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1
Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.
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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Romocea, Cristian G. "Reconciliation in the ethnic conflict in Transylvania: theological, political and social aspects." Religion, State and Society 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490410001694638.
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Metternich, Nils W., Shahryar Minhas, and Michael D. Ward. "Firewall? or Wall on Fire? A Unified Framework of Conflict Contagion and the Role of Ethnic Exclusion." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (September 8, 2015): 1151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603452.
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While some borders are real firewalls against conflicts, others appear like tinder just waiting for the smallest spark. Only recently has research focused on the transnational perspective of conflict and current research has focused mostly on isolated aspects of this phenomenon. In this article, we provide a unified framework for conflict contagion that takes into account receiver, sender, dyad, and network effects. This is a novel perspective on conflict contagion, and our empirical results suggest that distinguishing between sender and receiver effects allows for a better understanding of spillover effects. We provide insights that especially excluded ethnic groups impact the risk of countries sending and receiving conflicts from its neighbors.
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Bertrand, Jacques. "Ethnic Conflicts in Indonesia: National Models, Critical Junctures, and the Timing of Violence." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 425–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006494.
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Beginning in the mid-1990s, there was a sudden rise in violent ethnic conflict in Indonesia. Two aspects that require explanation are the timing and clustering of this type of conflict historically. Other studies have not adequately explained these aspects. Methodological and thematic choices have generated problems with identifying and explaining clustering. Microlevel studies fail to account for the broader changes occurring at a macrolevel. Some researchers have chosen to broaden the scope of analysis of violent events to provide explanations of violence more generally. After reviewing these other studies, I argue that a historical institutionalist approach remains best able to explain the clustering of conflicts and the following period of stability. Changing institutional contexts at critical junctures created rising anxieties as well as opportunities to renegotiate group inclusion and status in the Indonesian state.
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Spillmann, Kurt R., and Kati Spillmann. "The Jura-problem is not resolved: Political and psychological aspects of Switzerland's ethnic conflict." History of European Ideas 15, no. 1-3 (December 1992): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90118-v.
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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i4.p92-96.
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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.
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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v6i1.p92-96.
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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.
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Shakhbanova, M. M. "INTER-ETHNIC TENSION AND ETHNIC CONFLICT: CONTENT, FORMING FACTORS, TYPOLOGY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (February 15, 2017): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch131154-167.
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In modern Russian society, there take place the processes of cardinal transformation of socio-economic, political, spiritual and other spheres of its functioning. This fact conditions an urgent need to study risks and threats to preservation of social stability, sustainable development, strengthening of ties and relations in the Russian society. This aspect is especially important in multinational subjects of Russia, which differ in national heterogeneity of the population, degree of socio-economic development of the territories, variability of ethno-cultural norms and value patterns of social life. The article deals with vital and complex issues related to the phenomenon of “interethnic tension” and ethnic conflicts existing in modern national and foreign science, theoretical and methodological approaches to their study, classification criteria, various concepts of the causes and typologies of these phenomena. The author of the article presents classification of interethnic conflicts according to their stages or forms, to the nature of conflicting parties, which makes it possible to single out conflicts of “psychological stereotypes”, “ideological doctrines”, “political institutions”. In the study of the phenomenon of “interethnic tension”, it is important to establish risks and reasons for deterioration of interethnic relations in multinational administrative entities, the role of the factor of ethnic heterogeneity in the emergence of ethnic conflicts in modern Russian society. National diversity is fraught with various negative consequences, risk of interethnic confrontation and ethnic conflicts as polyethnic communities are more at risk of their appearance than mono-national ones.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "Ties Versus Institutions: Revisiting Foreign Interventions and Secessionist Movements." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390707045x.
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Abstract. This article is a response to one published by Louis Bélanger, Érick Duchesne and Jonathan Paquin challenging existing accounts for the patterns of external support for secessionist movements. They assert that regime type—democracy—provides a better explanation than either vulnerability or ethnic ties. I take issue with their operationalization of my arguments along with other aspects of their work. Here, I replicate their study first using their data and importing my variable measuring not just ethnic affinity with the secessionists but the possibilities of a country having ties with either or both sides of an ethnic conflict. Then, using my data, I again replicate their analyses. I find that ethnic ties, properly measured, not only better accounts for the international relations of secession but of ethnic conflict in general.Résumé. Ce texte est une réplique à l'article de Louis Bélanger, Érick Duchesne et Jonathan Paquin, qui conteste les explications usuelles des variations dans l'appui international aux mouvements sécessionnistes. Selon eux, plus que la vulnérabilité ou les liens ethniques, c'est le type de régime – soit la démocratie – qui explique mieux le phénomène. Je remets en question leur façon d'opérationnaliser mes arguments, ainsi que plusieurs autres aspects de leur recherche. Afin de tester leurs résultats, je reproduis d'abord leur étude en utilisant leurs données et en y ajoutant ma variable qui mesure non seulement les affinités ethniques avec les sécessionnistes, mais également l'éventualité qu'un pays entretienne des relations avec l'un ou l'autre des protagonistes d'un conflit ethnique. Puis, je reprends leur analyse en utilisant mes propres données. Il en ressort que, lorsqu'elle est mesurée correctement, la variable des liens ethniques fournit une meilleure compréhension non seulement des relations internationales du phénomène de sécession, mais également des conflits ethniques en général.
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Iskandar, Syaifudding. "RESOLUSI KONFLIK ETNIK SAMAWA DAN ETNIK BALI Dl SUMBAWA." Populasi 20, no. 1 (June 19, 2009): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jp.12298.
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This study aims to understand the background of conflict between Samawa ethnic and Balinese that still undercover for more than 25 years. The objective of this study are to explore the background of Balinese movement to Sumbawa, to identify the underlying causes of conflict between Samawa ethnic and Balinese and to address the conflict resolution that had been applied. The study applied qualitative approach. This study reported that the motivation of Balinese moved to Sumbawa were to increased their standard of live. Domination of the Balinese in social, economic, political and cultural aspects became the underlying factors of conflict between Balinese and Samawanes. Community based conflict resolution were applied through involving the community leaders from both side in coordination process and increased cultural communication for the shake of harmony and tolerance among society in Kabupaten Sumbawa.
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Crowe, David M. "The Roma in Post-Communist Eastern Europe: Questions of Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Peace." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080752.
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The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe promised bold opportunities for the various ethnic groups populating that vast, diverse region. Yet if history had any lessons to teach these groups it was that democracy, or at least the political systems that emerged in the midst of the rubble of the Berlin Wall between 1989 and 1991, was no guarantor of whatever idealized rights the region's ethnic groups hoped would come in the wake of the collapse of the communist dictatorships that had dominated these parts of Europe for decades. Communism, had, in many instances, done nothing more than stifle the festering ethnic tensions that had exploded in the nineteenth century and short-circuited the complex, lengthy process of resolving these conflicts. Consequently, for those knowledgeable about the essence of these conflicts, it should have come as no surprise that Yugoslavia, for example, was torn asunder by ethnic violence so terrifying that it took the intervention of the Western world's great powers to end the most violent aspects of these wars of ethnicity.
