Journal articles on the topic 'Ethnic relations – United States'
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1
Almaguer, Tomás. "THE LATIN AMERICANIZATION OF RACE RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 9, no. 1 (2012): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1200001x.
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Much has been written lately in both the popular and academic press about the “Browning” of America and the changing nature of race and ethnic relations in the United States. This has been largely the result of the precipitous increase in the Latino population and its profound change on the demographic landscape in the United States. For example, the U.S. Bureau of the Census (2010) has shown the Latino population grew from 35.3 million in 2000 to over 50 million in 2010 (p. 3). The Latino population now represents 16% of the total U.S. population and has surpassed African Americans as the largest racial-ethnic population at the turn of the century. Recent demographic projections calculate that by 2050 the Latino population will increase to an estimated 128 million or 29% of the national total. As Rumbaut (2009) writes, in that year it will exceed the combined total of all other racial minorities (primarily African American and Asian) in the United States (p. 17).
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Bedell, Frederick D. "ESSAY ON HUMAN (RACE RELATIONS) IN THE UNITED STATES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2018): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v6.i2.2018.1569.
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This essay speaks to the context of domination and subordination in particular as it pertains to White Supremacy/White Privilege as manifested in the history of slavery and “Jim Crow” in the United States. It is within this historical context one can discern the present status of race relations in the United States that continues to foster race discrimination through the policies of the ethnic majority (white) power structure, e.g.-institutional racism, voter suppression laws, gerrymandering of voter districts and banking policies to name a few areas.
The research of books, papers, television interviews and personal experiences provides a testament to present government policies that endeavor to maintain a social construct of dominance and subordination by the white power structure in the United States.
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NARINE, Shaun. "Lessons of the Ukraine Crisis for Canada’s Relations with China." East Asian Policy 14, no. 03 (July 2022): 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000241.
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The United States has used the Ukraine conflict to highlight Russia’s close economic and strategic ties with China and charge that China is responsible for enabling Russia’s aggression. Canada is highly dependent on the United States and Canada-China relations are tense. However, uncertainty about American reliability, and Canada’s racial and ethnic diversity, suggest that Canada has to consider the neutrality of the non-Western world on the Ukraine conflict as it positions itself for a changing world order.
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Järvinen, Hanna. "Democratic Bodies? Reflections on «Postmodern Dance» in the United States and Finland." Nordic Journal of Dance 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njd-2017-0009.
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Abstract By looking at how ’postmodern dance’ signifies in the dominant American and local Finnish contexts, I offer a critical reading of how the notion of ’democracy’ is intertwined with particular dancing bodies and ideas of nation and ethnicity. This requires a historical outline for how ’democracy’ entered the discourse of dance, and specifically, how its meaning has shifted in relation to the canon of the art form. Using the contrast between the hegemonic centre and what is constituted as a (geographic, linguistic, ethnic) periphery reveals how ’democracy’ is used in contemporary dance discourses to obfuscate power relations inherent to art and its institutions, especially in relation to the agency of dancers.
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De La Garza, Rodolfo O., and Louis DeSipio. "Interests Not Passions: Mexican-American Attitudes toward Mexico, Immigration from Mexico, and Other Issues Shaping U.S.-Mexico Relations." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 401–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200205.
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As Mexico has become more significant to the United States in the past decade, political leaders on both sides of the border have raised questions regarding the role that the Mexican-origin population of the United States will play in U.S.-Mexico relations. Will they become, as many Americans fear and Mexican officials hope, an ethnic lobby mobilized around policy issues affecting Mexico? Or will they abandon home-country political interests while maintaining a strong cultural identity? This article examines Mexican-American attitudes toward Mexico and toward the public policy issues that shape United States-Mexico relations. Our analysis suggests that Mexican Americans have developed policy attitudes that diverge from those of Mexico. Yet, the relationships of Mexican Americans to the United States and to Mexico are sufficiently volatile to suggest caution in concluding that Mexican Americans will take no role in shaping relations between the two countries.
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McMullen, Ronald K. "Ethnic conflict in Russia: Implications for the United States." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 16, no. 3 (January 1993): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109308435930.
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Han, Benjamin M. "Transpacific Talent." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 3 (2018): 473–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.3.473.
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This article examines the Kim Sisters, a trio of female performers from South Korea, as a case study to explore the transpacific exchange of ethnic talent between the United States and Korea during the Cold War. It illustrates how U.S. military occupation, popular music, and Cold War diplomacy were visibly intertwined in entertainment television programming. The performances of the Kim Sisters in variety shows as a display of ethnic spectacle under the mask of internationalism constructed a false projection of race relations while the United States sought to win the cultural Cold War. The Kim Sisters navigated the complex structures of American Orientalism that television ascribed to them.
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Joranger, Terje Mikael Hasle. "The Creation of a Norwegian-American Identity in the usa." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 3 (November 14, 2019): 489–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00503004.
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Ethnic identity formation is the result of a process wherein the migrant combines both pre-existing values and attitudes and present experiences of the same group and its relations with other groups. This article discusses identity formation among Norwegian immigrants in the United States in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In other words, how did Norwegian immigrants arriving from a homogeneous society develop a separate identity in the multicultural society of the United States, and to what factors can we attribute this development? In a cultural process of change called ‘ethnicisation’, immigrants were transformed from the status of ‘foreigners’ to become ‘ethnics’, that is ‘Norwegian-Americans’. Identity is thus connected to the term ‘ethnicity’, and I will first present different perspectives on the term ethnicity, followed by a short summary of Norwegian migration patterns to the United States up until the early twentieth century. I will end the article by discussing components that explain the existence of a Norwegian-American identity.
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Lucas, Phillip Charles. "Enfants Terribles: The Challenge of Sectarian Converts to Ethnic Orthodox Churches in the United States." Nova Religio 7, no. 2 (November 1, 2003): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2003.7.2.5.
