which each person can reasonably perceive that equity and social justice are firmly on the national agenda. To eradicate ethnic politics in Nigeria efforts should be made towards equitable distribution of social, political and economic gains of the polity. Finally efforts should be made to enforce the section of the constitution that dwelt on the formation of political parties that are devoid of ethnicity.
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Ujunwa, Augustine, Ifeoma Nwakoby, and Charles Ogechukwu Ugbam. "Corporate board diversity and firm performance: Evidence from Nigeria." Corporate Ownership and Control 9, no. 2 (2012): 216–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv9i2c1art6.
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This paper investigates the impact of corporate board diversity on the financial performance of Nigerian quoted firms using a panel data of 122 quoted Nigerian firms. The aspects of board diversity studied comprise board nationality, board gender and board ethnicity. The Fixed Effect Generalised Least Square Regression is used to examine the impact of board diversity on firm performance for the period: 1991-2008. The results show that gender diversity was negatively linked with firm performance, while board nationality and board ethnicity were positive in predicting firm performance. The study provides insights for practitioners and policy makers on the need to view the board as a strategic resource in line with the resource dependency theory instead of viewing the board solely from agency theory perspective.
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Effiom, Lionel, Okonette Ekanem, and Charles Effiong. "The Political Economy of Industrialisation in Nigeria: Is Ethnicity a Constraint?" Research in World Economy 12, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v12n1p293.
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Is Nigeria’s multi-ethnic and multicultural configuration responsible for her low level of industrialisation? Is ethnic pluralism really a significant constraint to Nigeria’s industrial development? What role has Nigeria’s political economy played in foisting industrial underdevelopment on Nigeria? What lessons can be learnt from other industrialised but multi-ethnic countries, as Nigeria strives to industrialise? These were the questions that claimed our attention in this paper. The paper discountenances and refutes the hypothesis that ethnicity is responsible for Nigeria’s lack of industrialization, but rather places the burden for Nigeria’s under-industrialization at the doorsteps of vested interests, neo-colonial dependence, and the distorted, dependency worldview of the ruling class responsible for industrial policy formulation.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects"
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Igwara, Obi Patience. "Ethnicity, nationalism and nation-building in Nigeria, 1970-1992." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2589/.
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This dissertation explores the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building and nationalism in Nigeria. It is argued that ethnicity is not necessarily incompatible with nationalism and nation-building. Ethnicity and nationalism both play a role in nation-state formation. They are each functional to political stability and, therefore, to civil peace and to the ability of individual Nigerians to pursue their non-political goals. Ethnicity is functional to political stability because it provides the basis for political socialization and for popular allegiance to political actors. It provides the framework within which patronage is institutionalized and related to traditional forms of welfare within a state which is itself unable to provide such benefits to its subjects. Ethnicity as identity and as pragmatic pursuit of economic and political advantage are, therefore, the routes to the political centre and so contribute to the legitimacy of the state. Nationalism is functional to political stability because it legitimates state power. However, as an elite ideology to legitimate the control of state power and struggles for it, nationalism articulates ethnicity and destabilizes the society, creating an identity crisis for individuals and communities. As the people increasingly resort to religion to correct their identity crisis, new political actors arise to challenge the existing order, using established religious ideologies to criticise and challenge the oppressive structure of elite-led secular nationalism. The Nigerian experience demonstrates that nationalism is best understood as a result of a continuous tradition in which legitimation claims of a social order are sustained and challenged rather than the result of modern industrialization.
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Onwunta, Uma Agwu. "Ethnicity and missional strategies within the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17328.
