Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnicity – Government policy – China'
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1
Pizzi, Elise. "Ethnicity and Government Provision of Drinking Water Infrastructure in Rural China." Asian Survey 60, no. 4 (July 2020): 607–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.4.607.
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What areas of the country does the Chinese government prioritize for drinking water provision infrastructure? Chinese policy prioritizes ethnic minorities and minority autonomous areas due to concerns about inequality and interethnic harmony. However, the implementation is not always equitable or favorable for ethnic minorities. Drawing on a new data set of more than 10,000 drinking water projects, I explore how ethnicity and autonomy influence public goods provision in rural Guizhou Province. I find implementation concerns trump official policy priorities when it comes to drinking water infrastructure. Such facilities are more likely to be built in Han-majority areas, because implementation and project completion are easier for officials. The findings have implications for ethnic politics and public goods provision in nondemocratic contexts. They also demonstrate why regions with larger minority populations are often slower to develop and slower to receive better access to basic public services.
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Park, Jeongwon Bourdais. "Ethnic Relations in Northeast China." European Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (2017): 36–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01601001.
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This article discusses the dynamic changes in ethnic relations that have taken place in the Joseonjok (Chaoxianju) community comprising minority Koreans residing in and around Yanbian, an autonomous prefecture in northeastern China, and discusses the implications of those changes for the region. The main focus is on how the tension between China’s fluctuating ethnicity-related politics and this diaspora group’s continual struggle for a collective identity has been managed and internalised. Contrary to existing studies on the Joseonjok, the paper argues that the group has experienced de-ethnicisation, both as a top-down (government policy) and bottom-up (diaspora’s reaction) process, rather than ethnic revival. The puzzling question is how and why de-ethnicisation occurs despite the commonly accepted conditions of ethnonationalism and, more recently, with trans-nationalism, heavily influenced by their Korean motherlands. Based primarily on ethnographical research and using a multiculturalism approach, this paper argues that the recent policy failure in dealing with multiculturality in China, together with the changing geopolitics of the region, has accelerated the process of de-ethnicisation. Joseonjok society’s particular way of resisting political pressures and coping with ethnic tension in fact reflects a diaspora’s common struggle to achieve integration with mainstream society while ensuring recognition of its own distinctive characteristics.
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Kristiono, Michael J. "Dari Tionghoa ke Tjina: Telaah Sejarah terhadap Demonisasi Etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia [From Tionghoa to China: A Historical Review of the Demonization of Chinese Ethnicity in Indonesia]." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 10, no. 19 (November 13, 2018): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v10i19.1309.
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This paper attempts to investigate the reasons behind the negative sentiments directed towards Chinese Indonesians from an International Relations (IR) perspective. By tracing back the treatment of the New Order government towards ethnic Chinese, it was found that such demonization initially happened due to two politically motivated reasons. Firstly, as part of de-Soekarnoization done by the New Order, the Chinese were outcast because Chinese identity does not conform to the “Indonesian identity”, which was in essence, the Javanese identity. Secondly, the condition reflected the change in Indonesian foreign policy which drifted apart from People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the latter was suspected to be involved in September 30 Movement. Then, I argue that due to those reasons, coupled by systematic maltreatment from the New Order Government, Chinese Indonesians were constructed as the “others”, that is, as non-Indonesians. Such construct has been deeply embedded such that reconciliation attempts done by the Reformation Era government were not sufficient enough to stop ethnic discrimination towards Chinese Indonesians from happening even until the present.
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Karki, Sumitra. "Internal and External Security Challenges of Nepal." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38850.
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Nepal has been a home to diversified settlement in terms of ethnicity, religion, dialect and culture since its outset in civilization. It also lies between two great military and economic giants of Asia – India and China – that are hostile to each other. While these bring abundant opportunities for Nepal, it possesses several internal and external security threats. Nepal suffers from cyber-attack, environmental degradation, pandemic, ethnic, racial or religious conflicts, inequality and poverty, extremism, human trafficking, corruption, migration and trans-boundary crime. In addition, Nepal also faces several security threats, traditional and non–traditional, including terrorism and insurgency. These threats possess serious implications on peace and security of Nepal and the South Asian region. There is a need of serious study about the major internal and external security challenges that Nepal faces in recent decades. This study aims at examining some of the major security challenges, explore the factors behind it, and attempt to suggest few policy recommendations to the government of Nepal to deal with them. The study is conducted by reviewing the primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data includes documents of the government agencies, press release, joint statement and organizational reports. It also includes the interviews with security experts, bureaucrats, policy makers and academicians. Similarly, secondary data includes books, news reports, academic journals, seminars report and reports of research institutes and think tanks. The study highlights that Nepal should prepare itself to meet with the emerging internal and external security challenges what have emerged in recent times. With the rise of India and China, two adversarial powers in the region, Nepal possess extreme challenges in days to come. Similarly, hardly any countries of the world had prepared itself to deal with recent pandemic like COVID-19 that has shattered even the most powerful countries of the world. Taking lessons from these, it is time for Nepal to learn and prepare to mitigate the challenges.