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This article considers two case studies of collective conversions to Eastern Orthodoxy to illustrate the most pressing challenges faced by ethnic Orthodox congregations who attempt to assimilate sectarian groups into their midst. I argue that these challenges include: 1) the different understandings of ecclesiology held by former Protestant sectarians and by "cradle" Orthodox believers; 2) the pan-Orthodox aspirations of sectarian converts versus the factionalism found in ethnically-based American Orthodox jurisdictions; 3) the differing pastoral styles of former sectarian ministers and Orthodox priests; 4) the tendency of sectarian converts to embrace a very strict reading of Orthodoxy and to adopt a critical and reformist attitude in relations with cradle Orthodox communities; and 5) the covert and overt racism that sometimes exists in ethnic Orthodox parishes. I suggest that the increasing numbers of non-ethnic converts to ethnic Orthodox parishes may result in increased pressure to break down ethnic barriers between Orthodox communities and to form a unified American Orthodox Church. These conversions may also lead to the growth of hybrid Orthodox churches such as the Charismatic Episcopal Church.
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WILLIAMS, NORMA, KELLY F. HIMMEL, ANDRÉE F. SJOBERG, and DIANA J. TORREZ. "The Assimilation Model, Family Life, and Race and Ethnicity in the United States." Journal of Family Issues 16, no. 3 (May 1995): 380–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251395016003008.
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In this article we assert that it is necessary to better understand the assimilation model of racial and ethnic relations in order to comprehend more fully the contemporary debate over minority welfare mothers. We analyze the origins of the assimilation model in the debate over Indian policy in the 19th-century United States and its role in 20th-century social thought and policy toward other racial and ethnic minorities. We then examine three critical weaknesses of the model as they appear in assimilation programs based on the model. Finally, we return to the debate over assisting minority single mothers and show how the assimilation model has shaped that debate from the turn of the century to the present day.
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Fiń, Anna. "Between Neighbors – Between Immigrants Poles and Ukrainians in the United States During the Time of the Cold War: A Few Reflections." Ad Americam 18 (January 30, 2018): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.18.2017.18.03.
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This article deals with the problem of ethnic relations between Polish and Ukrainian immigrants in the United States between the years 1945-1991 by way of a sociological interpretation of the historical process. The author describes two basic forms of intergroup behavior including conflict relations (factors triggering conflict) and intergroup cooperation. The paper therefore tries to reveal the correlation between what “has happened” between members of the groups in European conditions and how this impacts intergroup relations in the diaspora.
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Perez, Michael P. "Interethnic Antagonism In the Wake of Colonialism: U. S. Territorial and Ethnic Relations at the Margins." Ethnic Studies Review 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2000.23.1.1.
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Since the proliferation of scholarship on racial and ethnic antagonism following the Civil Rights era, neo-Marxist, colonialism, and other power-conflict theories reached popularity and have been widely applied to explain racial and ethnic conflict throughout the world, particularly in the United States. However there is a lack of scholarship on racial and ethnic relations in the U.S. territories in general and the Pacific Islands in particular. Although a few works exist in terms of interethnic antagonism and anti-immigrant sentiment in Puerto Rico, Melanesia, and Hawaii, there is a lack of research on interethnic antagonism in Micronesia; therefore comparative analyses of race and ethnicity in the context of U.S. territorial relations would contribute to the general body of knowledge in ethnic studies. In light of Micronesia's complex colonial history and its contemporary political and economic context (i.e. immigration, labor exploitation, territorial relations, neocolonialism, indigenous sovereignty struggles, and garment, tourist, and construction industries), understanding of intergroup relations in Micronesia would also benefit from an analysis of interethnic antagonism.
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Waters, Mary C. "Ethnic and Racial Identities of Second-Generation Black Immigrants in New York City." International Migration Review 28, no. 4 (December 1994): 795–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800408.
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This article explores the types of racial and ethnic identities adopted by a sample of 83 adolescent second-generation West Indian and Haitian Americans in New York City. The subjective understandings these youngsters have of being American, of being black American, and of their ethnic identities are described and contrasted with the identities and reactions of first-generation immigrants from the same countries. Three types of identities are evident among the second generation – a black American identity, an ethnic or hyphenated national origin identity, and an immigrant identity. These different identities are related to different perceptions and understandings of race relations and of opportunities in the United States. Those youngsters who identify as black Americans tend to see more racial discrimination and limits to opportunities for blacks in the United States. Those who identify as ethnic West Indians tend to see more opportunities and rewards for individual effort and initiative. I suggest that assimilation to America for the second-generation black immigrant is complicated by race and class and their interaction, with upwardly mobile second-generation youngsters maintaining ethnic ties to their parents’ national origins and with poor inner city youngsters assimilating to the black American peer culture that surrounds them.
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Woo, Deborah. "The Socioeconomic Status of Asian American Women in the Labor Force." Sociological Perspectives 28, no. 3 (July 1985): 307–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389150.
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In the literature on United States racial and ethnic relations, a prevalent assertion is that Asian Americans exceed other ethnic groups, and often even whites, in income, occupational, and educational levels. Implicit in this view is the essential fairness argument about hard work: If Asian Americans can make it, why can't other minorities? Data presented here from the 1970 and 1980 censuses suggest that the relationship between effort and achievement is pivotal to this discussion and needs to be addressed in conceptually meaningful ways.
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Knigth, Gregory D. "The Nationality Question in Contemporary Hungarian-Romanian Relations." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 2 (1987): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408056.