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Thesis (D.Th.)--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study and dissertation examines “Ethnicity and missional strategies within the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria.” A historical study of the mission methods and an empirical study of current missionary practices in the church point to the need for a new missional identity of the church. This missional identity requires a reversal of and a change to missionary strategies that should result into reconciliatory missiology. In the process of making this assessment of the Presbyterian mission in Nigeria, it was necessary to revisit the missionary ecclesiologies that shaped and contributed to the present identity. Thus, the research focused on the missionary impact of the Church of Scotland, Presbyterian Church in Canada, Presbyterian Church (USA), and the Netherlands Reformed Church (NRC). Insights from these historical excursions helped in determining not only the blessings that these ecclesiologies brought to bear on Nigerian Presbyterianism but also in discovering the burdens they brought on their trails, especially, regarding the seed of racism which was a precursor to the present ethnocentrism in the PCN. The second segment of this research was the empirical study of the current mission and work of the PCN. Using a focus group approach, sixteen leaders (8 Nigerians, 7 Canadians and 1 American) were interviewed through a structured questionnaire. The responses from these leaders were analysed in this paper and details of the analysis applied in chapter 4. The assumption in the hypothesis that the bane of contemporary PCN mission is ethnocentrism was affirmed. This problem as the research showed, was compounded by lack of adequate theological response both in the educational training and the liturgical activities of the church. Combining the historical data and the empirical research carried out, it was determined that the PCN needs a new theological orientation that can move it from the present institutionalized mode to a missonal frame. It was shown that this process would require a new definition of mission and a rediscovery of missional biblical metaphors that suit a conflict-ridden context of the Church as we have it in Nigeria. Three important metaphors were selected: community, servant and messenger. These metaphors formed the theological foundation for subsequent discussions on a missional frame which is the focus of chapter five. Chapter six outlines the meaning of conflicts and the causes of conflicts in Nigeria arguing for a reconciliatory missiology with a theologically-driven dialogue as its strategy. A theologically –driven dialogue is a strategy that, as is presented, enables the church to be God’s counter-cultural agent in the world, holding in tension the four cardinal points of obedience, critical contextualization, discernment and the anticipation of Christ’s return. It is argued that dialogue is a credible theological option through which the PCN can engage in the process of true reconciliation in the Nigerian society – a reconciliation which is based on the biblical cornerstones of truth, justice, peace and mercy. It is a task and a challenge for reconciliatory missiology - a momentous task the PCN is called upon to pursue in the 21st century.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek “Etnisiteit en missionale strategieë van die Presbiteriaanse Kerk in Nigerië”. ʼn Historiese blik op die sending metodes en ʼn studie van huidige missionêre praktyke binne die kerk dui daarop dat die kerk ʼn nuwe missionale identiteit benodig. ’n Nuwe missionale identiteit vereis ʼn transformasieproses in die huidige benadering van die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië sodat die weg tot ʼn versoenende benadering gevind kan word. Om die huidige situasie te kan evalueer moes die missionêre ekklesiologie wat vorm gegee en bygedra het tot die huidige identiteit geëvalueer word. Gevolglik is die missionêre impak van die Kerk van Skotland, die Presbiteriaanse Kerke van Kanada en Amerika en die Nederlandse Gereformeerde Kerk nagegaan. Hulle het in baie opsigte help vorm aan die huidige identiteit van die Presbiteriaanse kerk in Nigerië. Die positiewe maar ook negatiewe gevolge van hulle werk is beskryf. Een aspek van hul werk was die invloed van die stille rassisme wat destyds geheers het en wat die voorloper was van die huidige etnosentrisme in die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië. Die tweede deel van die navorsing ondersoek die huidige missionêre bediening en ingesteldheid van die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië. Deur middel van ʼn fokus groep benadering en ’n vraelys, is onderhoude gevoer met 16 kerkleiers (8 Nigeriërs, 7 Kanadese en 1 Amerikaner). Die antwoorde van hierdie kerkleiers is geanaliseer en in hoofstuk 4 bespreek. Die voorveronderstelling in die hipotese dat die PKN etnosentrisme openbaar, is bevestig. Hierdie probleem, soos aangetoon in die navorsing, is versterk deur ʼn gebrek aan voldoende teologiese refleksie in die teologiese onderrig en in die liturgiese aktiwiteite van die kerk. Die historiese data en die empiriese navorsing toon aan dat die PKN ʼn nuwe teologiese oriëntasie benodig en dat dit slegs kan geskied as daar wegbeweeg word vanaf die huidige geïnstitusionaliseerde bedieningspraktyk na ʼn missionale raamwerk. Verder het dit duidelik geword dat ʼn nuwe verstaan van sending en ʼn herontdekking van missionale bybelse metafore nodig is om te spreek tot die konflik geteisterde konteks van die kerk in Nigerië. Drie belangrike metafore is voorgestel: gemeenskap, dienaar en boodskapper. Hierdie metafore voorsien die teologiese fundering vir die bespreking van ’n missionale verwysingsraamwerk vir die kerk se bediening. Hoofstuk 6 lig die betekenis van konflik asook die oorsake van konflik in Nigerië uit en argumenteer vir ʼn versoenende missiologie met ʼn teologies-gemotiveerde dialoog as strategie. ʼn Teologiesgemotiveerde dialoog is ʼn strategie wat, soos voorgelê in die navorsing, die kerk bemagtig om te reageer op die heersende kultuur, waar die vier kardinale aspekte van gehoorsaamheid, kritiese kontekstualisasie, onderskeiding en die afwagting van Christus se wederkoms byeen gebring word. Daar word geargumenteer dat dialoog ʼn waardige teologiese opsie is waardeur die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië binne die Nigeriese samelewing kan opereer in ʼn proses van ware versoening – ʼn versoening wat gebaseer is op die bybelse hoekstene van waarheid, geregtigheid, vrede en genade. Die uitdaging van ʼn versoenende missiologie is die uitdaging waartoe die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië in die 21ste eeu geroepe is.