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Strand, Håvard, and Henrik Urdal. "Hear nothing, see nothing, say nothing: Can states reduce the risk of armed conflict by banning census data on ethnic groups?" International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2014): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914537055.
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Can states reduce the risk of violent political conflict by simply refusing to collect or publish data on their ethnic makeup and change? This study addresses a neglected aspect of the ethnic conflict literature and provides the first systematic empirical study of the significance of recording ethnic affiliation in censuses for the risk of armed conflict. A general empirical regularity noted in the ethnic heterogeneity and civil war literature is that ethnicity is associated with a somewhat higher risk of conflict in bipolar societies. However, few quantitative studies focus on how changes in the relative strength of groups may affect the risk of civil war. Some recent literature indicates that differential growth may destabilize heterogeneous democracies internally. In democratic societies, political power is distributed according to popular support in elections. A changing balance between groups may thus alter the distribution of power in regimes where ethnic, linguistic or religious divisions to a certain extent determine voting behavior, and this may potentially lead to political instability and ultimately civil conflict. We argue that the relationship between differential growth and instability and violence may be even more important in semidemocracies with electoral systems, but with weak and inconsistent political institutions. We start from the premise that, for differential growth to become a potential driver of instability and violent conflict, information about such change has to be recorded with a national census and actually published. In a cross-national time-series study we investigate whether countries publishing identity data from censuses are at a greater risk of experiencing low-intensity armed conflict. We find that the effect of publishing data on group size is indeed mediated through political institutions. In countries with stable institutions, publication of population identity data is associated with a lower risk of conflict, whereas unstable institutional arrangements are associated with an increase conflict risk when publishing such data.
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Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Conflict Dynamics between Two Neighbours: Looking Beyond Federalism." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 20, no. 1 (September 20, 2021): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2021.1.2.
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Ethiopia is a multicultural and multilingual country. The Oromo and Somali communities are found in the same linguistic community, that is, the Cushitic language. Historically, Somalis and Oromo have a long tradition of co-existence and strong socio-cultural interactions, as well as antagonistic relationships and intermittent conflicts. Traditionally, the major sources of conflict between the two communities were competition over scarce resources, territorial expansion, livestock raids and counter raids, kidnapping for marriage purposes and the revenge tradition. However, this time the conflict took a different nature, form and bigger scale causing devastation never seen in the history of communal conflict in the country. The study has utilised primary and secondary data collection and employed narration and content analysis to realise the objective of the paper. The findings of this study reveal that the causes of the Oromo–Somali conflict are complex and dynamic. This urges the need to carry out a deeper investigation beyond the federal arrangement. Thus, fundamental and triggering factors including the involvement of internal and external forces, the collapse of social norms and prevalence of moral anarchism, socio-economic issues, competing interests among public and military officials, poor leadership and governance system, competing interests over resources, aspects of local cultural institutions in regulating inter-ethnic relationships are identified in fuelling ethnic conflict in the studied area. Since the conflict in the region is much more complex than the dominant narrative of resource scarcity and ethnic politicisation, open democratic dialogue, genuine consultation and negotiation at a different level with various interest groups, stakeholders and community representatives, militant groups operating in the area is of paramount importance to ease the increasing ethnic tension and political crisis in order to build sustainable peace in the region.
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Zavarika, G. "HISTORICAL EYES OF CONFLICT RESEARCH AND ITS INTERDISCIPLINARY CHARACTER." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 72 (2018): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2018.72.10.
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The scientific category of conflict is considered. The development of knowledge about the conflict in different historical formations is highlighted. It is found that the conflict is interdisciplinary and uses methods of research of various Sciences. The points of view on the place of conflict in the social life of scientists of different eras and specializations are analyzed. It was proved that the theme of the conflict was actual in different stages of the historical development of society. The importance of the study of the conflict in the period of formation of the Ukrainian conflictology is revealed. It is established that at the present stage in Ukraine the analysis and development of foreign experience is carried out, there are original theoretical and methodological developments of various aspects of the conflict. Today, science faces an important problem related to the emergence of conflicts – the study of factors that contribute to their emergence. Scientific interest is largely related to the growth of tension in various spheres of socio-economic and socio-political interaction, aggression and terrorism, ethnic conflicts. Our society, political elite, political scientists were unprepared for this difficult situation. Orientation to the” conflict-free ” development of society made the problems of conflicts unpromising. This led not only to its de facto exclusion from the field of scientific research but also to the fact that society has not formed mechanisms for predicting the emergence of conflicts. Attempts to copy the experience of foreign conflictologists in the field of socio-political problems are not designed for universal complement in any socio-cultural conditions, are unsuccessful. This contradiction lies in the awareness of the need for scientific understanding and practical work on the issue related to the collection of information, it’s systematization, analysis and forecasting of possible conflicts. The practical significance of the work lies in the conclusions about the need for a more in-depth and comprehensive approach to the study of factors contributing to the emergence of conflicts by effective, qualitative methods on the basis of knowledge of history, political science, sociology, psychology, social geography, political economy, political marketing in order to prevent and quickly eliminate them.
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Ayer, Lynsay, Brinda Venkatesh, Robert Stewart, Daniel Mandel, Bradley Stein, and Michael Schoenbaum. "Psychological Aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: A Systematic Review." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 18, no. 3 (October 27, 2015): 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838015613774.
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Despite ongoing local and international peace efforts, the Jews, Arabs, and other residents of Israel and the Palestinian territories (i.e., the West Bank and Gaza) have endured decades of political, social, and physical upheaval, with periodic eruptions of violence. It has been theorized that the psychological impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict extends beyond the bounds of psychiatric disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Exposure to the ongoing conflict may lead to changes in the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act; while these changes may not meet the thresholds of PTSD or depression, they nonetheless could have a strong public health impact. It is unclear whether existing studies have found associations between exposure to the conflict and nonclinical psychological outcomes. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize the empirical research on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and its psychological consequences. As a whole, the body of literature we reviewed suggests that exposure to regional political conflict and violence may have detrimental effects on psychological well-being and that these effects likely extend beyond the psychiatric disorders and symptoms most commonly studied. We found evidence that exposure to the conflict informs not only the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act but also their attitudes toward different religious and ethnic groups and their degree of support for peace or war. We also found that Palestinians may be at particularly high risk of experiencing psychological distress as a result of the conflict, though more research is needed to determine the extent to which this is due to socioeconomic stress. Our review suggests the need for more studies on the nonclinical psychological aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as well as for longitudinal studies on the impact of the conflict on both Israelis and Palestinians.