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The historical feud between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania has escalated in proportion and intensity in recent years. Territorial dispute is no longer central to the present debate. Rather, it is the treatment of approximately two million ethnic Hungarians residing in Transylvania that has generated considerable tension between the governments of Janos Kadar and Nicolae Ceausescu. Transylvania's ethnic Hungarians represent an obstacle to Ceausescu's policy of “national communism,” which promotes “Romanianism” to the detriment of the country's minority populations. In Hungary, reformists both within and outside the Kadar government have pressed the regime for a satisfactory solution to the perceived mistreatment of Hungarians living in neighboring socialist countries. By complicating relations between the two countries, the nationality question also effectively limits the degree to which Hungary and Romania can cooperate succesfully on regional endeavors. Finally, particularly in the case of Romania, exacerbation of the nationality question has attracted increased concern among “external” players, including the Soviet Union and the United States.
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Doane, Ashley W. "Dominant Group Ethnic Identity in the United States: The Role of “Hidden” Ethnicity in Intergroup Relations." Sociological Quarterly 38, no. 3 (June 1997): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1997.tb00483.x.
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Tolnay, Stewart E., and Suzanne C. Eichenlaub. "Inequality in the West." Social Science History 31, no. 4 (2007): 471–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013833.
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The western region of the United States has exhibited racial and ethnic diversity that rivals that found in any other part of the country. Yet the socioeconomic differences among western racial and ethnic groups have been studied much less intensively than corresponding differences in other regions of the United States. In this article we use data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series from 1940 through 2000 to describe the recent history of occupational inequality in the West. We find evidence of a persistent and significant occupational disadvantage for African Americans, Native Americans, and Mexicans. In contrast, the two Asian groups included in our analysis, Chinese and Japanese, frequently enjoyed an actual occupational advantage relative not only to other racial and ethnic minority groups but also to the majority native-born white population. Controlling for group differences in educational attainment explains much of the racial and ethnic variation in occupational inequality, but further analysis shows that it is inaccurate to assume that all groups enjoy the same occupational benefits from additional schooling. As a result, controlling for education without considering such differential occupational returns to schooling can yield a misleading picture of occupational inequality. Finally, we interpret these findings in relation to different theoretical perspectives on racial and ethnic inequality in the United States.
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Kuo, Didi. "Comparing America: Reflections on Democracy across Subfields." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 3 (August 21, 2019): 788–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719001014.
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Is America in a period of democratic decline? I argue that there is an urgent need to consider the United States in comparative perspective, and that doing so is necessary to contextualize and understand the quality of American democracy. I describe two approaches to comparing the United States: the first shows how the United States stacks up to other countries, while the second uses the theories and tools of comparative politics to examine relationships between institutions, actors, and democratic outcomes. I then draw on research in three literatures—clientelism and corruption, capitalism and redistribution, and race and ethnic politics and American Political Development—to lay out a research agenda for closing the gap between the subfields of American and comparative politics. In doing so, I also argue for richer engagement between academics and the public sphere, as opportunities for scholars to provide commentary and analysis about contemporary politics continue to expand.
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Moser, Robert G., and Mikhail Rybalko. "Representation of Women and Ethnic Minorities in the Russian State Duma 1993-2021." Russian Politics 7, no. 2 (July 11, 2022): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604022.
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Abstract Elections to the Russian State Duma provide a unique context to study the representation of women and ethnic minorities in a national legislature. Russian elections have witnessed dramatic institutional variation, including a shift from semi-democratic contestation to competitive authoritarianism and the use of different electoral systems. Moreover, ethnic federalism has produced political and demographic conditions that promote the representation of titular ethnic groups in ethnic republics. Finally, the transition from a fragmented party system to one controlled by a single dominant party potentially has important potential ramifications for women and minority representation. We use a unique dataset that codes the ethnicity and sex of individual legislators for each election from 1993 to 2021 to examine how regime type, electoral rules, demographic conditions, and party affiliation have affected descriptive representation in Russia. Using similar data on selected states from Eastern Europe, we compare Russia’s experience with that of other postcommunist states as well as the United States.
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Zhuravleva, Victoria I. "“Honeymoon” of the Russian Empire and the United States during WWI." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 3 (2021): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.302.
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The article focuses on the debatable issues of Russian-American relations from 1914 until the fall of Tsarism, such as the degree of the two countries’ rapprochement, ethnic questions, the positive dynamics of mutual images and the intensified process of Russians and Americans studying each other. Based on primary and secondary sources, this work intends to emphasize that the conflict element in bilateral relations did not hamper cooperation between the two states. The author’s multipronged and interdisciplinary approach allowed her to conclude that the United Sates was ready to engage in wide-ranging interaction with the Russian Empire regardless of their ideological differences. From the author’s point of view, it was the pragmatic agenda that aided the states’ mutual interest in destroying the stereotypes of their counterpart and stimulated Russian Studies in the US and American Studies in Russia. Therefore, the “honeymoon” between the two states had started long before the 1917 February Revolution. However, Wilson strove to turn Russia not so much into an object of US’ “dollar diplomacy”, but into a destination of its “crusade” for democracy. The collapse of the monarchy provided an additional impetus for liberal internationalism by integrating the Russian “Other” into US foreign policy. Ultimately, an ideological (value-based) approach emerged as a stable trend in structuring America’s attitude toward Russia (be it the Soviet Union or post-Soviet Russia).
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Darden, Keith A. "Russian Revanche: External Threats & Regime Reactions." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00440.
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Has the development of post-Soviet Russia in an international system dominated by a democracy-promoting United States bred an authoritarian reaction in Russia as a response to perceived threats from the West? Beginning with the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Russian elites have increasingly seen the United States as a distinctively threatening power, one with a strategy to exploit civic organizations, ethnic groups, and other forms of domestic pluralism as “fifth columns” in an effort to overthrow unfriendly regimes. With each new crisis in U.S.-Russian relations – Ukraine 2004, Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014 – the Russian leadership has tightened controls over society, the press, and the state. The result is that the United States’ muscular promotion of democracy abroad has produced the opposite of its intended effect on Russia, leading successive Russian governments to balance the perceived threat from the United States by pursuing greater military and intelligence capacity to intervene abroad, and by tightening internal authoritarian controls at home to prevent foreign exploitation of the nascent internal pluralism that emerged in the wake of Communism.