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Onwunta, Uma Agwu. "The impact of ethnicity on the missional strategies within the Presbyterian church of Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1170.
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Thesis (DTh (Practical Theology and Missiology ))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study and dissertation examines the “Impact of ethnicity on the missional strategies within the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria.” A historical study of the mission methods and an empirical study of current missionary practices in the church point to the need for a new missional identity of the church. This missional identity requires a reversal of and a change to missionary strategies that should result into reconciliatory missiology. In the process of making this assessment of the Presbyterian mission in Nigeria, it was necessary to re-visit the missionary ecclesiologies that shaped and contributed to the present identity. Thus, the research focused on the missionary impact of the Church of Scotland, Presbyterian Church in Canada, Presbyterian Church (USA), and the Netherlands Reformed Church (NRC). Insights from these historical excursions helped in determining not only the blessings that these ecclesiologies brought to bear on Nigerian Presbyterianism but also in discovering the burdens they brought on their trails, especially, regarding the seed of racism which was a precursor to the present ethnocentrism in the PCN. The second segment of this research was the empirical study of the current mission and work of the PCN. Using a focus group approach, sixteen leaders (8 Nigerians, 7 Canadians and 1 American) were interviewed through a structured questionnaire. The responses from these leaders were analysed in this paper and details of the analysis applied in chapter 4. The assumption in the hypothesis that the bane of contemporary PCN mission is ethnocentrism was affirmed. This problem as the research showed, was compounded by lack of adequate theological response both in the educational training and the liturgical activities of the church. Combining the historical data and the empirical research carried out, it was determined that the PCN needs a new theological orientation that can move it from the present institutionalized mode to a missonal frame. It was shown that this process would require a new definition of mission and a rediscovery of missional biblical metaphors that suit a conflict-ridden context of the Church as we have it in Nigeria. Three important metaphors were selected: community, servant and messenger. These metaphors formed the theological foundation for subsequent discussions on a missional frame which is the focus of chapter five. Chapter six outlines the meaning of conflicts and the causes of conflicts in Nigeria arguing for a reconciliatory missiology with a theologically-driven dialogue as its strategy. A theologically –driven dialogue is a strategy that, as is presented, enables the church to be God’s counter-cultural agent in the world, holding in tension the four cardinal points of obedience, critical contextualization, discernment and the anticipation of Christ’s return. It is argued that dialogue is a credible theological option through which the PCN can engage in the process of true reconciliation in the Nigerian society – a reconciliation which is based on the biblical cornerstones of truth, justice, peace and mercy. It is a task and a challenge for reconciliatory missiology - a momentous task the PCN is called upon to pursue in the 21st century. AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die “Impak van etnisiteit op die missionale strategieë van die Presbiteriaanse Kerk in Nigerië”. ʼn Historiese blik op die sending metodes en ʼn studie van huidige missionêre praktyke binne die kerk dui daarop dat die kerk ʼn nuwe missionale identiteit benodig. ’n Nuwe missionale identiteit vereis ʼn transformasieproses in die huidige benadering van die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië sodat die weg tot ʼn versoenende benadering gevind kan word. Om die huidige situasie te kan evalueer moes die missionêre ekklesiologie wat vorm gegee en bygedra het tot die huidige identiteit geëvalueer word. Gevolglik is die missionêre impak van die Kerk van Skotland, die Presbiteriaanse Kerke van Kanada en Amerika en die Nederlandse Gereformeerde Kerk nagegaan. Hulle het in baie opsigte help vorm aan die huidige identiteit van die Presbiteriaanse kerk in Nigerië. Die positiewe maar ook negatiewe gevolge van hulle werk is beskryf. Een aspek van hul werk was die invloed van die stille rassisme wat destyds geheers het en wat die voorloper was van die huidige etnosentrisme in die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië. Die tweede deel van die navorsing ondersoek die huidige missionêre bediening en ingesteldheid van die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië. Deur middel van ʼn fokus groep benadering en ’n vraelys, is onderhoude gevoer met 16 kerkleiers (8 Nigeriërs, 7 Kanadese en 1 Amerikaner). Die antwoorde van hierdie kerkleiers is geanaliseer en in hoofstuk 4 bespreek. Die voorveronderstelling in die hipotese dat die PKN etnosentrisme openbaar, is bevestig. Hierdie probleem, soos aangetoon in die navorsing, is versterk deur ʼn gebrek aan voldoende teologiese refleksie in die teologiese onderrig en in die liturgiese aktiwiteite van die kerk. Die historiese data en die empiriese navorsing toon aan dat die PKN ʼn nuwe teologiese oriëntasie benodig en dat dit slegs kan geskied as daar wegbeweeg word vanaf die huidige geïnstitusionaliseerde bedieningspraktyk na ʼn missionale raamwerk. Verder het dit duidelik geword dat ʼn nuwe verstaan van sending en ʼn herontdekking van missionale bybelse metafore nodig is om te spreek tot die konflik