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Günay, Onur, and Erdem Yörük. "Governing ethnic unrest: Political Islam and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 61 (October 31, 2019): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2019.17.
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AbstractHow can we explain the mass appeal and electoral success of Islamist political parties? What are the underlying sources of the Islamist political advantage? Scholars have provided numerous answers to these widely debated questions, variously emphasizing the religious nature of the discourses in Islamist movements, their ideological hegemony, organizational capacity, provision of social services, reputation, and structural factors. However, one key aspect of Islamist movements has been underexplored in the current literature; namely, Islamists’ promises to resolve ethnic questions that remain unresolved in secularist nation-states. In this article, we argue that the extent to which Islamists govern ethnic unrest significantly shapes their electoral success and ability to establish broader hegemony. Based on ethnographic and sociological data, this article explores one particular recent electoral puzzle that reveals the limits of the scholarly literature on Islamist political advantage, examining the ethnic politics of the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey.
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Van Hauwermeiren, Remco. "The Ogaden War: Somali women’s roles." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2012): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502003.
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In 1977 Somalia invaded Ethiopia hoping to seize the Ogaden, an Ethiopian region predominantly inhabited by ethnic Somali. Histories of this event are rare and focus exclusively on the political and military aspects of the conflict. This is not surprising given the Cold War backdrop of the conflict. This article, however, shifts the focus away from the political towards the personal. Focus here is on the different roles Ogadeni women took up in the Somali-Ethiopian war, also known as the Ogaden war. Through interviews with former actors in the conflict it became clear that women occupied a range of roles in the war, varying from victims or care-givers to active participants in militias and front-line combat. In conflicts today, Somali women still retain many of these roles. Originally some Somalis did oppose this state of affairs, today most seem to have accepted the phenomenon of female actors in the Ogaden war, even though that approval can be linked with a political agenda. Both Ogadeeni and Somali women were active in the war, transcending Somali clan lines along the way. Accounts of the women interviewed illustrate the effects of their choice to participate in the Ogaden war.
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Valkonen, Jarno, Sanna Valkonen, and Timo Koivurova. "Groupism and the politics of indigeneity: A case study on the Sámi debate in Finland." Ethnicities 17, no. 4 (June 19, 2016): 526–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796816654175.
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The article addresses the problems of defining an indigenous people by deconstructing the Sámi debate in Finland, which has escalated with the government’s commitment to ratify ILO Convention No. 169. We argue that the ethnopolitical conflict engendered by this commitment is a consequence of groupism, by which, following Rogers Brubaker, we mean the tendency to take discrete groups as chief protagonists of social conflicts, the tendency to treat ethnic groups, nations and races as substantial entities and the tendency to reify such groups as if they were unitary collective actors. The aim of the article is to deconstruct groupist thinking related to indigenous rights by analytically separating the concepts of group and category. This allows us to deconstruct the ethnicised conflict and analyse what kinds of political, social and cultural aspects are involved in it. We conclude that indigeneity is not an ethnocultural, objectively existing fact, but rather a frame of political requirements.
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Baranov, A. V. "The Catalan crisis 2012-2017: political, institutional and ethnopolitical aspects." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-7-12.
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The relevance of the study: attempts to secede of Catalonia from Spain in 2012–2017 are a characteristic manifestation of the crisis of the national states in the context of globalization. The objective of the study is to determine the politicalinstitutional and ethno-political parameters of the Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 in the context of the interactions of the Spanish state of autonomies and their autonomous communities. The research materials are normative juridical acts of the Kingdom of Spain and the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, resolutions of political parties, statements of political leaders, results of opinion polls, statistical data of population censuses. Research methods: neoinstitutionalism, constructivist paradigm in ethnopolitology. The results of the investigation. The Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 confirmed the decrease in confidence in the state of autonomy and the party system of the country, caused by a deficit of democracy. The main factors in the fragmentation of the state are: the unfinished nation-building; weak national identity compared to regional and ethnic identity; import of secession institutes and technologies. The conflict is not resolved and requires a radical reform of Spain’s political system based on dialogue and constitutional reform.
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Kholmogorov, Yegor S. "The Basics of Russian Parliamentary Ethics." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-178-191.
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In the article the author reveals the principles of the parliamentary ethics on the basis of the historic material, especially related to the work of State Duma of the Russian Empire (1906-1917). The author proposes to describe them using the “ethic square” that determines the moral and behavioural coordinates of the parliamentarian’s actions. The sides of this square represent the mission of the parliamentarian as people’s representative, as legislator, as exponent of the political program and as responsible statesman. Each aspect of this mission implies specific ethic demands and restrictions for the parliamentarian. Of course some aspects of the parliamentarian’s mission may come into conflict sometimes, and harmonization of such conflicts is one of the main tasks of parliamentary ethics as theoretical discipline and constitutes an important part of the practical work of legislative assemblies.
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Gahramanova, Aytan. "Paradigms of Political Mythologies and Perspectives of Reconciliation in the Case of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488218.
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AbstractIt is widely held that reconciliation follows conflict resolution. However, in the case of “frozen” conflicts, where the negotiation process is protracted and reconciliation is postponed for years, negative transformations take root. In this respect, attention to the past cannot be overestimated. How the past is framed in the domestic public sphere is an indicator of potential positive or negative transformation. By analyzing the frames of political mythology, the elements of ethnic identity and the historicisms based on divergent narratives of the political discourse in rivaling Armenia and Azerbaijan, this article argues that discourse transformation is vital to a successful reconciliation process where the role of mid-level leaders is crucial. While political mythology forces events by creating a context for negative transformation of the conflict, peacebuilding can support a protracted pre-settlement phase (’no peace, no war’) and can also facilitate the conflict settlement process through positive transformation. In order to cope with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, at least in its relational aspect, the whole discourse infrastructure must be transformed. For this to happen, peacebuilding must be linked to reconciliation goals.
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Goncharov, V. N., V. A. Glazkov, and A. V. Bondarchuk. "Unrecognized states: legal and economic aspects." Journal of Law and Administration 16, no. 4 (January 1, 2021): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2020-4-57-25-31.
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Introduction. The transformational processes that are taking place in the world lead to the creation of new relationships and institutions. The problem is the creation of an unrecognized or partially recognized States is happening everywhere and is still relevant for many centuries. Their emergence is caused by political, economic, ethnic, cross-cultural and other problems, ignoring which can lead to social explosions and military conflicts. Currently, no territory is immune from the possibility of external incitement of conflicts, which has become possible in the context of digitalization of society.Materials and methods. In the course of the research, a set of approaches and methods that are used in the framework of legal science was applied – General, General scientific, special methods of cognition: dialectical, logical,formal legal. The specificity of the research subject led to the use of a comparative approach.Results. The authors compare socio-economic indicators of the Republic of Abkhazia, the Republic of South Ossetia, the people’s Republic of Karabakh, the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, the Luhansk people’s Republic and the Donetsk people’s Republic. Special attention is paid to comparing the size of territories and the population of unrecognized States before and after the conflict. Analytical information is provided on the formation of the budget of unrecognized republics and the number of people who have adopted the citizenship of the Russian Federation.Discussion and conclusion. The authors conclude that unrecognized States have all the opportunities not only to preserve, but also to increase their economic potential.