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Armstrong, John A. "Contemporary Ethnicity: The Moral Dimension in Comparative Perspective." Review of Politics 52, no. 2 (1990): 163–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050336.
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The surge of national assertion in the USSR, generally unanticipated by American decision-makers, focusses attention on ethnic issues worldwide. But the moral dimension of ethnicity has rarely been examined in a comparative context, especially from the religious point of view. Issues now critical in the Soviet Union, such as justification for educational and occupational quotas for disadvantaged minorities, and the right of vulnerable ethnic collectivities to preserve their cultures by limiting immigration, have major implications for Third World and European countries, which are briefly surveyed. In the United States, concern for producing a united national culture based on the ideal of equal opportunities for individuals has usually precluded attention to preservation of ethnic collectivities distinct from the majority culture. Since most of these collectivities have been traditionally Catholic, their preservation has been especially sensitive to changes in American Catholicism.
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Jen, Sarah, and Rebecca L. Jones. "Bisexual Lives and Aging in Context: A Cross-National Comparison of the United Kingdom and the United States." International Journal of Aging and Human Development 89, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091415019843661.
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Research on bisexual histories and identities in later life is limited and reflects only single-nation studies. This article compares findings from two independently conducted studies of bisexual aging, in the United Kingdom and the United States, using a discourse analytic and life course perspective. The goals were to compare how participants narrated and made sense of their bisexual experiences in later life and to examine ways in which historical and cultural contexts shaped their accounts. Findings indicate that similar histories around lesbian separatism and the HIV/AIDS epidemic enabled shared discursive resources, while differing ethnic and racial relations enabled distinctive discursive possibilities. In both studies intersectional experiences, particularly including being a person of color and having a transgender history, profoundly affected individual narratives. Future research will benefit from creative conceptualizations of bisexuality, applying the life course perspective in research and practice, and supporting the diverse and resilient ways bisexual older adults use language.
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Rubin, Paul H. "Does Ethnic Conflict Pay?" Politics and the Life Sciences 19, no. 1 (March 2000): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840000890x.
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It is often argued that ethnic conflict is an extreme example of nepotism, and is genetically based. This may be so: in the EEA (the environment of evolutionary adaptedness), such conflict may have been fitness improving, and we may be descended from those who participated successfully in such conflicts. This would provide us with a “taste” for xenophobia. But this taste can be overcome relatively easily, as shown by the changes in behavior in the United States in the 50 years since racial segregation was outlawed. Moreover, in today's world, such conflict does not provide benefits. There are several reasons for this, but the most important (and one that is often overlooked, even by evolutionists) is the possibility of gains from trade in exchanges between ethnic groups. While ethnic relations in the EEA may have approximated a zero-sum game, today a prisoner's dilemma is a more appropriate model for interactions, so that there are significant gains from cooperation. If we want to reduce the amount of conflict in the world, it is probably better to rely on increasing gains from trade than on increased size of in-groups, since the latter strategy will reach a natural limit.
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Nolan, Cathal J. "Detachment from despotism: US responses to tsarism, 1776–1865." Review of International Studies 19, no. 4 (October 1993): 349–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050011825x.
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The implosion of the Soviet idea over the course of 1989 to 1991, culminating in the collapse of the Soviet Union itself, promises to reshape the region along lines of historic ethnic, and even religious division. That development requires those interested in American-Russian relations to take a more historical approach to analysis than might have been the case hitherto. The past is, of course, not necessarily a guide to events in the present or future. None the less, current debates about how deeply the United States should be involved in Russian affairs should benefit from better familiarity with the historical record, in particular of that period before the relationship between the two countries suffered from mutual ideological and geopolitical animus. It is sometimes forgotten, or else too briefly remembered, that relations between the United States and Russia extend back to the dawn of an independent American diplomacy. Similarly, it is not always recalled that for much of the nineteenth century, especially prior to the Civil War, those relations were relatively amicable, although also distant and detached. An overview of the period may therefore be useful today, for the degree to which the United States can afford o t detach itself from Russia is again of main concern. A related area of interest and debate is the role of public opinion in possibly forcing confrontation on issues where national elites might prefer to maintain cordial relations. This essay seeks to cast light on these areas of current interest, by focusing on the interplay between public enthusiasms in the United States for diplomatic intervention in Russia, and official political calculations in American diplomacy prior to 1865. It argues that the resulting policy had mostly to do with a detachment from Russian despotism, born of the physical isolation of the United States, its lack of truly significant contacts with Russia, but also its own deeply flawed republicanism.
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Levy, Morris. "The Effect of Immigration from Mexico on Social Capital in the United States." International Migration Review 51, no. 3 (September 2017): 757–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12231.
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Has mass migration from Mexico since the 1980s contributed to a well-documented decline in US social capital? Theories linking ethnic diversity to lower social cohesion and participation (e.g., Putnam 2007, 30, 137) would strongly predict this effect. Yet the impact of immigration in particular, rather than ethno-racial diversity generally, on US social capital has not been examined. Assessing the impact of immigration is important because some have speculated that associations between measures of diversity and social capital found in the United States are a byproduct of the country's distinctively fraught history of black–white relations. This scope condition would greatly limit the applicability of Putnam's thesis. To assess the impact of Mexican immigration, this study leverages a dynamic measure of social capital and an instrumental variables design. The results address an important recent methodological critique of the broader literature and strongly corroborate the hypothesis that immigration erodes social capital.