geteisterde konteks van die kerk in Nigerië. Drie belangrike metafore is voorgestel: gemeenskap, dienaar en boodskapper. Hierdie metafore voorsien die teologiese fundering vir die bespreking van ’n missionale verwysingsraamwerk vir die kerk se bediening. Hoofstuk 6 lig die betekenis van konflik asook die oorsake van konflik in Nigerië uit en argumenteer vir ʼn versoenende missiologie met ʼn teologies-gemotiveerde dialoog as strategie. ʼn Teologies-gemotiveerde dialoog is ʼn strategie wat, soos voorgelê in die navorsing, die kerk bemagtig om te reageer op die heersende kultuur, waar die vier kardinale aspekte van gehoorsaamheid, kritiese kontekstualisasie, onderskeiding en die afwagting van Christus se wederkoms byeen gebring word. Daar word geargumenteer dat dialoog ʼn waardige teologiese opsie is waardeur die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië binne die Nigeriese samelewing kan opereer in ʼn proses van ware versoening – ʼn versoening wat gebaseer is op die bybelse hoekstene van waarheid, geregtigheid, vrede en genade. Die uitdaging van ʼn versoenende missiologie is die uitdaging waartoe die Presbiteriaanse Kerk van Nigerië in die 21ste eeu geroepe is.
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Ethnic conflict in Nigeria: a challenge to inclusive social and political development." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006955.
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The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.
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Dupré, Jean-Francois. "The politics of linguistic normalization in 21st century Taiwan : ethnicity, national identity, and the party system." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/209619.
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The consolidation of Taiwanese identity in recent years has been accompanied by two interrelated paradoxes: a continued language shift from local Taiwanese languages to Mandarin Chinese, and the increasing subordination of the Hoklo majority culture in ethnic policy and public identity discourses. While the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) gradually relaxed its Mandarin-only policy following democratization in the late 1980s, the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) made little change to Taiwan’s language regime during its two-term presidency (2000-2008). Rejecting proposals for the co-officialization of the Hoklo majority language (generally referred to as Taiwanese), the DPP government instead vainly put forward proposals for the recognition of all of Taiwan’s languages (Mandarin, Hoklo, Hakka, as well as the languages of 12 Aboriginal groups) as equal national languages.
What explains the limited success of Taiwanese language normalization and the marginalization of the Hoklo majority culture in the process of Taiwanese identity consolidation? This dissertation tries to answer this question through an analysis of the Taiwanese linguistic normalization movement, with a focus on local language education, standardization, and official recognition. This research is based on extensive fieldwork including in-depth elite interviews, analysis of legislative records and official documents, and quantitative analysis of large-N survey data.
This dissertation is framed as a response to David Laitin’s work on linguistic normalization, which regards language and identity shifts as overlapping phenomena and posits that nationalist leaders have an incentive to promote a shift to local culture so as to create a cultural basis for political autonomy claims. In contrast, this dissertation argues that Taiwan’s counterintuitive ethnolinguistic outcomes are largely attributable to the ethnic structure of the party cleavage, itself based on national identity. In fact, the ethnolinguistic distribution of the electorate across cleavage categories has led parties to adopt distinctive strategies in an attempt to broaden their ethnic support bases. On the one hand, the DPP and KMT have strived to play down their respective de-Sinicization and Sinicization ideologies as well as their Hoklo and Chinese ethnocultural cores, a strategy I refer to as ethnonationalist underbidding. On the other hand, parties have competed to portray themselves as the legitimate protectors of minority interests by promoting Hakka and Aboriginal cultures, a strategy I term minority-oriented outbidding. The concomitant logics of underbidding and outbidding have discouraged parties from appealing to ethnonationalist rhetoric, prompting them to express their antagonistic ideologies of Taiwanese and Chinese nationalism through typically liberal conceptions of language rights. The fact that Taiwanese nationalism has been centred on the democratic institutions of the Republic of China rather than Taiwanese ethnocultural distinctiveness has further legitimated the continuation of Mandarin as common language.
In addition to providing a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of the Taiwanese language normalization movement, this dissertation proposes a reassessment of the relationship between national culture and identity by expounding the fundaments of a simple model of cultural regime creation based on cross-cleavage ethnolinguistic distributions, variables that are largely absent in Laitin’s work.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Ozoeze, Victor Anthony. "Ethnicity and Politics of Exclusion in Nigeria : Employing Rawls'Theory of Justice in Plural Societies." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2913.
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With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country.
Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs.
Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country?
Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.