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Eriyanti, Fitri, Zikri Alhadi, Engkizar Engkizar, Isnarmi Moeis, Muhammad Agus Yussof, and Risnaldi Ibrahim. "IMPACT OF GOVERNMENT POLICY ON FORMAL EDUCATION OF MINANGKABAU AND NIAS ETHNICITY FISHERMEN’S CHILDREN IN INDONESIA." Jurnal Socius: Journal of Sociology Research and Education 5, no. 1 (November 13, 2018): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/scs.v5i1.107.
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This research aims to analyze how the impact of government policy on formal education of traditional fishermen children. In this research, the author took a study of two ethnicity groups namely Minangkabau and Nias ethnicity in Padang City. The research uses quantitative methods with a survey approach. The research data was taken through a questionnaire to the families of traditional Minangkabau and Nias ethnicity fishermen who were selected based on a Simple Random Sampling technique. All data were analyzed by descriptive analysis using SPSS 18.00 software. The results of the study found that the impact of government policy had affected the formal education of Minangkabau ethnicity fishermen children, even the children's education reached the level of college. But for Nias ethnicity, it does not affect their child's formal education. The difference between the results of government policies on these two ethnicity groups is actually motivated by the cultural factors of both ethnicities. For Minangkabau parents and children, education is something that is so important for the future, on the contrary for parents and children of Nias ethnicity, education is considered less important.
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Nguyen, Tiep Van. "The Republic Government of Vietnam’s culture policy on the Highland Minority Ethnic Groups (1954-1975)." Science and Technology Development Journal 18, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v18i1.1039.
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Due to the important strategic political and military standing, during the First Republic Government and the Second Republic Government of Vietnam, the ethnicity policy on Highland minority ethnic groups was promulgated by the republic government of Vietnam. In general, the two Republic Governments of Vietnam paid attention to cultural policy, but the First Republic Government’s ethnicity policy was different from the Second Republic Government’s one. The First Republic Government executed policy of assimilation whereas the Second Republic Government carried out policy respecting minority ethnics’ culture with the perspective “homogeneousness and particularity”. This policy exerted remarkable influences on the minority ethnic groups’ cultural life that left a lot of experiences in developing minority ethnic groups’ culture nowadays.
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Gao, Yongqiang, and Zhilong Tian. "How Business Influences Government Policy in China." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1-2 (March 2003): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1.2.40.
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Although the Chinese corporate sector is deeply involved in the political process, there has been very little research on the topic so far. This article tries to identify the approaches by which Chinese firms influence government policy decision-making, in order to maintain a favorable business environment. Our analysis indicates that, due to the differences in culture and political and economic systems, there are correspondingly great differences in approaches to political participation in China and the west. For China, the participation of business in the policy process has led to corruption and other serious problems.
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Gao, Yongqiang. "How business influences government policy in China." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1/2 (November 1, 2016): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1/2.40.
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Although the Chinese corporate sector is deeply involved in the political process, there has been very little research on the topic so far. This article tries to identify the approaches by which Chinese firms influence government policy decision-making, in order to maintain a favorable business environment. Our analysis indicates that, due to the differences in culture and political and economic systems, there are correspondingly great differences in approaches to political participation in Chian and the west. For China, the participation of business in the policy process has led to corruption and other serious problems.
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Burton, Charles. "Canada's China policy under the Harper government." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2014.934860.
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Huang, Jiefu, Yilei Mao, and J. Michael Millis. "Government policy and organ transplantation in China." Lancet 372, no. 9654 (December 2008): 1937–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(08)61359-8.
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Zhou, Yun. "Question of ethnic group formulation in the Chinese census." China Population and Development Studies 3, no. 1 (October 2019): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42379-019-00034-5.
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Abstract In conjunction with official government information and existing research literature, this article discusses ethnic group formulation in the censuses of China since 1953. Followed by an examination of concept of “ethnicity”, the research explores the purpose of the question included in the census, ways to answer the census question, and changes in number of official ethnic groups finalized until 1980s in China. To make a good study on ethnicity by census statistics, we have to understand the system of census taking on ethnicity in different countries. As a country with different minority groups, China is undergoing a social transformation and improving its census-taking. Ethnicity-related information collected in the census will play a more important role in the development of Chinese society.
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Harper, Sarah, and Sonya Levin. "Family Care, Independent Living and Ethnicity." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 2 (April 2005): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002295.
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The UK's national population structure, in line with most Western societies, is ageing rapidly. The combination of falling fertility and increasing longevity is having an impact on family structures and resultant relationships, with the emergence of long vertical multi-generational families replacing the former laterally extended family forms. This is occurring at a time when UK government policy is placing increasing reliance on families to provide health and social care and support for the growing number of frail older people. While there has been extensive research on family care within the majority white population, there is less understanding of the elder family care provision for the UK's growing older ethnic population. This paper discusses the changing demographics, new government policy on promoting independent living and its implications for family care provision, and reviews our current understanding of family care and support for older people within the UK’s varied ethnic minority families.
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Dreyer, June Teufel. "Ethnicity and Economic Development in Xinjiang." Inner Asia 2, no. 2 (2000): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481700793647823.