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Li, Miao, Rong Fu, Hong Xue, and Youfa Wang. "Intergenerational Association of Maternal Obesity and Child Peer Victimization in the United States." Journal of Health and Social Behavior 60, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022146518824566.
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Drawing on the intergenerational stress proliferation theory, the courtesy stigma thesis, and the buffering ethnic culture thesis, this study examines the association between maternal obesity and child’s peer victimization and whether this association varies for white and black children. Based on longitudinal data from a nationally representative sample of mother–child pairs in the U.S. Panel Study of Income Dynamics Child Development Supplement, negative binomial models show that maternal obesity is associated with increased frequency of peer victimization, even after controlling for family socioeconomic status, child weight status, health status, self-esteem, and demographic characteristics. The association was significant only for white children. Given the developmental significance of child peer relations and the social disparities in obesity, future studies need to explicitly test causal mechanisms underlying the association to decide whether obesity may function as a family stressor (versus an individual stressor) that contributes to the intergenerational reproduction of inequality.
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Bartolomé, Lilia, and Donaldo Macedo. "Dancing with Bigotry: The Poisoning of Racial and Ethnic Identities." Harvard Educational Review 67, no. 2 (July 1, 1997): 222–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.67.2.p1066147824v8l8t.
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By analyzing issues and messages in the mass media and recent news events, Lilia Bartolomé and Donaldo Macedo further the political discussion that problematizes the current discourse in education around ethnicity and race. The authors' discussion moves us beyond the monolithic constructs of Whiteness and "otherness" to recognize the complex interpenetrations and dynamics of ethnic and racial relations in the United States. In this article, the authors reveal how the politics of racism and division do not belong solely to extremist hate groups, but are an unacknowledged and potent part of mainstream American ideology, thought, and action. They provide examples of state and Congressional political figures and national mass media personalities to make their argument concrete.
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Sidorova, E. "Features of Jewish Diaspora in the USA." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2012): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-69-78.
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The Jewish community is known to be one of the most virile and dynamic among all the ethnic groups in the United States, and, certainly, the uppermost as regards its political influence. The reason is not the number of Jewish people in the country, which does not exceed 3%, but their high share in crucial spheres of public life. The Jews constitute, for instance, about 45% of public intellectuals, 30% of college professors, and 40% of top lawyers. The article deals with the history of the Jewish diaspora in the USA, its ethnic and religious differentiation.
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Shukla, Kathan Dushyant, and Margit Wiesner. "Direct and Indirect Violence Exposure: Relations to Depression for Economically Disadvantaged Ethnic Minority Mid-Adolescents." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 120–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00042.
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Exposure to violence remains a considerable public health problem for adolescents in the United States. This cross-sectional study examined relative associations between exposure to violence in 3 different contexts (home, school, community) and depressive symptoms, using data from 233 11th-graders (predominantly economically disadvantaged Hispanic and African American students). Analyses examined the effects of victimization and witnessing violence in each context and those of cumulative violence exposure across contexts on depression, controlling for other risk factors. Both victimization and witnessing violence at home significantly predicted depression. Violence exposure in school and neighborhood was unrelated to the outcome. Witnessing violence was slightly more effective in predicting depression than victimization. Cumulative violence exposure was significantly related to depression in a linear fashion.
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Thüsing, Gregor. "Following the U.S. Example: European Employment Discrimination Law and the Impact of Council Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 19, Issue 2 (June 1, 2003): 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2003011.
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Abstract: European employment discrimination law has made a major step forward recently: Council Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC aim to prohibit the employer from discriminating because of race or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation. Similar anti-discrimination provisions were enacted many years ago in the United States. In the light of the experience of the U.S. courts with these statutes, this article intends to explore possible consequences of the new Directive for the Member States’ employment law.
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Volman, Daniel. "Africa and the New World Order." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1993): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011782.
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Theend of the cold war and of the bi-polar world order that shaped international relations over the past 50 years is forcing the Government of the United States to make dramatic policy changes that affect all parts of the globe. In Africa, it is also confronted by significant new developments on local, regional, and continent-wide levels. Of particular concern to American leaders are increasing internal demands for political democracy, and the intensification of ethnic and other conflicts which call national integrity into question. And, as the decision to send up to 30,000 marines, infantrymen, and other troops to Somalia proves, the U.S. Administration will not hesitate to use military force if authorised by the United Nations.
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Suh, Moon-Gi. "Korean Immigrants and Business Development in the United States: Toward a Synthetic Perspective." International Area Review 10, no. 2 (September 2007): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590701000204.
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This study attempts to explore the reasons why a particular minority community such as Korean immigrants has been able to successfully adapt to the U. S. economy, compared to other ethnic groups. It focuses on community characteristics in the ability to collectively mobilize resources for building businesses and self-employment. Contradictory reports in the literature, however, concerning the superior or inferior development of the self-employment business is related to the emphasis of the different aspects of minority groups. It is argued here that such ramification of explanations is unnecessary and that a more synthetic theoretical argument can be forwarded to explain the success of minority business of Korean immigrants. The baseline toward a theoretical framework is to account for the complex interrelation between economic and non-economic factors that underpin the historical context in which immigrant businesses survive and adapt. The study suggests that the issue of immigrant-owned business in the United States can be best understood in terms of the synergy view by which different theories and models of minority business are integrated and embodied in family relations.
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Hswen, Yulin, Jared B. Hawkins, Kara Sewalk, Gaurav Tuli, David R. Williams, K. Viswanath, S. V. Subramanian, and John S. Brownstein. "Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Patient Experiences in the United States: 4-Year Content Analysis of Twitter." Journal of Medical Internet Research 22, no. 8 (August 21, 2020): e17048. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/17048.