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Somers-Cox, Tamara Joy. "Political risk in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets : a comparative study of Nigeria and Mexico." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86335.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The interplay between political risk and emerging markets is current and dynamic. As global interest shifts, investors cannot ignore emerging market behaviour and their influence. However, with great potential and opportunities, too comes great political risk. This research study begins with the point raised by the Eurasia Group that emerging market risk differs to that of developed market risk, and that risk in some instances can be ‗unbounded‘. Subsequently, the Eurasia Group deems emerging markets a top risk for 2013. Focussing on the oil and gas industry in emerging markets, Nigeria and Mexico offer valuable case studies. This research study offers a comparative study of these two countries in order to determine a generic list of political risk factors that are facing the oil and gas industries in emerging markets. In an increasingly volatile world, with a growing global demand for energy sources, and greater uncertainty surrounding investments and potential returns, political risk analysis is an invaluable decision-making tool for Transnational Oil Corporations (TNOCs) in order for their assets and interests to be protected. The central research question concerns the main political risk factors facing investors who want to participate in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets. The aim of the research study is to answer the central research question through the help of supplementary questions. The first of these ask what the main political risk factors for TNOCs operating in the Niger Delta are. The second question asks what the main political risk factors for TNOCs operating in the Gulf of Mexico are. So as to complete the political risk picture, the last question asks how political risk in the oil and gas industry can be mitigated. This research study will contribute to existing research, and will assist investors with risk identification, analysis and mitigation. By utilising the generic list of essential political risk factors, TNOCs are made aware of the most salient political risks in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets, and therefore are better placed to make rational and informed decisions when it comes to foreign investment.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die wisselwerking tussen politieke risiko en opkomende markte is intyd en dinamies. Soos globale belange verskuif, kan beleggers nie die opkomende markte se gedrag en invloed ignoreer nie, alhoewel met groot potensiaal en geleenthede kom daar ook groot politieke risiko. Die navorsingstudie het begin met die Eurasia Groep wat uitgelig het dat opkomende markrisiko verskil van die van ‘n ontwikkelde mark en dat die risiko in sekere gevalle ―ongebonde‖ kan wees. Gevolglik is opkomende markte as ‘n top risiko vir 2013 geklassifiseer. Met ‘n fokus op die olie- en gasindustrie in opkomende markte, bied Nigerië en Mexiko waardevolle gevallestudies. Die navorsingstuk bied ‘n vergelykende studie van dié twee lande met die doel om ‘n generiese lys van politieke risikofaktore wat die olie- en gasindustrie in opkomende markte in die gesig staar, vas te stel. In ‘n toenemende onstabiele wêreld met ‘n toenemende globale aanvraag vir energiebronne en groter onsekerheid rakende beleggings en potensiële opbrengs, is politieke risiko-analise ‘n waardevolle besluitnemings-meganisme vir Trans-Nasionale Oliekorporasies (TNOKs) om hul bates en belange te beskerm. Die sentrale navorsingsvraag fokus op die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir beleggers wat in die olie- en gasindustrie van opkomende markte wil belê. Die doel van die navorsingstudie is om die sentrale navorsingsvraag te beantwoord met behulp van aanvullende vrae. Die eerste vraag raak die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir TNOKs aan wat in die Niger-Delta opereer. Die tweede vraag handel oor die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir TNOKs wat in die Golf van Mexiko opereer. Die laaste vraag voltooi die politiese risiko profiel deur te vra hoe die politieke risiko in die olie- en gasindustrie verminder kan word. Die navorsingstudie sal bestaande navorsing aanvul en beleggers help om risiko‘s te identifiseer, analiseer en verminder. Deur ‘n generiese lys van politieke risikofaktore te gebruik, word TNOKs bewus gemaak van die mees prominente politieke risiko‘s in die olie- en gasindustrie van opkomende markte, wat hulle in staat stel om rasionele en ingeligte besluite te neem wanneer dit by internasionale beleggings kom.
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Mushwana, Tinyiko. "A critical discourse analysis of representations of the Niger Delta conflict in four prominent Western anglophone newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745.
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This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.