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AbstractAlthough Xinjiang, comprising one-sixth the land area of the People’s Republic of China, is rich in oil and other natural resources and produces high-quality cotton, fruit, wool, and mutton, it has failed to meet central government expectations for economic development. During the 1990s, a drop in world market prices for the autonomous area’s major exports, oil and cotton, combined with the Asian currency crisis and ethnic unrest in both Xinjiang and its major Central Asian trading partners to inhibit growth. Ambitious plans to improve the infrastructure, irrigate deserts, and restructure money-losing state enterprises are likely to produce improvements in certain sectors. However, they will also work against the central government’s desire for social control. Faced with a choice between economic growth and social control, party and government are likely to opt for the latter.
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CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korea’s China Policy." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000173.
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South Korea’s Moon Jae-in government has four China policy goals: (i) to resolve the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defence) issue with China; (ii) to persuade China to play a more active role in North Korea’s denuclearisation process; (iii) to facilitate Chinese President Xi Jinping’s reciprocal visit to South Korea; and (iv) to connect the Belt and Road Initiative with President Moon’s “New Northern Policy”, which is ultimately driven to induce Xi’s reciprocal visit.
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Gómez, Eduardo J. "Ethnicity and the Politics of AIDS." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 877–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003914.
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Evan Lieberman's Boundaries of Contagion: How Ethnic Politics Have Shaped Government Responses to Aids proceeds from a simple question of great importance to millions of people: “Why have some governments responded to AIDS more quickly and more broadly than others?” In answering this question, Lieberman employs a range of methods and engages a range of scholarly literatures dealing with health policy, comparative public policy, and ethnic politics. Because the book addresses “big” issues and bridges conventional divides in political science, we have invited a number of colleagues working broadly in comparative politics to comment on it.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Humphreys, Macartan. "Ethnicity and the Politics of AIDS." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 873–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003926.
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Evan Lieberman's Boundaries of Contagion: How Ethnic Politics Have Shaped Government Responses to Aids proceeds from a simple question of great importance to millions of people: “Why have some governments responded to AIDS more quickly and more broadly than others?” In answering this question, Lieberman employs a range of methods and engages a range of scholarly literatures dealing with health policy, comparative public policy, and ethnic politics. Because the book addresses “big” issues and bridges conventional divides in political science, we have invited a number of colleagues working broadly in comparative politics to comment on it.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Posner, Daniel N. "Ethnicity and the Politics of AIDS." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 879–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003938.
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Evan Lieberman's Boundaries of Contagion: How Ethnic Politics Have Shaped Government Responses to Aids proceeds from a simple question of great importance to millions of people: “Why have some governments responded to AIDS more quickly and more broadly than others?” In answering this question, Lieberman employs a range of methods and engages a range of scholarly literatures dealing with health policy, comparative public policy, and ethnic politics. Because the book addresses “big” issues and bridges conventional divides in political science, we have invited a number of colleagues working broadly in comparative politics to comment on it.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Martin, Fiona, and Gerard Goggin. "Digital Transformations?: Gendering the End User in Digital Government Policy." Journal of Information Policy 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 436–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.6.2016.436.
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Abstract Digital government strategies espouse user-centric design and citizen participation, but it is unclear how they explicitly address the needs of women, who are significant users of health, social welfare, and aged-care services. This article analyzes how Australia's 2015 Digital Transformations initiative, based on the British Gov.uk program, attends to international benchmarks for gender equality and empowerment in ICT policy. It finds gender awareness absent from construction of a service end user, with disability and ethnicity constituting the markers of sociocultural difference. In response it proposes gender-aware codesign principles for developing more equitable, effective online service delivery.
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Junyu, Ma. "CHINA FOREIGN POLICY: A LEGAL ANALYSIS." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 1 (March 17, 2022): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i1.20482.
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This study aims to find out China's foreign policy in carrying out its economy which is characterized by its own economy, as a communist country but China does not carry out a complete communist economic system. Since 1978 the Chinese government has reformed a more planned economic system which is more market oriented. Thus the higher-ups increased the power of local leaders and installed managers in industry, allowing small-scale enterprises in services and light production. This study uses qualitative research by collecting data sources in the literature and then analyzing them according to the research objectives. China also uses politics in its economic cooperation with other countries, namely by setting the condition that countries wishing to establish cooperation with China must agree to China's claims to Taiwan and sever official relations with the Taiwanese government. Data analysis shows that China's foreign policy making is still traditional communist style, which has continued its leadership from the beginning such as Mao Zhedong to Xi Jinping. China as a communist country with foreign policy makers centered on one central command. It can be interpreted that China's foreign policy is determined by the leader of the country and the people around him. The conclusion of this study is that in deciding a Chinese foreign policy through the Think Tank group or the Politburo in its government.
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Zhang, Changdong. "Nongovernmental Organizations’ Policy Advocacy and Government Responsiveness in China." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 47, no. 4 (May 2, 2017): 723–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764017705735.