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Goncharov, V. N., V. A. Glazkov, and A. V. Bondarchuk. "Unrecognized states: legal and economic aspects." Journal of Law and Administration 16, no. 4 (January 1, 2021): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2020-4-57-25-31.
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Introduction. The transformational processes that are taking place in the world lead to the creation of new relationships and institutions. The problem is the creation of an unrecognized or partially recognized States is happening everywhere and is still relevant for many centuries. Their emergence is caused by political, economic, ethnic, cross-cultural and other problems, ignoring which can lead to social explosions and military conflicts. Currently, no territory is immune from the possibility of external incitement of conflicts, which has become possible in the context of digitalization of society.Materials and methods. In the course of the research, a set of approaches and methods that are used in the framework of legal science was applied – General, General scientific, special methods of cognition: dialectical, logical,formal legal. The specificity of the research subject led to the use of a comparative approach.Results. The authors compare socio-economic indicators of the Republic of Abkhazia, the Republic of South Ossetia, the people’s Republic of Karabakh, the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, the Luhansk people’s Republic and the Donetsk people’s Republic. Special attention is paid to comparing the size of territories and the population of unrecognized States before and after the conflict. Analytical information is provided on the formation of the budget of unrecognized republics and the number of people who have adopted the citizenship of the Russian Federation.Discussion and conclusion. The authors conclude that unrecognized States have all the opportunities not only to preserve, but also to increase their economic potential.
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Bedoeva, Irina. "Intercultural communication of the peoples of the North Caucasus." SHS Web of Conferences 101 (2021): 01011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202110101011.
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Currently, cross-cultural communications actualize the problems of multi-level dialogue, including ethno-cultural, linguistic and psychological aspects. The aim of the study is to study the cultural space of the North Caucasus in the context of the development of intercultural communications. Cross-cultural relations are caused by the interaction of cultures of different ethnic groups, which directly affects the development of social relations. Political, social and economic problems that have emerged in modern Russian society have negatively affected interethnic relations, in particular, in the North Caucasus. Armed conflicts have caused interethnic contradictions and caused great damage to interethnic and intercultural relations. Currently, everything necessary is being done to resolve conflicts. Thus, it is necessary to study modern communication processes, as well as the peculiarities of intercultural interactions in the North Caucasus. Currently, mutual intercultural communication in the dialogue of cultures sometimes leads to conflict situations. Its development leads not only to social peace and harmony, political agreement, but also to the settlement of inter-ethnic relations. Ways to resolve them will be more successful if ethnic groups have a social and national culture, the main task of which will be the settlement of various conflicts, the maintenance of peace and harmony. In the study of cross-cultural communications, the problem of preserving cultural identity is actualized. Among the peoples of the North Caucasus, a special role is played by socio-cultural communication, in particular, at the intercultural, intergroup and interpersonal levels.
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Deets, Stephen. "Wizarding in the Classroom: Teaching Harry Potter and Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 04 (September 25, 2009): 741–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650999014x.
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This article describes teaching a course called Harry Potter and Politics. Focusing on aspects of political culture, the class tackled themes of identity, institutional behavior, and globalization. Teaching Harry Potter has several benefits. Students are both familiar with the wizarding world and yet have enough distance to examine it dispassionately. The book is driven by ethnic conflict, political power struggles, and dysfunctional bureaucracies. Finally, there is an academic literature on the books. Beyond Harry Potter, teaching politics through popular culture is not only natural for addressing political culture, but taps into the ways undergraduates are increasingly experiencing politics.
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Voronchenko, Tatiana, Olesya Kovrizhnykh, and Ekaterina Fyodorova. "LITERARY TEXT AS A SOURCE FOR UNDERSTANDING CONFLICTS IN CONTEMPORARY REALITY (POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND TERRORISM)." CBU International Conference Proceedings 3 (September 19, 2015): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v3.622.
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Political violence in the modern world is developing in many ways and in forms that are more radical than ever before. In the second half of the last century, and the start of this current one, the ethno-social conflicts (terrorism being the most extreme) have been one of the most pressing global issues of our time.Various aspects of ethno-social conflict, with terrorism as an extreme form of political violence, are now the subject of artistic interpretation for contemporary authors. The study of literary text for understanding conflicts in the contemporary reality is significant, since writers consider certain factual material in their works. These writers strive to emphasize and describe personal and social layers of ethno-social conflicts, to reveal their peculiarities and consequences.This study compiles a theoretical framework for the study of literary text as a source for understanding the conflicts of contemporary reality. It uses a complex approach that provides a profound analysis of causes and effects, and the nature and content of political and ethno-social conflicts, including the principles of political studies and comparative literature.The authors of this present study conclude that the great concern of the world’s writers about ethno-social issues and conflicts is the inter-ethnic and inter-cultural contradictions that closely connect to the crisis of multiculturalism in the USA and Western Europe. Contemporary writers focus on themes, like the islamization of Europe, inter-confessional conflicts, total changes in inter-ethnic relations, fragmentation of the single universal cultural space, and social and cultural transformation leading to conflicts. Examples include Andrei Volos’ Maskavskaya Mecca, and Elena Chudinova’s The Mosque of Notre Dame. Some authors ponder over the terrorism as an extremist reaction to social injustice or inner personal, cultural, and religious contradictions, as seen in John Updike’s Terrorist and Don DeLillo’s Falling Man.
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Ilishev, Ildus G. "Russian Federalism: Political, Legal, and Ethnolingual Aspects—A View from the Republic of Bashkortostan." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 723–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408597.
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Problems of building a new democratic Russia based on federative principles and the region's long-refractory “national question,” forming a knotty tangle of complicated issues, have steadily remained in the political limelight. In a number of regions worldwide dramatic changes have occurred, related in one way or the other to the processes of national-territorial self-determination. As a result of this, the Eurasian political landscape has been marked by the emergence of some twenty newly independent states. Suffice it to say that the Soviet Union, a preponderant superpower feared by all, collapsed; and in Europe the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia ceased to exist, bringing on a long-term national conflict threatening not only regional but even global security. In East Central Europe binational Czechoslovakia split up into two independent nation states. Elsewhere, even in the absence of militarized national conflict, political processes have dramatically intensified. In Asia, for example, the multinational Chinese Republic with its Tibetan and Uighur problems, and ethnically heterogeneous India with its population speaking more than 400 languages and dialects have long attracted public attention as sources of potential instability in the region. The “Sikh issue” alone, for instance, continues to pose a threat to India. Even the North American continent, a peaceful region in terms of its political and ethnic stability, is confronted with similar problems. The integrity of Canada is still in question with the franco-lingual province of Quebec striving for independence.