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Agbo, George Emeka. "Photography, facebook and virtualisation of resistance in Nigeria." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5465.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDNigerian post-independence history (1960 to the present date) is steeped in socio-political upheavals. The majority of the citizens are frustrated with the injustice, inequality and fraudulent politics that pervade the country. The central argument of this thesis is that these conditions are critiqued through the photographic practices produced on Facebook. Through the circulation of photographs and the conversations around them on the social media platform, Nigerians demand social change. The sociality that underpins the visuality of social networking is explained by Ariella Azoulay's notion of "civil discourse," which theoretically organises the thrust of this thesis. The formulation suggests that the photograph is an outcome of the interaction among many individuals. It is a site of exchange, a process which I have argued to be reinforced by digital and internet technology. For five years, I have followed the visual social production on Facebook in the context of virtual participant observation, downloading photographs and the comments that go with them. A number of the photographs and the accompanying comments are analysed with semiotic tools to understand the key concerns of Nigerians. To explain how the agitation is presented, and the efforts invested in the production, I have reflected on the related questions of technological mediations and appropriations. A network of digital infrastructure conditions the creation and editing of the photographs and their dissemination and meaning-making processes on Facebook. Again, the Nigerian example demonstrates how state failure fuels activism, insurgency and counter-insurgency, all of which are actuated by digital photographic production. In this situation, the photographic image is burdened with the task to produce violence and to counter it. What ultimately emerges are complex relations among people, photography and technology. I conclude that the virtual movement presents possibilities for socio-political transformation in Nigeria. From the perspective of photography, this thesis contributes to the debates in social media activism and how it is shaping politics in Africa. It demonstrates the possibility of reading the tensions in an African postcolony through the connected digital, visual and social practices of the ordinary people. We are prompted to acknowledge the influence of digital infrastructure in the political use of the image.
Books on the topic "Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects"
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United Nations Research Institute for Social Development., ed. Ethnicity and development in Nigeria. Aldershot, Hants, England: Avebury, 1995.
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The unfinished state: Demokratie und Ethnizität in Nigeria. Hamburg: Institut für Afrika-Kunde, 2002.
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Bah, Abu Bakarr. Breakdown and reconstitution: Democracy, the nation-state, and ethnicity in Nigeria. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2005.
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Poison and medicine: Ethnicity, power, and violence in a Nigerian city, 1966 to 1986. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2002.
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Imperialism and ethnic politics in Nigeria, 1960-1996. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1998.
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Onuigbo, Okonkwo. Political marketing in Nigeria. Abia, Nigeria: Esquire Press and Books Company, 2008.
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Egwu, Samuel G. Structural adjustment, agrarian change, and rural ethnicity in Nigeria. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1998.
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Ethnicity and electoral politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
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Van den Berghe, Pierre L., ed. State violence and ethnicity. Niwot, Colo: University Press of Colorado, 1990.
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Gbilekaa, Saint. Radical theatre in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Caltop, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects"
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Ogu, Michael Ihuoma. "Ethnicity, Farmer–Herder Conflicts, and Nation-Building in Nigeria." In The Political Economy of Colonialism and Nation-Building in Nigeria, 257–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73875-4_14.
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Otinche, Sunday Inyokwe. "Ethnicity, Citizenship Identity and Nation Building in Africa: The Nigeria Experience." In The Political Economy of Colonialism and Nation-Building in Nigeria, 237–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73875-4_13.
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Osaghae, Eghosa E. "I. Urban Migrants and Associational Ethnicity: Conceptual and theoretical perspectives." In Trends of Migrant Political Organization in Nigeria, 1–25. IFRA-Nigeria, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ifra.893.
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Osaghae, Eghosa E. "II. Historical and Sociological Background of Migrant Ethnicity in Kano." In Trends of Migrant Political Organization in Nigeria, 26–38. IFRA-Nigeria, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ifra.894.
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Osaghae, Eghosa E. "III. Development and patterns of IGBO associational ethnicity in Kano." In Trends of Migrant Political Organization in Nigeria, 39–53. IFRA-Nigeria, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ifra.895.
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Egbunike, Nwachukwu Andrew. "Social Media, Nigerian Youths and Political Participation." In African Studies, 753–71. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch040.
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This article is a study of the influence of social media on political participation of youths in Nigeria through a review of the methodology, research themes and theoretical trends. The research method was a content analysis of forty-four relevant empirical articles. Findings showed that the predominant themes were political participation, social media and ethnicity. Most of the reviewed studies employed surveys, desktop research or critical review of literature as their research method. Most reviewed studies either adopted quantitative or qualitative research method and without a theoretical framework. It was evident that many studies in the global north did not link political participation to ethnicity, unlike those that were carried out in Nigeria. In addition, there were few studies on the influence of social media on the political participation of youths. Consequently, research in this area has to contextualize the Nigerian experience, adopt a triangulation of quantitative and qualitative research methods with a strong theoretical base.
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Wright, Stephen. "25. Nigeria." In Politics in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737438.003.0025.
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This chapter examines the consolidation of democracy and human rights in Nigeria. With regard to the relationship between development and human rights, Nigeria presents an interesting puzzle. It is rich in oil, but has not been able to translate its immense natural resources into sustainable economic development and respect for human rights. Ethnic and religious tensions, a result of colonialism, have been exacerbated by disastrous economic development, which has in turn led to a deteriorating human rights situation and intense violence. The chapter first considers the political economy of Nigerian oil before discussing the country’s political and economic development, with particular emphasis on critical aspects of human security and civil society. It concludes with an assessment of the progress that has been made as well as ongoing development challenges Nigeria faces.