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Can the “associational revolution” improve authoritarian government responsiveness? If it can, what kind of nongovernmental organization (NGO) can successfully lobby the government? Based on different theoretical perspectives, I develop three hypotheses: a pluralist hypothesis that focuses on resource exchange between such organizations and the government, a corporatist hypothesis that focuses on government institutional control and policy consultant intention, and a clientelist hypothesis that recognizes the underinstitutionalization of the policy-making process and emphasizes the informal network. I then test these hypotheses with a quantitative study of survey data of registered NGOs in three Chinese provinces. I find that the corporatist hypothesis is largely supported; the pluralism hypothesis is also somewhat supported while the clientelist hypothesis is not supported. The data reflect a hybrid pattern of policy advocacy that I term pluralized state corporatism, which fits China’s recent social-economic transformation and lagged political reform.
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Xu, Yi chong. "'Strong enterprise, weak government': energy policy making in China." International Journal of Global Energy Issues 29, no. 4 (2008): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgei.2008.019077.
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Zhang, Qi, Wenmiao Chen, and Wen Ling. "Policy optimization of hydrogen energy industry considering government policy preference in China." Sustainable Production and Consumption 33 (September 2022): 890–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.spc.2022.08.017.
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Hakim, Moh Fathoni, Denimah Denimah, M. Zulfikar Ramadhan, Devy Febian Arisandy Bahtiar, Feryan Airlangga, and Stefano Jalu Sambowo Putra. "Nationality, Ethnicity, and Solidarity: Respon Turki atas Perundingan Etnis Uighur." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 14, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v14i1.19614.
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Uighur is an ethnic group which originally come from the Turkestan clan, which is predominantly found in Central and Western Asia Regions. As a minority within the People's Republic of China northwestern region, Its existence often sparks negative stigma from the China government. They are labelled as separatist groups. Large-scale demonstrations in 2009, which eventually led to riots between Uighur and Han Chinese population in Xinjiang, managed to worsen the situation. As a country that has primordial ties with the Uighur, Turkey has responded to the issue of discrimination that befell the Uighur. Therefore, this problem could bring tension to both Turkey and China. Utilizing the concept of bilateral diplomacy, this paper aims to examine the extent of the Turkish government's response to the issue of ethnic violence in Xinjiang. The findings show that the Uighur issue has always overshadowed Turkey-China bilateral relations ever since Its rise. Despite the disagreement, both have maintained a relatively good relation.
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Moore, Gregory J., and Christopher B. Primiano. "Audience Costs and China’s South China Sea Policy." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020962635.
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China’s island building in the South China Sea has received considerable attention from scholars, the media and policy-related officials in recent years. In this article, we conduct a survey to assess the opinions of Chinese university students as it regards their views of any moves by the Chinese government to retreat from its island building and the South China Sea claims due to international pressure. Since China has laid claim to much of the South China Sea via its ‘nine-dash line’, if it were to reverse course and retreat from its man-made islands or remove military installations, how would that play out domestically? Would the Chinese government incur audience costs for doing so? We hypothesise that it would. More specifically, we find it likely that Chinese university students would seek to hold their government accountable for claims to the South China Sea that it has made recently, making it more difficult for the government to retreat from or otherwise adopt a more flexible policy on the South China Sea if it chose to do so. The findings are significant for the audience costs literature, Chinese foreign policy, and South China Sea territoriality studies, in addition to having important policy implications.
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Nie, Kun-xi, Chan Wang, and Xin-wu Li. "Success of Big Infectious Disease Reimbursement Policy in China." INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing 57 (January 2020): 004695802090778. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0046958020907788.
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Big infectious diseases do harm to the whole society, and it is highly crucial to control them on time. The major purpose of this article is to theoretically demonstrate that the Chinese government’s intervention in large-scale infectious diseases is successful and efficient. Two potential strategies were considered: strategy 1 was infectious disease without government intervention, and strategy 2 was infectious disease with government intervention. By evolution model, this article illustrates the efficiency of big infectious disease reimbursement policy in China. Without government reimbursement, this article finds that high expenditures accelerate the disease infection. The number of infected persons decreases under big infectious disease reimbursement policy in China. The higher the treatment costs, the more important the government intervention. Big infectious disease reimbursement policy in China can serve as an efficient example to cope with big infectious diseases.
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Jiang, Ying, and Qian Wang. "PPPs Policy Entity Network Change and Policy Learning in Mainland China." Complexity 2020 (December 19, 2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/8817243.
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Since 1995, Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) mode has been applied in mainland China accompanied by the issuance of a series of PPPs policies. Taking 201 policy documents promulgated from 1995 till 2019 as a research sample, this paper explores PPPs policy entity network change and policy learning behind it in China. Research results show the following: (1) China’s PPPs policy entity network has mainly gone through three stages: partial-focus network with bad stability, loose-multiactor network with general stability, and balanced-multiactor network with good stability; (2) the key players are NPC in the first stage, MOF and NDRC in the second stage, and MOF and 8 other government entities in the third stage; (3) policy learning behind PPPs policy entity network change is government learning in the first stage and lesson-drawing in the second and third stages.
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TANG, Wenfang, and Dong Erico YU. "Public Policy Satisfaction in Urban China." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (April 2015): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000197.