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Background Racial and ethnic minority groups often face worse patient experiences compared with the general population, which is directly related to poorer health outcomes within these minority populations. Evaluation of patient experience among racial and ethnic minority groups has been difficult due to lack of representation in traditional health care surveys. Objective This study aims to assess the feasibility of Twitter for identifying racial and ethnic disparities in patient experience across the United States from 2013 to 2016. Methods In total, 851,973 patient experience tweets with geographic location information from the United States were collected from 2013 to 2016. Patient experience tweets included discussions related to care received in a hospital, urgent care, or any other health institution. Ordinary least squares multiple regression was used to model patient experience sentiment and racial and ethnic groups over the 2013 to 2016 period and in relation to the implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2014. Results Racial and ethnic distribution of users on Twitter was highly correlated with population estimates from the United States Census Bureau’s 5-year survey from 2016 (r2=0.99; P<.001). From 2013 to 2016, the average patient experience sentiment was highest for White patients, followed by Asian/Pacific Islander, Hispanic/Latino, and American Indian/Alaska Native patients. A reduction in negative patient experience sentiment on Twitter for all racial and ethnic groups was seen from 2013 to 2016. Twitter users who identified as Hispanic/Latino showed the greatest improvement in patient experience, with a 1.5 times greater increase (P<.001) than Twitter users who identified as White. Twitter users who identified as Black had the highest increase in patient experience postimplementation of the ACA (2014-2016) compared with preimplementation of the ACA (2013), and this change was 2.2 times (P<.001) greater than Twitter users who identified as White. Conclusions The ACA mandated the implementation of the measurement of patient experience of care delivery. Considering that quality assessment of care is required, Twitter may offer the ability to monitor patient experiences across diverse racial and ethnic groups and inform the evaluation of health policies like the ACA.
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Brooks, Risa. "Paradoxes of Professionalism: Rethinking Civil-Military Relations in the United States." International Security 44, no. 4 (April 2020): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00374.
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The U.S. military's prevailing norms of professionalism exhibit three paradoxes that render the organization poorly suited to meet contemporary challenges to its nonpartisan ethic, and that undermine its relations with civilian leaders. These norms, based on Samuel Huntington's objective civilian control model, argue that the military should operate in a sphere separate from the civilian domain of policymaking and decisions about the use of force. The first paradox is that Huntingtonian norms, though intended to prevent partisan and political behavior by military personnel, can also enable these activities. Second, the norms promote civilian leaders’ authority in decisionmaking related to the use of force, yet undermine their practical control and oversight of military activity. Third, they contribute to the military's operational and tactical effectiveness, while corroding the United States’ strategic effectiveness in armed conflict. These tensions in Huntington's norms matter today because of intensifying partisanship in society and in the military, the embrace by civilian leaders of objective control and their concomitant delegation of authority in armed conflict to the military, and growing questions about the causes of the inconclusive outcomes of the United States’ recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is time to develop a new framework for military professionalism.
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Giulianotti, Richard. "‘All the Olympians: A Thing Never Known Again’? Reflections on Irish Football Culture and the 1994 World Cup Finals." Irish Journal of Sociology 6, no. 1 (May 1996): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359600600106.
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Utilising fieldwork with Irish fans, and interviews with leading Irish journalists and football officials, this article examines five major themes surrounding USA ‘94 for the Irish: i) the cultural and ethnic symbiosis of Ireland with the USA; ii) aspects of the political economics behind the United States’ allocation of the Finals; iii) the Irish supporters‘ culture of ‘carnivalesque’, and any internal changes involved; iv) the possible impacts of USA '94 on soccer culture in Ireland, particularly in playing style; v) the possible future inter-relations of soccer and Irish civil society.
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Gorshkov, M. K., and E. A. Bagramov. "“New nationalism” and the issue of nations in the interpretation of American social theorists." RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 733–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-4-733-751.
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The article considers the so-called new nationalism that has been developing in the United States and other Western countries since the last decades of the 20th century as a system of ideas about nations, sovereignty, racial and national relations, and also currents of nationalism. Recent forecasts of the ideologists of globalism about the inevitable departure from the political scene of nation-states, nations and nationalism are opposed by the contemporary nationalism which became a real political factor, primarily in the United States. The authors show the variety of concepts of nationalism, which allows its supporters in the United States to follow both openly chauvinistic ideas and liberal ideas of solidarity that makes up the nation. Among the reasons for the rise of nationalism, the authors consider the interaction of two trends in the public-political life - politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization (or nationalization) of politics. The authors believe that the emphasis on ethnic nation and ethnic nationalism (as opposed to civil nation and civil nationalism) reflects the exacerbation of inter-ethnic tensions in the United States and other Western countries. Based on the analysis of the new nationalism, the authors distinguish its right direction, whose supporters nominally renounce Nazism and racism but promote similar ideas, and a moderate liberal direction which often equates nationalism with patriotism. Representatives of both trends appeal to national interests and values of the nations historic core, and criticize migration policy and multiculturalism. In addition to white racism and its evolution, the article considers the scope of nationalism and patriotism of African-American movements, in particular Black Lives Matter and the results of the study of the dual consciousness of African Americans as combining the concept of nation within a nation and a new, completely American identity. Despite many American theorists idea of the absence of the American nation as such, the authors consider the concept of a new identity of the American nation, which M. Lind defines as a unity of language and culture, regardless of the racial composition, i.e. as an expression of liberal nationalism and a renewed concept of the melting pot. Lind and his colleagues believe that the factor of the current split of the American nation is not racial or ethnic confrontation (Balkanization) but the social gap between rich and poor. The authors consider the criticism of the policy of the American ruling class as a means for the sociological study of the racial problem and for the development of ways for solving it.
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Wang, L. Ling-chi. "The Chinese Diaspora in the United States: International Relations, Ethnic Identity, and Minority Rights in the New Global Economy." Amerasia Journal 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/amer.33.1.9787q25822294t76.