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Justin, Peter Hakim, and Han van Dijk. "Land Reform and Conflict in South Sudan: Evidence from Yei River County." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 2 (August 2017): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200201.
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Following South Sudanese independence in 2011, land reform became a major aspect of state building, partly to address historical injustices and partly to avoid future conflicts around land. In the process, land became a trigger for conflicts, sometimes between communities with no histories of “ethnic conflict.” Drawing on cases in two rural areas in Yei River County in South Sudan, this paper shows that contradictions in the existing legal frameworks on land are mainly to blame for those conflicts. These contradictions are influenced, in turn, by the largely top-down approach to state building, which has tended to neglect changes in society and regarding land resulting from colonialism and civil wars.
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Harutunian, Ruben. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Moving from Power Brokerage to Relationship Restructuring." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488182.
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AbstractThe conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh represents the failure of mediation efforts in the context of a prolonged and successful ceasefire which has created disincentives for compromise. Today’s difficult negotiation atmosphere originates from perceiving the conflict as primarily an ethnic problem couched in the rhetoric of a territorial dispute. Further, a prolonged and successful ceasefire has entrenched powerful economic and political interests on both sides which stand to gain from continued limbo. With this in mind, the Minsk Group should shift its focus to the implementation of confidence-building measures between the authorities on both sides as well as the three societies involved. Secondly, the Minsk Group co-chairs can no longer just serve as peace brokers, but must be co-signers to the negotiated agreement, emphasizing their role as guarantors of a long-term peace between Armenians and Azeris. Finally, any long-term agreement will have to include aspects of mutual economic development, cross-cultural exchange, and socio-political understanding.
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Pallaver, Günther. "South Tyrol's changing political system: from dissociative on the road to associative conflict resolution." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (May 2014): 376–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.856393.
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South Tyrol (Italy), with its three officially recognized language groups (Germans, Italians and Ladins), is a successful model of how a minority problem can be solved. It is based upon the principle of dissociative conflict resolution, which means separating the language groups as much as possible between themselves, as well as the principle of consociational democracy, which focuses primarily on the cooperation between the language groups’ elites. In the last few years it has been observed that while the institutional frame has not changed, society has, thereby starting to undermine the existing political and institutional system from below. This concerns mainly the ethnic division, which is being questioned more and more by civil society, as well as aspects of cooperation between the elites. As a consequence of this process, South Tyrol's autonomy is moving toward further integration, with the latter again translating into strengthening the two factors of territoriality and identity.
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Farukshin, M. "Ethno-Federalism: Russian and Foreign Discourse." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2012): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-40-51.
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The article considers different aspects of theory and practice of ethno-federalism disputed in the Russian and international political science. Special attention is given to such problems as advantages of ethnic federations and risks they create; ethno-federalism and realization of the right to self-determination, prevention and overcoming of ethnic conflicts and separatism.
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Oskolkov, P. "Politicization of Ethnicity and Related Phenomena." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-131-138.
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In the article, the phenomenon of the politicization of ethnicity is analyzed, together with the related phenomena, i.e. ethnopolitical mobilization (including pan-ethnic mobilization and demobilization), ethnicization of politics and of other social fields for political ends. The author works within the framework of constructivist and ethnosymbolist approaches. The nature, dynamics and actor structure of the processes are considered, and an attempt is made to conceptualize them correctly. The author points at the interconnectedness of the phenomena in the terminological field of the political science as well as at the necessity to distinguish them and adapt ethnopolitical strategies to their variations. The politicization of ethnicity is defined as an attachment of political functions to the ethnic identity. Ethnopolitical mobilization is different in that it has a particular goal. Main factors stimulating ethnopolitical mobilization are: dissatisfaction of a group with different aspects of its status, political opportunities, material and non-material resources available, activities of ethnopolitical elites. Pan-ethnic mobilization employs the wider group identity involving not only actors’ own ethnic group but also other groups close to it within a linguacultural cluster. The ethnicization of politics is defined as the inclusion of ethnic components into the political process. Though both politics ethnicization and ethnicity politicization are typical of majority as well as minority groups, the ethnicization of politics is usually conducted “from above” employing memory archetypes and socially significant symbols. Other social identities, namely religion, sport affiliation, etc. are prone to be ethnicized for political goals, but this process has some important constraints. For instance, religion can be ethnicized if a territorially close ethnic group has other religious affiliation or is less devote; ethnicization of sport depends on a specific historical context. Especially the ethnicization of social discrepancies has a conflict potential and is to be prevented by relevant ethnopolitical management.
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Korolova, Tetiana, and Oleksandra Popova. "Psycholinguistic Aspects of Reproducing the Chinese Military and Political Discourse in Ukrainian." PSYCHOLINGUISTICS 25, no. 2 (April 18, 2019): 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2019-25-2-92-116.
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The article is aimed at studying psycholinguistic issues regarding the interpretation variability and linguocultural accommodation of conceptual basis representing the determinants of the Chinese military and political discourse by the Ukrainians. The topicality is stipulated by great interest of the scientists in the fields of psycholinguistics, linguistic culturology, translation studies as to the semantic content within the view of the world displayed by ethnic groups from The Orient. The determinants of the Chinese military and political discourse (discourse, concept, concept sphere, linguistic component, extra-linguistic component) are specified in the article. The Chinese-language military-political discourse is understood as a totality of verbalized oral and written texts created in the context of the politics-oriented communication; ideographic and symbolic embodiment of the national concept sphere, which is governed by the national and culture-centric tactical and strategic vectors of the conflict-free interaction performed by communicants in the spheres of politics, economy, military-industry, international relations. The linguistic phenomena enable the Chinese military and political discourse to be actualized as well as the means of their reproduction in the Ukrainian language [replication (equivalent translation), transliteration, transcoding, descriptive translation, commentary; the communication-equal translation strategy; the redirection strategy where cultural and linguistic adaptations are applied]. The prospects of our further research are seen in the study of tactical and strategic vectors which may determine the peculiarities of reproducing the syntactic component of the discourse under study into the Ukrainian language.
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Ibrahim, Ibrahim. "MODEL KOMUNIKASI ANTARETNIK DI PERBATASAN (Studi kasus Etnik Iban dan Melayu di Badau)." Al-Hikmah 13, no. 1 (May 21, 2019): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/al-hikmah.v13i1.1328.