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Based on a public opinion survey in 10 major cities in 2013, this study analyses the relationships between satisfaction of public policy and various geographic, demographic and social factors. It shows that urban Chinese citizens are generally satisfied with national policies, and less satisfied with local and life-related policies. The Chinese government needs to focus on Chinese urban residents' political activism and establish better formal institutions to improve its governance and deal with social instability.
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Gomez, James. "Politics and Ethnicity: Framing Racial Discrimination in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (January 31, 2012): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v28i2.3431.
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Racial discrimination is a global phenomenon that the United Nations seeks to eradicate. In contemporary Singapore, research shows that the basis for racial discrimination is anchored in the role of ethnic identity and how it frames the formulation of policies related to education, employment, housing, immigration and politics. These policies have been formulated and implemented by the People's Action Party (PAP) government that has been in power for over 50 years. When confronted with its racially based policies, the PAP government insists that it follows a tolerant approach towards different races and that it promotes the idea of multiculturalism and meritocracy as a racial equalizer. However, ethnic minorities in Singapore complain they are being discriminated against
daily on the basis of their race or religion. They argue that their views are often not given airing in the local mainstream media and they are further prevented from discussing these issues openly due to legislation restricting freedom of expression and assembly on these matters. Given this background, the first visit of a UN Rapporteur on racism to Singapore, at the invitation of the PAP government in April 2010, allowed the city-state's race-based policies to be put in an international spotlight. This study examines the visit of the UN Rapporteur, his initial findings, government and civil society responses, and the significance of this first UN mission. The paper locates its research on racial discrimination in the context of Singapore's political framework and the United Nations' efforts to eradicate racism. It argues that ultimately, policy changes in Singapore can only take place as a result of politically challenging the PAP government.
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Tan, Qingshan. "County Government Reform in Urbanizing China." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 4 (October 19, 2011): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.4.353-371(2011).
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Many rising issues, such as urbanization, migration, social equality, housing, provision of public goods and services, are presenting the greatest challenge to county governments. In order to effectively tackle those social issues, the central government has delegated greater power and responsibility to local governments, particularly county governments. This paper seeks to address the following question: Does empowering county government improve local governance in rapidly urbanizing China? By answering the question, this study evaluates the effects of decentralization of the central policy regarding urbanization and governance at the county level, and addresses the issue of how empowering county government could improve local governance in rapidly urbanizing China.
Keywords: • local politics • self-government • county reform • urbanization
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Anh, Nguyen Thi Hai, and Nguyen Thi Bich Hanh. "Bilingual Policy of Singapore and Policy Implications for Vietnam in the Context of National Integration." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.68.
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Language and language policy is one of the basic issues and an important foundation for social development. Language policy is related to a series of issues such as ethnicity, religion, culture, media, education, national security, etc. and becomes a strategic content for each country, especially for nation building and development by the government. The development of a language policy that is appropriate to the language situation will contribute to promoting the overall economic and social development, which is essential for maintaining stability and integration. The research topic of the article is the bilingual situation and policy of Singapore, thereby giving policy implications for Vietnam in the context of international integration.
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Mei, Ciqi, Kang Chen, and Xun Wu. "Introduction: Local Government Entrepreneurship in China: A Public Policy Perspective." China: An International Journal 14, no. 3 (2016): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chn.2016.0027.
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Tong, James. "Mass Protests in China (III): Summary and Government Response Policy." Chinese Law & Government 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00094609.2019.1655989.
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Hou, Jianchao, Zhongfu Tan, Jianhui Wang, and Pinjie Xie. "Government Policy and Future Projection for Nuclear Power in China." Journal of Energy Engineering 137, no. 3 (September 2011): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)ey.1943-7897.0000049.
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Zhao, Jing, Xiao Chen, and Ying Hao. "Monetary policy, government control and capital investment: Evidence from China." China Journal of Accounting Research 11, no. 3 (September 2018): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cjar.2018.04.002.
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Wang, Xi, David Manry, and Scott Wandler. "The impact of government ownership on dividend policy in China." Advances in Accounting 27, no. 2 (December 2011): 366–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.adiac.2011.08.003.
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Phung, Viet-Hai. "Ethnicity and Child Poverty under New Labour: A Research Review." Social Policy and Society 7, no. 4 (October 2008): 551–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746408004491.
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This review article explores the evidence on child poverty rates amongst different ethnic groups in the UK. The Labour Government aims to end child poverty by 2020. Its strategy rests on improving employability, making work pay and expanding childcare provision. But child poverty rates among ethnic minorities are higher than among white people, which suggests that policies to reduce these have been ineffectual. The factors underlying this differential include labour market disadvantage, insensitive mainstream services and the language barriers that may cause low take-up of services, benefits and tax credits. The article concludes by suggesting a number of policy strategies that government could take to reduce the levels of child poverty amongst ethnic minorities.
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Ma, Ning, Can Li, and Yang Zuo. "Research on forest insurance policy simulation in China." Forestry Economics Review 1, no. 1 (April 15, 2019): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fer-03-2019-0004.