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White, Clovis L. "RACIAL REALITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 2 (2010): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000408.
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Doing Race: 21 Essays for the 21st Century and Black Los Angeles: American Dreams and Racial Realities are two important additions to the study of race in the United States. First, both provide insight into the continuous significance of race in a time when racial tensions are on the rise despite the ubiquitous suggestion that we are in a post-racial society. Secondly, both works serve as important indicators of the multiplicative nature of race, each covering many of the bases so critical to race study. As many academicians and students of race and ethnicity recognize, race is a phenomenon that must be approached from multiple angles (e.g., anthropologically, sociologically, historically, and so on) if we are to fully understand how race operates. Thirdly, these two works offer an array of possible solutions or models for addressing some of the problems that beset racial and ethnic conflicts. Finally, while each of the books tackles the issue of race, they complement each other as Doing Race provides a more general, comprehensive understanding of racial and ethnic issues across the United States while Black Los Angeles represents a specific case study of race relations in one urban setting. All in all, these works make important contributions to the literature about the significance of race in America.
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Liao, Tim Futing. "Income Inequality, Social Comparison, and Happiness in the United States." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312098564. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023120985648.
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Using social comparison theory, I investigate the relation between experienced happiness and income inequality. In the analysis, I study happiness effects of the individual-level within-gender-ethnicity comparison-based Gini index conditional on a state’s overall inequality, using a linked set of the March 2013 Current Population Survey and the 2013 American Time Use Survey data while controlling major potential confounders. The findings suggest that individuals who are positioned to conduct both upward and downward comparison would feel happier in states where overall income inequality is high. In states where inequality is not high, however, such effects are not present because social comparison becomes less meaningful when one’s position is not as clearly definable. Therefore, social comparison matters where inequality persists: One’s comparison with all similar others’ in the income distribution in a social environment determines the effect of one’s income on happiness, with the comparison target being the same gender-ethnic group.
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Popovskyy, Anatoliy, and Halyna Khmel-Dunay. "On the issue of preserving ethnic authenticity." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 1, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-1-53-60.
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The article highlights the interethnic relations of Ukrainians and Lithuanians. It is implemented from the point of view of their socio-historical development in terms of state creation, cultural and economic ties, the role of prominent figures, features of lexical, folklore, ethno-anthroponymic factors, and the activities of cultural and business centers aimed at preserving ethnic authenticity in modern living conditions. The aim of the article is to consider the transformational processes of preserving the ethnic authenticity of the human essence in the context of the historical development of statehood in Lithuania and Ukraine, which continue to function in the creative cooperation of modern sovereign states. Ukraine and Lithuania are longstanding and reliable partners not only in economic, political, scientific and cultural cooperation - they are united by a common history and ancient cultural processes. In Dnipropetrovsk region, with the assistance of the regional state administration, centers of representatives of different nationalities are actively functioning, among which the Lithuanian cultural and business center takes an important place in the economic, scientific and cultural life of Ukraine. It has been concluded that the issue of preserving ethnic identity remains a very important factor in modern globalization processes and requires a thorough study of its important social features that form mutual respect, creative cooperation and a high spiritual culture of interethnic relations that will oppose discord, enmity and aggressive intentions between representatives of different nationalities of our planet.
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Ratner, Steven R. "Drawing a Better Line: UTI Possidetis and the Borders of New States." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 4 (October 1996): 590–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203988.
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It is now conventional wisdom that the proliferation of ethnic-based violence constitutes the greatest threat to public order and human rights since the lifting of the Iron Curtain. The eruption of hatreds, whether suppressed or ignored for a half century or newly arisen, has unleashed centrifugal forces that are pulling states apart from Africa to Europe to South and Central Asia. To date, the response of the effective decision makers in the international community has been ambiguous and inconstant: the United Nations member states reiterate the importance of the unity of all states, but they accept accomplished breakups after the fact, all the while insisting on the protection of minorities within states. Political philosophers struggle with the circumstances under which secession and dissolution are desirable; international law declares the lack of either a blanket right to, or prohibition against, secession and seemingly relegates its achievement to a pure power calculus.
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Cheng, Jih-Fei. "Cold Blood." Radical History Review 2021, no. 140 (May 1, 2021): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8841718.
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Abstract This article historicizes viral transmissions through the global supply chain of blood plasma between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Since the 1941 initiation of plasma donation to serve US armed forces, privately exported US blood products have contributed significantly to a globalized industry, valuing $21 billion in sales by 2017. Although maintaining a blood surplus has been crucial for treating illnesses and traumatic injuries, blood banking has been a source for massive viral transmissions, including HIV and hepatitis C. Examining the news, activism, and state responses to blood-borne outbreaks across the United States and PRC, this essay outlines a constellation of viral infections derived from plasma coerced from US prisoners and PRC rural villagers. Viruses archive the structural violences of the global pharmaceutical and blood biotechnology industries. They point to the cyclical relations between persistent class-based racial and ethnic disparities, technoscientific experimentation, and viral epidemics across polities.
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Lee, Jennifer, and Frank D. Bean. "Redrawing the Color Line?" City & Community 6, no. 1 (March 2007): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2007.00198.x.
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In 1903, W.E.B. Du Bois prophesied that the “problem of the twentieth–century is the problem of the color line,” by which he meant the tenacious black–white divide that has long characterized the nature of race relations in the United States ([1903] 1997: 45). Nearly a century later, Herbert J. Gans speculated the traditional black–white fault line may soon be replaced by a black–nonblack divide that may be qualitatively different from the black–white divide, but is hardly new for blacks, who are likely to remain at the bottom of America's racial hierarchy. Taking into account the new racial and ethnic diversity of the United States brought about by contemporary immigration, we examine patterns of intermarriage and multiracial identification to assess where color lines are fading most rapidly and where they continue to endure. We adjudicate whether a black–white divide remains the most salient, whether a Hispanic–Anglo divide is imminent, or whether a black–nonblack fault line is emerging, as Gans forecasts.