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In recent decades, the issue of ethnicity is an issue of lively chatter, especially regarding issues of social relations and conflicts often occur in many areas of the country, not least in West Kalimantan. In the interior of Kapuas Hulu, precisely in Badau, a form of ethnic communities can coexist in peace and harmony, namely ethnic Iban and Malays. Social history shows that there has been significant conflict between the two ethnics. It seemed to be an exception to some cases of ethnic conflict in the social history in West Kalimantan. Field research is found several factors that the reason for the establishment of good communication and harmonious inter-ethnic Iban and Malays in Badau. In the political aspect showed as shape of togetherness and good political cooperation in the form of "power sharing". In the aspect of social perceptions of his form a positive view of inter-ethnic. In terms of the reality of cultural values and acculturative accommodating culture of mutual understanding, respect and complement each other. In the experience of social interaction is also a manifestation of the form of social relations based on the spirit of togetherness, tolerance and mutual support the creation of a model of communication and relationships of peace and harmony among ethnic Iban and Malays in Badau.
[Dalam beberapa dekade terakhir, persoalan etnik menjadi isu yang ramai dibincangkan, terutama menyangkut permasalahan hubungan sosial dan konflik yang kerap terjadi di banyak wilayah di tanah air, tak terkecuali di Kalimantan Barat. Di pedalaman Kapuas Hulu, tepatnya di Badau, wujud masyarakat etnik yang dapat hidup berdampingan dalam damai dan harmonis, yakni etnik Iban dan etnik Melayu. Sejarah sosial menunjukkan bahwa tidak pernah terjadi konflik yang berarti di antara kedua etnik tersebut. Hal ini seakan menjadi pengecualian terhadap beberapa kasus konflik etnik dalam sejarah sosial di Kalimantan Barat. Kajian di lapangan mendapati beberapa faktor yang menjadi alasan terbangunnya komunikasi yang baik dan harmonis antar etnik Iban dan Melayu di Badau. Dari aspek politik misalnya wujud kebersamaan dan kerjasama politik yang baik dalam bentuk ”sharing power”. Dari aspek persepsi sosial wujudnya pandangan yang positif antar etnik. Dari sisi budaya wujudnya nilai-nilai akomodatif dan akulturatif budaya yang saling memahami, menghargai dan mengisi satu sama lain. Dari sisi pengalaman interaksi sosial juga wujud satu bentuk hubungan sosial yang dilandasi pada semangat kebersamaan, toleransi dan saling mendukung terciptanya satu model komunikasi dan hubungan sosial yang damai dan harmonis antar etnik Iban dan Melayu di Badau]
Kata kunci: Komunikasi, hubungan sosial, etnik, harmonisasi.
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Rosenblum, Nancy L. "Banning Parties: Religious and Ethnic Partisanship in Multicultural Democracies." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 17–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1002.
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One under-theorized aspect of "multiculturalism and the antidiscrimination principle" is religious and ethnicity based political parties. With political organization, the fact of pluralism is made concrete for democratic purposes. When the struggle for empowerment is "waged within the world of democratic politics" it is waged through parties. That is the associational form modern democracies have settled on for participation, representation, and governing, and for countervailing power and regular opposition. Particularist parties and bloc voting are key instruments of political conflict and, as important, of political integration. This Paper looks at the challenges these parties pose to democracy; specifically, at the principal reasons given for banning parties from participation in electoral politics. I identify four categories of justification for disqualification: violent overthrow, incitement to hate, altering the character of the nation, and outside support or control. This is a preliminary to setting out regulative principles of "defensive democracy."
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Tajima, Yuhki. "Explaining Ethnic Violence in Indonesia: Demilitarizing Domestic Security." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006500.
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Recent scholarship on communal violence in Indonesia since the late New Order has focused on identifying causal mechanisms of particular subtypes of communal violence such as large-scale communal violence, town-level communal rioting, intervillage violence, and lynching. While such analyses are useful in understanding aspects specific to each subtype of violence, analyzing each subtype separately risks the analytical problem of selection on the dependent variable if there are important similarities across subtypes. Drawing on the observation that each of these subtypes appeared to rise and fall together since the late New Order, I propose a common factor that can explain the broad temporal patterns of communal violence. In particular, I point to increasing restraints on the military that arose from intraregime infighting, greater scrutiny of military actions during theketerbukaan(political openness) period, and the withdrawal of the military from police duties during Reformasi. I examine four cases of communal conflict: (1) a case in which intravillage violence was averted, (2) a case of lynching, (3) a case of lynching and subsequent intervillage reprisals, and (4) a case of large-scale communal violence. The first three cases are from Lampung province, and the fourth is the case of Poso district, Central Sulawesi.
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Atiemo, Abamfo. "International Human Rights, Religious Pluralism and the Future of Chieftaincy in Ghana." Exchange 35, no. 4 (2006): 360–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306780016140.
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AbstractA revolutionary development that resulted from Africa's experience of colonialism was the emergence of the nation-state made up of previously separate ethnic states. By the end of the colonial period the rulers of these ethnic states — the chiefs — had lost most of their real political and judicial powers to the political leaders of the new nation-states. But in spite of the loss of effective political power the chiefs continued to wield moral influence over members of their ethnic groups. The limited reach of the nation-state in the post-colonial era has also meant a dependence on the chiefs, in many cases, for aspects of local governance. This, for example, is the case of Ghana. However, in the modern context of religious pluralism the intimate bond between the chiefs and the traditional religion exacerbates tension in situations of conflict between people's loyalty to the traditional state and their religious commitment. In some cases, chiefs invoke customary laws in attempt to enforce sanctions against individuals who refuse to observe certain customary practices for religious reasons. But this has implications for the human rights of citizens. This article discusses the implications of this situation for the future of chieftaincy as well as prospects for the protection of the human rights of citizens who for religious reasons choose to stay away from certain communal customary practices.
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Ching, Calvin. "Ethnic Tensions between the Han and the Hui: The Neo-Sufi Jahriyya Movement of Ma Hua Long of the Late Qing Period (1862-1871)." Illumine: Journal of the Centre for Studies in Religion and Society Graduate Students Association 9, no. 1 (July 23, 2011): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/illumine9120107779.
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The historical study into the tensions of the late Qing Dynasty (1644–1912) between the Han and the Hui serves as a way to understand ethnic conflict in modern-day China. With an emphasis on the ideological and cultural differences between Islam and Confucianism, this paper will attempt to place the Neo-Sufi Jahriyyah movement of Ma Hua Long (d. 1871) into the historical framework of a deteriorating Qing Dynasty. Studies in this area have been challenging due to the paucity of resources on the subject and the tendency of mainstream academics during the time of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution in China to favour the application of Marxist theory to the historiography of Qing Dynasty China. A more in-depth analysis is therefore required before one can start to uncover a more complete picture of the ethnic, religious, and political aspects of the rebellions.
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Le Pesant, Tanguy. "Generational Change and Ethnicity among 1980s-born Taiwanese." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, no. 1 (March 2011): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000105.