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Purpose Forest insurance is a popular way to reduce the loss of forest disasters, so it is necessary to actively involve stakeholders. In the multi-agent simulation model, the government, insurance companies and forest farmers participate as three main stakeholders. The purpose of this paper is to mainly simulate the behavior of forest farmers under different environmental variables in order to find the important factors affecting the coverage of forest insurance, so as to improve the ability of forest farmers to resist risks in the face of disasters. Design/methodology/approach In the simulation process, the decision-making rule of a forest farmer’s purchasing behavior is a binary selection chain, which is created at random. Forest farmer agents who adapt to the environment will remain; on the contrary, those will be eliminated. The eliminated agents will renew their behavior selection chains through learning others’ successful behavior based on genetic algorithm. The multi-agent mode is set up on the Eclipse platform by using Java language. Findings The adjustment simulation experiments of insurance premium, insurance subsidy and forest area were carried out. According to the result, conclusions and suggestions are as follows: at present, government subsidies are necessary for the implementation of forest insurance; in the future, with the expansion of the insured forest area and the upgrading and large-scale operation of forest farms, forest farmers will be more willing to join forest insurance program, and, then, the implementation of forest insurance no longer requires government subsidies for forest insurance premiums. Originality/value This paper explores the impact of three important factors on the implementation of forest insurance.
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Chan, Sarah. "Policy Challenges in Maintaining Renminbi Stability in China." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.297.
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This paper examines the policy challenges and dilemmas faced by China’s authorities in balancing exchange rate stability with the policy necessity of monetary autonomy. China will have to move toward greater exchange rate flexibility, particularly as the capital account becomes increasingly liberalized and the government pushes forward with RMB internationalization.
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Fan, Bonai, Ming Zhang, Chen Fang, and Jing Wang. "Government Waste in China: Situation, Causes, and Countermeasures." Asian Survey 50, no. 4 (July 2010): 684–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.4.684.
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The administrative expenditure of China has been growing rapidly in the past decades. This paper examines the forms and causes of government waste hidden in the high levels of administrative expenditure. Based on the findings, several specific policy suggestions are made.
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Nistor, Adela, and Diana Reianu. "Determinants of housing prices: evidence from Ontario cities, 2001-2011." International Journal of Housing Markets and Analysis 11, no. 3 (June 4, 2018): 541–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhma-08-2017-0078.
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Purpose This paper aims to present a panel data econometric model of the main determinants of house prices in the ten largest census metropolitan areas (CMA) in Ontario, Canada, for the years 2001, 2006 and 2011. The impact of immigration on the housing market in Canada is little researched; however, immigration plays an important role into the economy of Canada. According to Statistics Canada, not only is immigration key to Canada’s population growth but also without immigration, in the next 20 years, Canada’s population growth will be zero. The motivation for this study is the bursting of housing bubbles in some developed countries (e.g. USA). The authors analyze variables that are related to the immigration policy in Canada, accounting also for the impact of the interest rate, income, unemployment, household size and housing supply to analyze housing price determinants. The study investigates the magnitude of the impact of the top three leading categories of immigrants to Canada, namely, Chinese, Indian and Filipino, on the housing prices in Ontario’s largest cities. The results show the main factors that explain home prices over time that are interest rate, immigration, unemployment rate, household size and income. Over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, immigration grew by 400 per cent in Toronto CMA, the largest receiving area in Ontario, while the nonimmigrant population grew by 14 per cent. For Toronto CMA, immigrants, income, unemployment rate and interest rate explain the CA$158,875 average home price increase over the 2001-2011 time period. Out of this, the three categories of immigrants’ share of total home price increase is 54.57 per cent, with the corresponding interest rate share 58.60 per cent and income share 11.32 per cent of the total price growth. Unemployment rate contributes negatively to the housing price and its share of the total price increase is 24.49 per cent. Design/methodology/approach The framework for the empirical analysis applies the hedonic pricing model theory to housing sales prices for the ten largest CMAs in Ontario over the years 2001-2011. Following Akbari and Aydede (2012) and O’Meara (2015), market clearing in the housing market results in the housing price as a function of several housing attributes. The authors selected the housing attributes based on data availability for the Canadian Census years of 2001, 2006 and 2011 and the variables that have been most used in the literature. The model has the average housing prices as the dependent variable, and the independent variables are: immigrants per dwelling (Chinese, Indian, and Filipino), unemployment rate, average employment income, household size, housing supply and the interest rate. To capture the relative scarcity of dwellings, the independent variable immigrants per dwelling was used. Findings This study seems to suggest that one cause of high prices in Ontario is large inflows of immigrants together with low mortgage interest rate. The authors focused their attention on Toronto CMA, as it is the main destination of immigrants and comprises the largest cities, including Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton and Oakville. Looking over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, the authors can see the factors that impact the home prices in Toronto CMA: immigration, unemployment rate, household size, interest rate and income. Over the period of 10 years from 2001 to 2011, immigrants’ group from China, India and the Philippines account for CA$86,701 increase in the home price (54.57 per cent share of the total increase). Income accounts for CA$17,986 increase in the home price (11.32 per cent share); interest rate accounts for CA$93,103 of the average home price increase in Toronto CMA (58.60 per cent share); and unemployment rate accounts for CA$38,916 decrease in the Toronto average home prices (24.49 per cent share). Household size remain stable over time in Toronto (2.8 average household size) and