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Reingold, Beth. "Welfare Policy Outcomes." In Race, Gender, and Political Representation, 147–72. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197502174.003.0006.
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Research shows that Black and Latinx legislators make a difference in the welfare policies states enact. Do women also make a distinctive contribution? Focusing on state welfare reform in the mid-1990s, Chapter 6 weighs the efficacy of two alternative approaches to answering that question. An additive approach, which treats gender and race/ethnicity as mutually exclusive, suggests that female legislators—regardless of race/ethnicity—will mitigate the more restrictive and punitive aspects of welfare reform, much like their Black and Latinx counterparts do. In contrast, an intersectional approach, which emphasizes the interdependence of gender and race/ethnicity, suggests that legislative women of color will have the strongest countervailing effect on state welfare reform—stronger than that of other women or men of color. The analysis demonstrates that an intersectional approach yields a better understanding of race, gender, and representation: legislative women of color have a distinctive impact on welfare policy in the states.
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Hopkins, A. G. "Economic aspects of political movements in Nigeria and the Gold Coast, 1918–1939." In Africa, Empire and World Disorder, 110–28. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026181-7.
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Otinche, Inyokwe Sunday. "Ethnicity, Politics of Power Sharing, and Nation-Building in Africa." In The Oxford Handbook of Sociology of Africa, C39.S1—C39.S6. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197608494.013.39.
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Abstract Evidence suggests that ethnic identity and ethnic diversity in Africa have empirical relationships with her historical past and colonial experiences. This chapter examines these summative experiences to underscore the role the colonialist played in ethnic-identity formation, classification, and discrimination and the elevation of ethnicity as a political and economic resource for nation-building. The colonialists constructed ethnic identities where none existed and promoted them to a level of political consciousness, leaving behind legacy of political control and domination, as is evident in Rwanda, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Sudan, among African nations. Lessons are drawn from Arendt Lijphart’sthesis on the consociational model of sharing power to explain the relationships between ethnicity and the corresponding power relations that induce ethnic conflicts in Africa. A call is made to African leaders to promote social harmony, equity, fairness, and social justice in governance and national unity.
Conference papers on the topic "Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects"
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Oruwari, Humphrey Otombosoba. "Assessment of Conflict Management in Niger Delta and Implications for Sustainable Development of Oil and Gas in Nigeria." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/208224-ms.
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Abstract Nigerian oil and gas industry have over the years witnessed incessant conflicts between the stakeholders, particularly the host communities in Niger Delta region and the oil and gas companies in partnership with the Federal Government. Conflict which is here defined as manifestation of disagreement between individual and groups arising from differing and mutually incompatible interests has both positive and negative effects depending on how it was managed. Managing conflicts is all about limiting the negative aspects. The study examined conflicts management in Nigeria oil and gas industry and how best the positive elements of conflicts can be maximally exploited for the mutual benefit of both oil and gas company and the host communities in Niger Delta. The study adopted the multidisciplinary approach, literature review, case study and relied on secondary sources using analytical method of data analysis. The study findings revealed that the major factors that precipitate conflicts between the oil and gas industry and host communities in Niger Delta include economic, social, political, and ecological factors. There are available strategies that can be used in conflict management. These include avoiding, accommodating, or smoothing, competing, or forcing, compromising, and collaborating. Any of these strategies can be used to manage conflict depending on the situation, the environment factor, and the nature of the conflict. The problem is that the oil and gas companies in partnership with the Nigerian government often adopted the wrong approach in dealing with the conflict with host communities, using avoiding or forcing strategies. The study recommends collaboration strategy which ensues long term-term solution to mutual benefits.
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Anifowose, Titilayo. "Significance of cultural heritage assets in the definition of urban morphology. A case of Egba-Ake in South-West Nigeria." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/fxzs7229.