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This paper aims to show that Taiwanese born in the 1980s constitute a “post-reform” generation whose perception of cultural difference and ethnicity may challenge the efficiency of the “four major ethnic groups” categorization as an analytical framework for research on Taiwanese youth's identity, political behaviour and social interactions. Using quantitative data from a questionnaire distributed in 15 universities nationwide in 2010 and qualitative data from interviews, this paper first focuses on the attitudes of Taiwanese born in the 1980s toward what are generally considered the three core elements of ethnic group-making in a Chinese socio-cultural context: patrilineality, locality and language. Then it shows that the combined effects of democratization, Taiwanization and contacts with mainland China have decisively impregnated their life experiences and influenced their perceptions of cultural difference. Consequently, the different aspects/ factors that contributed to the formation and the deepening of ethnic boundaries and ethnic conflict up until the 1990s are not effective anymore, nor are they significant for Taiwanese in their twenties. This process is transforming ethnicity rather than erasing it. Thus “having an ethnic identity” is still considered important by a majority, but its meaning and salience have changed, leading to the necessity to redefine, a process that could be undertaken using the concept of “symbolic ethnicity”.
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Khalaf, Teacher Osama AbdAli. "Consensual democracy And the role of elites in institutionalizing political divisions." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 224, no. 3 (October 27, 2018): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v224i3.299.
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The consensual democracy Considered a form of a ruling , in the Unconsensus in heterogeneous national or sectarian or ideological, which is limited to the core political issues that require political consensus, does not extend to all levels of political action because this democracy may be crippling political stability and lead the leaders of the political forces role pivotal in this aspect, the more these leaders have taken in the national interest supreme value at the expense of ethnic or narrow sectarian interests, whenever consensus and political stability, and the more hardened leaders in their own interests, were introduced in a closed circle of conflict and instability.
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Igosheva, Maryna Anatol'evna. "Political resource of ethnic identity in the conditions of transformation of the modern world structure." Социодинамика, no. 5 (May 2020): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2020.5.33026.
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The subject of this research is the problem of politicization of ethnicity. This trend is substantiated by actualization of ethnic identity, which received the name of “ethnic renaissance” that affected the majority of population in different countries and continents, and became a natural response to the challenges of globalization. The author examines such aspects of the topic, as the analysis of politicization of ethnicity in the scientific discourse, process of political mobilization of ethnic communities and its stages, types of secession movements and their characteristics. Special attention is paid to the problems of ethnic separatism and ethnonationalism, which are the result of politicization of ethnic factor. It is noted that in the conditions of ambiguous global transformations, ethnic identity activates the political resource, successfully used in the conditions of informatization of society at various levels of sociality: macro, mezo, micro. Methodological framework is comprised of constructivist paradigm that allows viewing ethnic identity as the method of organization of sociocultural being of commonality based on delineation of its “symbolic” boundaries. The acquired results allow to theoretically substantiate that ethnic identity possesses strong political potential, which creates the centers of tension and conflicts worldwide. In the conditions of transformation of the international system and new round of geopolitical confrontation, the political resource of ethnicity is fully utilized. The process of political mobilization of ethnos includes the following stages: 1) formation of political consciousness among the representatives of ethnic group; 2) ethnopolitical mobilization; 3) organization of ethno-national movement. At first two stages, the paramount role is played by political elites, and at the third – by ethnic ideology. In the current conditions of nonlinear dynamics of world system, the emergence of a large number of geopolitical actors following various goals, as well as usage of information technologies, ethnic identity is an effective instrument for consolidation, as well as deconsolidation of groups by ethnic grounds, obtains its political agency.
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Towadi, Mellisa, Nur Mohamad Kasim, Rumawi Rumawi, and Siti Asifa Tahir. "An Indication of China's Policy towards Uighurs and its Implications by International Law Aspects." Jambura Law Review 3, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33756/jlr.v3i1.7730.
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This article examines the Chinese government's policy towards Uighurs for the purpose of outlining and explaining indications of the policy that have implications on the legal aspects of this international law. This study was researched using normative juridical methods with expansive analysis based on logical-normative approaches. The results of the analysis show that broadly the policies China implements against the Uighur population are indicated to acts of discrimination. China's main interest is sovereignty, so of course, China will not allow the release of any territory from China. While the implications in the context of International Law as to uphold the guarantee of civil and political rights, liberal and democratic principles or independence, and individual freedom in relation to the state. The points of conflict identified, especially concerning the reach of equality of rights between ethnic Uighurs and other ethnicities in China, the prohibition of inhumane punishment and degrading dignity, and religious freedom.
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Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.
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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fracturing and potential for rethinking Britishness. It suggests the possibilities and limits of an inclusive, civic, rather than ethnic, national identity, and a sense of Britishness sufficient to the task of agonistic (as opposed to antagonistic) engagement and contestation with Irish nationalism and republicanism. By antagonistic I mean relations that are characterised in whole or part in terms of ‘friend-enemy’ thus containing within them the possibility of violence, while by agonistic I mean oppositional relations that do not contain this threat of violence. Agonism (from Greek agon, meaning ‘struggle’) emphasises the potentially positive aspects of certain (but not all) forms of political conflict. It accepts a permanent place for such conflict, but seeks to show how we might accept and channel this positively. It is also to affirm the legitimacy of one’s political adversary and their objectives even if one fundamentally disagrees with those objectives. The article argues that an agonistic conceptualisation of democracy and democratic change understood as non-violent disagreement (as opposed to consensus and agreement) is a more accurate and useful understanding than a conceptualisation of democracy and politics as either agreement or antagonism. In this way one can interpret the flag protests as vacillating between a legitimate democratic agonistic politics of struggle and contestation and an illegitimate, reactionary antagonistic politics of violence and threat.
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Cronin-Furman, Kate, and Milli Lake. "Ethics Abroad: Fieldwork in Fragile and Violent Contexts." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (April 12, 2018): 607–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000379.
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ABSTRACTThe diversity of political spaces, availability of cheap labor, ease of access to powerful figures, and safety net of a foreign passport attract researchers to the developing world. However, environments of extreme state weakness and ongoing conflict permit research behavior that would be frowned on in the global north. We suggest that weak regulatory authority in conflict-affected states offers foreign academics opportunities that are not available when states have greater reach or capacity. Qualitative researchers may find requests to interview victims or perpetrators of wartime violence granted with ease. Experimenters can coerce under-resourced NGOs to pursue interventions at odds with their organizational mandates. We posit that conflict contexts can constitute permissive environments in which researchers can engage in conduct that would be considered deeply problematic at home. Because studying political violence can require firsthand research on aspects of political life not easily observed elsewhere, this article offers a set of guidelines to foster more ethical and responsible research practices.
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Bolotnikova, O. "Ethno-Separatism and its Prospects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2011): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-5-32-42.