does not have a contribution to home price change. All these four factors, interest rate, immigrants, unemployment rate and income, together explain CA$158,875 increase in home prices in Toronto CMA between 2001 and 2011. Practical implications The housing market price analysis may be more complex, and there may be factors impacting the housing prices extending beyond immigration, interest rate, income and household size. Finally, the results of this paper can be extended to include the most recent census data for the year 2016 to reflect more accurately the price situation in the housing market for Ontario cities. Social implications The fact that currently, in 2017, the young working population cannot afford buying a property in the Toronto CMA area means there is a problem with this market and a corresponding decrease in the quality of life. According to The Globe and Mail (July 2017), a new pool in 2017 suggested that two in five Canadians believe housing in this country is not affordable for them. Further, 38 per cent of respondents who consider themselves middle or upper class believe in no affordability of housing. The Trudeau Government promised Canadians a national housing strategy for affordable housing. Designing a national housing strategy may be challenging because it has to account for the differential income ranges across regions. Municipal leaders are asking the government to prioritize repair and construct new affordable housing. Another reason discussed in the media of the unaffordability of housing in Toronto and Vancouver is foreign buyers. The Canadian Government recently implemented a tax measure on what it may seem the housing bubble problem: foreign buyers. Following Vancouver, in April 2017, Ontario Government imposed a 15 per cent tax on foreign buyers who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents. This tax is levied on houses purchased in the area stretching from Niagara Region and Greater Toronto to Peterborough. Originality/value Few studies use Canadian data to explain house prices and analyze the effect of immigration on housing prices. There is not much research on the effect of the immigrants and immigrants’ ethnicity (e.g., Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants), on the housing prices in Canada cities. This study investigates the impact of the most prevalent immigrant races (e.g., from China, India and the Philippines) on housing prices, using data for Canadian major cities in Ontario within a panel data econometric framework. This paper fills this gap and contributes to the literature, which analyzes the determinants of housing prices based on a panel of cities in the Canadian province of Ontario.
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Salikhova, Olena, and Daria Honcharenko. "Policy of endogenous development of pharmaceuticals in China: lessons for Ukraine." Economy and forecasting 2020, no. 2 (October 12, 2020): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econforecast2020.02.105.
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This article provides overview of the programs and plans, tools of scientific and technological, innovation and industry policies for new drug discovery. The authors substantiate that China has a government-led integrated approach to protecting and strengthening pharmaceutical sector. Discovered and proved the fact that the Chinese Government is encouraging R&D in the pharmaceutical sector, with special attention to the biotechnologies and is providing substantial support in the form of subsidies, tax incentives and establishment of special high-tech zones to encourage the production of new products and processes in the pharmaceutical sector. In addition to government support, there is substantial foreign direct investment in production and R&D, which entails transfer of technology and intensifies endogenous innovations in pharmaceutical manufacturing. The authors give special attention to the fact that China's Government Procurement provides domestic price preference programme and realizes policies promoting indigenous innovation products and technology transfer. Initiatives to create human resources for pharmaceuticals industry and government aid attract foreign specialists and highly qualified Chinese migrants. Government support has raised the level of production localization, and increased employment and value added in the industry. Among the achievements attained due to the political mechanisms created in this country, are scientific and technological competencies and technology development, and high competitiveness of the domestic pharmaceutical industry, protection of intellectual property rights, access to foreign markets, import substitution and lower dependence on imported technologies, pharmaceutical intermediate goods and end-product, and high consumer quality of manufactured goods. It is proven that China's state-led innovation and investment development model has supported growth over the last 40 years and produced numerous endogenous innovations in pharmaceutical manufacturing. The article presents the authors' vision of the determinants of success of the Chinese government in building innovation potential of domestic pharmaceuticals industry and of the resilience of the industry in the face of crisis caused by COVID-19.
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Liu, Yuanli, Peter Berman, Winnie Yip, Haocai Liang, Qingyue Meng, Jiangbin Qu, and Zhonghe Li. "Health care in China: The role of non-government providers." Health Policy 77, no. 2 (July 2006): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.healthpol.2005.07.002.
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Li, Hongchen, Huijun Qi, Hongjian Cao, and Li Yuan. "Industrial Policy and Technological Innovation of New Energy Vehicle Industry in China." Energies 15, no. 24 (December 7, 2022): 9264. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15249264.
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Promoting the development of new energy vehicles is one of the important measures to ensure energy security and deal with global warming. Technological innovation is an inexhaustible driving force for the development of the new energy vehicle industry. This study considered listed enterprises in China’s new energy vehicle industry as research samples and used the fixed effect model to study the impact of government subsidies on the quantity and quality of technological innovation in the new energy vehicle industry. The empirical results show that government subsidies have a significant positive impact on the quantity of technological innovation in the new energy vehicle industry; however, government subsidies have no significant impact on the quality of technological innovation. Government subsidies increase the quantity of technological innovation in the new energy vehicle industry by increasing R&D investment, mitigating financing constraints, and improving the external attention of enterprises. Compared to downstream enterprises in the industrial chain, government subsidies have a better incentive effect on the technological innovation of upstream enterprises, which increases the number of patents and enhances the quality of utility model patents. Government subsidies have a better effect on promoting the quantity of technological innovation in large enterprises.