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This study defined morphological importance of cultural heritage assets and formation of Egba-Ake town. Cultural heritages include man’s physical imaginative products which can be touched and seen include buildings, crafts, tools, ivory, cowries, paintings, textiles, pestles, mortars, food, wooden objects, tombs & grave goods, temples, dresses, pottery & potsherd pavements, monuments, books and artifacts. Morphology are factors that influence city/community formation which are determined by synthetic and natural determinants. Cultural heritage assets are whatever is valued by people today that was also cherished by former generations. This research explored the importance of cultural heritage assets in relation to urban fabrics formation of Egba-Ake. Qualitative method was adopted in this study, in-depth interviews and personal observation was used for data collection while Nvivo words tree and satellite imagery was used to analyze collected data. Ake’s palace and Itoku market is located at the center around which the Egba-Ake evolved. Ake’s Palace (political and cultural hub of the town) and Itoku market (the economic heritage of the town) was used to preserve various aspects of Egba-Ake cultural heritage. Ela festival (new yam festival) is annually celebrated cultural activity in Egba-Ake. This finding is relevant to policy makers as it allows the support of potential common structures for heritage administration in Egba-Ake. Effect of heritage in EgbaAke morphology is the new palace of Alake (the cultural ruler) of Egba-Ake were renovated and new once built a few years ago with modern architectural designs, furniture and fittings. This has made the Alake’s Palace to meet ‘international standards’. Social amenities and infrastructures like electricity supply, water systems, hospitals, good roads, administrative offices, schools; communication networks, etc. are now a major feature in Egba-Ake town. Further studies will enhance the implementation issues which may arise from the creation of a framework for cultural heritage management, with emphasis on risk management and risk reduction of cultural heritage.
Reports on the topic "Ethnicity – Nigeria – Political aspects"
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Haider, Huma. Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.108.
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The instability and upheaval of violent conflict can break down patriarchal structures, challenge traditional gender norms and open up new roles and spaces for collective agency of women, sexual and gender minorities (SGM), and other marginalised groups (Yadav, 2021; Myrittinen & Daigle, 2017). A recent study on the gendered implications of civil war finds that countries recovering from ‘major civil war’ experience substantial improvements in women’s civil liberties and political participation—complementary aspects of political empowerment (Bakken & Bahaug, 2020). This rapid literature review explores the openings that conflict and post-conflict settings can create for the development of political empowerment of women and LGBTQ+ communities—as well as challenges. Drawing primarily on a range of academic, non-governmental organisation (NGO), and practitioner literature, it explores conflict-affected settings from around the world. There was limited literature available on experience from Ukraine (which was of interest for this report); and on specific opportunities at the level of local administrations. In addition, the available literature on empowerment of LGBTQ+ communities was much less than that available for women’s empowerment. The literature also focused on women, with an absence of information on girls. It is important to note that while much of the literature speaks to women in society as a whole, there are various intersectionalities (e.g. class, race, ethnicity, religion, age, disability, rural/urban etc.) that can produce varying treatment and degrees of empowerment of women. Several examples are noted within the report.
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Bano, Masooda. International Push for SBMCs and the Problem of Isomorphic Mimicry: Evidence from Nigeria. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/102.
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Establishing School-Based Management Committees (SBMCs) is one of the most widely adopted and widely studied interventions aimed at addressing the learning crisis faced in many developing countries: giving parents and communities a certain degree of control over aspects of school management is assumed to increase school accountability and contribute to improvements in learning. Examining the case of Nigeria, which in 2005 adopted a national policy to establish SBMCs in state schools, this paper reviews the evidence available on SBMCs’ ability to mobilise communities, and the potential for this increased community participation to translate into improved learning. The paper shows that while local community participation can help improve school performance, the donor and state supported SBMCs struggle to stay active and have positive impact on school performance. Yet for ministries of education in many developing countries establishing SBMCs remains a priority intervention among the many initiatives aimed at improving education quality. The paper thus asks what makes the establishment of SBMCs a priority intervention for the Nigerian government. By presenting an analysis of the SBMC-related policy documents in Nigeria, the paper demonstrates that an intervention aimed at involving local communities and developing bottom-up approaches to identifying and designing education policies is itself entirely a product of top-down policy making, envisioned, developed, and funded almost entirely by the international development community. The entire process is reflective of isomorphic mimicry—a process whereby organisations attempt to mimic good behaviour to gain legitimacy, instead of fixing real challenges. Adopting the policy to establish SBMCs, which is heavily promoted by the international development community and does not require actual reform of the underlying political-economy challenges hindering investment in education, enables education ministries to mimic commitment to education reforms and attain the endorsement of the international community without addressing the real challenges. Like all cases of isomorphic mimicry, such policy adoption and implementation has costs: national ministries, as well as state- and district-level education authorities, end up devoting time, resources, and energy to planning, designing, and implementing an intervention for which neither the need nor the evidence of success is established. Additionally, such top-down measures prevent state agencies from identifying local opportunities for delivering the same goals more effectively and perhaps at a lower cost. The paper illustrates this with the case of the state of Kano: there is a rich indigenous culture of supporting community schools, yet, rather than learning why local communities support certain kinds of school but not state schools, and trying to replicate the lessons in state schools, the SBMC model introduced is designed by development agencies at the national level and is administratively complicated and resource-intensive. The opportunity for local learning has not been realised; instead, both the agenda and the implementation framework have been entirely shaped by international aid agencies. The paper thus demonstrates how apparently positive policy interventions resulting from pressure exerted by the international community could be having unintended consequences, given the national-level political-economy dynamics.