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Marangudakis, Manussos, and William Kelly. "Strategic Minorities and the Global Network of Power: Western Thrace and Northern Ireland in Comparative Perspective." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 4 (February 2000): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.389.
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The relationship between ethnic communities who share a common national space is often affected by factors above civil society, such as inter-state relations, political and economic alliances, and geopolitical interests. The relevance of ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour to the international political environment becomes clear whenever an ethnic minority occupies territory of geopolitical and/or geo-economic importance to countries with conflicting interests in the area - we will call such a minority, ‘strategic minority’. Using a model of ‘network compatibility’ we could delineate the mechanisms and factors which affect the social outlook of a given minority. To highlight the paramount importance of national and international relations in shaping ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour the paper examines and compares two strategic minorities situated at the fringes of Europe: The Northern Irish Catholic minority and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, North Eastern Greece. Using as our analytic tool the theory of ‘networks of social power’ we tentatively conclude that the formation as well as the current identity, status, and behaviour of the two minorities cannot be fully understood unless we examine the role of the two sets of neighboring countries (G. Britain - Ireland, and Greece - Turkey), as well as the two major Western political powers, i.e., the European Union, and the United States, in the two contested regions.
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Daniels, Roger. "Educating Youth in America's Wartime Detention Camps." History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 1 (2003): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00116.x.
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Pupil for pupil, more has been written about Japanese American students than about those of any other ethnic group in America. They enter into our historical consciousness with the abortive attempt of the San Francisco School Board to segregate Japanese American students in 1906–07 which led to the Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907–08 between the United States and Japan. As Henry Yu has recently reminded us, scholars were fascinated by the achievements of “oriental” students in American schools in the 1920s. Sociologists and educational psychologists, especially at Stanford University and the University of Chicago and often in conjunction with the Institute of Pacific Relations and/or Robert E. Park's Survey of Race Relations, produced a substantial corpus of work that focused on second-generation Asian Americans and stressed such things as test scores and life course studies. Conceived as studies in Americanization they almost totally ignored the community-run language schools: the lack of sophisticated studies examining these schools remains one of major gaps in the historiography of ethnic education in America.
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Klímová-Alexander, Ilona. "Development and Institutionalisation of Romani Representation and Administration. Part 1." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 599–629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000246415.
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The post-1989 rise of ethnic conflicts in the former Eastern Bloc have led to the renewed salience of minority rights and their prominence in international relations. The 1990s witnessed a proliferation of legal instruments and offices dedicated to minority rights at the intergovernmental level (mainly within the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Council of Europe, but also the United Nations). After decades of arguing that rights of persons belonging to national, ethnic or religious minorities can be sufficiently ensured within the framework of universal human rights, attributed to individuals regardless of group membership, liberal political theorists (most notably Will Kymlicka) have started to advocate the need to supplement these traditional human rights with minority rights (meaning certain group-differentiated rights or “special status” for minority cultures) in order to ensure justice in multicultural states.
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Michalikova, Nina, and Philip Q. Yang. "Social Distances of Whites to Racial or Ethnic Minorities." Ethnic Studies Review 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2011.34.1.21.
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Prior research on social distance between racial or ethnic groups in the United States has focused mainly on attitudes of white Americans toward African Americans. Extending previous research, this study analyzes social distances of whites to racial or ethnic minority groups by investigating how whites feel about blacks, Asians, and Hispanics. The main hypothesis is that whites feel coolest toward blacks, warmest toward Asians, and somewhat in between toward Hispanics. The 2002 General Social Survey and ordinary least squares regression are used to test the hypothesis. The results indicate that contrary to our hypothesis, whites feel coolest toward Asians, warmest toward Hispanics, and somewhat in between toward blacks. Nativity, religious similarity/dissimilarity, racial hierarchy and tension, proximity of the country of origin, and group diversity may offer plausible explanations for the unexpected result. This study also examines which types of whites are more likely to maintain a greater or smaller social distance with the three minority groups. Implications of the findings for race and ethnic relations today are addressed.
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Kim, Kang-Il. "A Relational Model of Understanding Adult Korean Adoptees’ Ethnic Identity Formation in the United States." Process Studies 41, no. 1 (2012): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/process201241125.
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Wen, Ming, Lifeng Li, and Dejun Su. "Physical Activity and Mortality Among Middle-Aged and Older Adults in the United States." Journal of Physical Activity and Health 11, no. 2 (February 2014): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jpah.2011-0281.
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Background:Physical activity (PA) has been routinely linked to lower all-cause mortality, yet extant research in the United States is primarily based on nonrepresentative samples. Evidence is scant on the relative and independent merits of leisure-time (LTPA) versus non-leisure-time (NLTPA) activities and how the PA-mortality link may vary across racial-ethnic-gender groups.Methods:Data were from Health and Retirement Study which began in 1992 collecting data on individuals aged 51–61 years who were subsequently surveyed once every 2 years. The current study assessed group-specific effects of LTPA and NLTPA measured in 1992 on mortality that occurred during the 1992–2008 follow-up period. Cox proportional hazard analyses were performed to examine the PA-mortality link.Results:Net of a wide range of controls, both LTPA and NLTPA showed a gradient negative relation with mortality. No gender-PA interaction effects were evident. Some interaction effects of PA with race-ethnicity were found but they were weak and inconsistent. The mortality reduction effects of PA seemed robust across racial-ethnic-gender groups.Conclusions:Regardless of personal background, PA is a major health promoting factor and should be encouraged in aging populations. More research is needed to assess relative merits of different types and domains of PA.