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Szabo, Stephen F. "China and Russia Policy in the 2021 Election and Beyond." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400406.
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Abstract The new German government resulting from the 2021 Bundestag election will have to revise and reshape the legacy of the Merkel era's policies on Russia and China. Germany's own interests as a geoeconomic power will have to be balanced against concerns about the values of these two illiberal states and the strategic challenges they pose. The new coalition government in Germany will have to find consensus between three parties that hold often conflicting views, led by a team with little foreign policy experience.
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He, Ling-Yun, Bingdong Hou, and Hua Liao. "Rural energy policy in China." China Agricultural Economic Review 10, no. 2 (May 8, 2018): 224–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/caer-10-2017-0190.
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Purpose Rural energy policy is a critical measure to fight the long-standing poverty issue in China. Energy poverty, per se, is one important yet too often neglected dimension of poverty, and one of the biggest challenges in rural China during the 40-year rural reform. Reducing energy poverty is one of the poverty alleviation tasks and the goals of energy transition in the rural areas. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the status of energy poverty in China, discussing the challenges of energy poverty reduction, and then proposing the potential measures. Design/methodology/approach Using various data (including the authors’ survey data), this paper analyzes the volume and structure of energy use, and affordability of energy for the rural households, then examines the impacts of energy poverty on health, social and productivity, and finally discusses the infrastructure, cognitive ability, culture, income, etc., that shape the challenges to energy poverty reduction. Findings In addition to raising the household income, it is urgently needed to enforce the collaborations among government departments, and to improve the energy infrastructure according to local conditions, helping the residential environment cognition. Originality/value Energy poverty is almost a too often neglected issue in rural China. Few in existing literature comprehensively investigate this critically important social economic problem. This paper contributes to the profound understanding in energy poverty and the possible approaches to alleviate it.
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Rafig Asgarov, Sirus. "China's Energy Policy in Africa." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/179-183.
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China's interest in Sub-Saharan Africa, which can be summarized within the framework of 2 main objectives as the acquisition of fossil resources such as oil and natural gas, which are needed as a result of rapidly increasing production, as well as the marketing and supply of products obtained as a result of production, was first carried out with Angola, which has a very rich position in terms of oil. started as a result of contacts. Within the framework of the agreements made between the Chinese government and the Angolan government, which was selected as the pilot country in the opening towards the region, the long-term transfer of the oil extracted in Angola to China was ensured; In return for this sale, China made dams, power plants, electricity transmission, and distribution lines and various transportation infrastructure investments in the region. Key words: Africa, China, energy, resource, policy
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Lin, Vivian. "Transformations in the healthcare system in China." Current Sociology 60, no. 4 (June 22, 2012): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392112438329.
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In April 2009, the Chinese government announced comprehensive reforms to the health system following more than a decade of piecemeal reform efforts. Popular complaints about high healthcare costs and access difficulties eventually received political attention following the government administration change of 2002 and the SARS outbreak of 2003. However, policy differences between ministries resulted in several years of vigorous and open policy debates involving domestic and international stakeholders as well as citizens who are active in expressing opinions virtually (netizens). The 2009 reforms signalled not only policy recognition of the need for a comprehensive and systemic approach if healthcare was to be transformed, but also charted new approaches to policy-making. While the current reforms are being rapidly implemented, the question arises as to whether the shifts in the policy-making process will continue into the future. Further evaluation of the policy process will require cooperation if not collaboration from the policy actors themselves.
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Ain, Ayesha Qurrat ul. "Huizu between Religious Control and Freedom in Communist China." Journal of Islamic and Religious Studies 3, no. 2 (February 10, 2020): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36476/jirs.3:2.12.2018.11.
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The freedom of religion in communist China is an ambiguous notion as the communist party understands religion as a reminiscent of backwardness and simultaneously proclaims the freedom of religion in the country. Islam, religion practiced by Hui minority, is included among the recognized religions of China and its adherents are granted rights to follow it. This paper argues that the Communist party has employed a disguised policy of controlling religious belief through establishing state controlled religious organizations and imparting freedom to practice religion. The slow and steady mind-making through these institutions train Hui youth to withdraw from their religion and to facilitate this withdrawal, the previously extant correlation between Hui ethnicity and religion (Islam) has been eliminated by the state and Hui ethnicity has nothing to do with religious affiliation anymore. The data for this research has been collected through ethnographic research upon the Hui community of Xi’an, employing unobtrusive observation as well as intensive interviewing.
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姜影. "Policy dilemma of Government-Subsidized Student Loans (GSSLs) program in China,." JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES ll, no. 40 (May 2013): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26585/chlab.2013..40.013.
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Mok, Ka-Ho, Anthony Welch, and Yuyang Kang. "Government innovation policy and higher education: the case of Shenzhen, China." Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management 42, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360080x.2019.1701851.
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