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The author explores the phenomenon of today's ethnic conflicts which are less frequently turning into the wars between states. The author uses the cases of the countries of former Soviet Union, Western Europe, Africa in order to examine important aspects of the ethnic conflicts settlement. It is concluded that the heart of the problems is the correlation between two fundamental principles of the international law (usually regarded as antagonists in terms of the settlement of such conflicts). Namely, these are the principle of states’ territorial integrity and the principle of peoples’ right to self-determination.
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Bogomilova, Nonka. "A philosophical approach to the 'religion - national mythology' synthesis." Filozofija i drustvo 20, no. 3 (2009): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0903083b.
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The paper analyses the philosophical aspects of the 'religion - national mythology' synthesis. The main directions of the study are as follows: 1. Both on the individual and social plan, the orientation of the transcending universalizing power of religion could vary depending on the macro-social movements a community /or an individual/ is involved in. For the individual as for the community, religion could be a cultural position transcending ego and ethno-centrism, mono-cultural tendencies; in situations of internal differentiation and disintegration of these entities, the universalizing binding role of religion is partialized and determined by various social groups, who are often in opposition to each other due to their economic political, ethnic, psychological features; 2. This process is usually related to the invalidation of universally uniting religious-moral bonds and values and intensification of differences: power, property, doctrinal differences to a shift of the weight center from internal spiritual movements /particularly typical of mysticism, asceticism, priesthood/ on to practical social action - reformist heresies, the various practical theologies of revolution, liberation, the religious-motivated wars; 3. When reduced to an ethnic, political, or state emblem, religious affiliation to Judaism, Islam Orthodoxy, Catholicism, Protestantism has become and still remain a tool for the sacralization of military and political conflicts. In religion-motivated conflict situations, opposing parties de-sacralize their Sacred Books as their acts contradict the books' moral content; 4. The power of historical mythologies is in reverse proportion to the capacity of a nation to periodically renew its social life world - its psychological attitudes labour relations, political stereotypes; 5. In this type of situation religion is usually reduced to 'belonging', as G. Davie put it, at the expense of 'believing' and a corresponding moral behavior. The religious universe becomes thus subordinated to partial group values, instead of standing above them.
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Tóth, Judit. "Connections of Kin-minorities to the Kin-state in the Extended Schengen Zone." European Journal of Migration and Law 5, no. 2 (2003): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138836403769590738.
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Abstract'Reduction in the strength of Hungarian minorities must be stopped, travel by youth to the homeland must increase, opportunities for recognition of Hungarian language and culture have to be upgraded, and problems relating to visa requirements due to EU accession must be resolved' (8th Congress of Young Hungarians, Kosice - Slovakia). On the same page of the biggest daily newspaper in Hungary the ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs and a key person in the previous cabinet, Mr. Németh, rejects the criticism of the EU Commissioner for Enlargement, Mr.Verheugen, who urges amendments to the Act on benefits for ethnic Hungarian minorities living in the neighbouring states. The MP of the strongest opposition party cannot accept the Commissioner's intepretation of the Act and the Hungarian certificate, which establishes a specific political connection between Hungary and its kin-minorities. 'Why would we provide cultural and educational benefits exclusively for ethnic Hungarians across the borders? Mr.Verhaugen's statement is in conflict with the expert opinion of the Venice Commission'. These two quotes express briefly the ongoing debates on enlargement, including the application of the Schengen zone, and their impact on domestic, regional as well as wider political and legal attitudes. This article aims to describe certain aspects of the Schengen regime and its ramifications in respect of Diaspora policy.
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Zhurzhenko, Tatiana. "The border as pain and remedy: commemorating the Polish – Ukrainian conflict of 1918-1919 in Lviv and Przemyśl." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 2 (March 2014): 242–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801416.
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The fight for Lwów/Lviv in 1918 was the first military conflict in the difficult twentieth-century history of Polish–Ukrainian relations. In the inter-war period, an impressive military memorial, the Eaglets Cemetery, was constructed in Lwów to honor the young defenders of the city. A monument to the Eaglets was also erected in the neighboring Przemyśl. In inter-war Poland, the Ukrainians, who had lost their cause for state independence, created their own cult of national heroes, the Sich Riflemen. Their graves in Lwów and Przemyśl, as well as in many smaller towns, became sites of public commemoration and national mobilization. This article traces the emergence, the development and the post-World War II decay of both competing memorial cults, focusing on their revival and political uses after 1989. It examines the trans-border aspects of memory politics in Lviv and Przemyśl and analyses the role of war memorials in (re-)establishing the link between ethnic communities and their homelands.
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Woolard, Kathryn A., and Tae-Joong Gahng. "Changing language policies and attitudes in autonomous Catalonia." Language in Society 19, no. 3 (September 1990): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500014536.
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ABSTRACTThe effects of language policies on the symbolic value of the linguistic repertoire merit consideration in needed studies of the consequences of language status planning. Since achieving political autonomy within Spain in 1979, Catalonia has instituted a number of policies, particularly in education, to enhance the status and use of Catalan. A matched guise test was conducted among students in Barcelona in 1980 and again in 1987 to gauge changes in attitudes toward Catalan and Castilian. Conflict between positive status and negative solidarity values of Catalan for nonnative speakers found in 1980 appears to be resolved in 1987. Three aspects of public language policy have attenuated ethnic constraints against nonnative use of Catalan, but further changes in social relations may be necessary to alter patterns of language choice. (Language attitudes, language policy, Catalonia)
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Borysenko, Valentyna, and Teofil Rendiuk. "GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF ETHNIC COMMUNITIES IN UKRAINE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY." Ukrainian Geographical Journal, no. 3 (2021): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ugz2021.03.063.
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The issues of resettlement of representatives of national minorities and main ethnic groups that make up a certain part of the population of the state, aspects related to ethnic geography and the current ethno-demographic situation in the country are covered, categories of foreign ethnic inclusions in the Ukrainian state are determined, definitions in clarifying the ethnic map, the processes of integration of ethnic communities into Ukrainian civil society are revealed on an objective basis. Beginning from the XVIII-th century, the geographical areas of modern Ukraine began to be intensively inhabited by other peoples, especially the South and Southeast of our state, as a result of which these regions as well as the borders of the country were ethnically heterogeneous. Historical information on the emergence of different ethnic communities is given, the dynamics of the number and modern settlement of ethnic groups in Ukraine are shown. Attention is drawn to the relationship between the history of the respective ethnic groups and their current geographical location in Ukraine, as well as to debates on the relationship between different ethnic communities and the search for ways to peace and harmony in interethnic relations. The importance of the issue of development of regional specifics of culture and preservation of spatial identification is emphasized. The political speculation about the ethnic composition of the population of Ukraine, its geographical location on the map of the state, the danger of artificial conflicts of tolerant ethnic communities, including the geographical factor, which is fueled by political parties are taken into account.