Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ethnic conflict – Political aspects

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
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Academic literature on the topic 'Ethnic conflict – Political aspects'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Political aspects"

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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.

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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Romocea, Cristian G. "Reconciliation in the ethnic conflict in Transylvania: theological, political and social aspects." Religion, State and Society 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490410001694638.

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Metternich, Nils W., Shahryar Minhas, and Michael D. Ward. "Firewall? or Wall on Fire? A Unified Framework of Conflict Contagion and the Role of Ethnic Exclusion." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (September 8, 2015): 1151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603452.

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While some borders are real firewalls against conflicts, others appear like tinder just waiting for the smallest spark. Only recently has research focused on the transnational perspective of conflict and current research has focused mostly on isolated aspects of this phenomenon. In this article, we provide a unified framework for conflict contagion that takes into account receiver, sender, dyad, and network effects. This is a novel perspective on conflict contagion, and our empirical results suggest that distinguishing between sender and receiver effects allows for a better understanding of spillover effects. We provide insights that especially excluded ethnic groups impact the risk of countries sending and receiving conflicts from its neighbors.
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Bertrand, Jacques. "Ethnic Conflicts in Indonesia: National Models, Critical Junctures, and the Timing of Violence." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 425–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006494.

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Beginning in the mid-1990s, there was a sudden rise in violent ethnic conflict in Indonesia. Two aspects that require explanation are the timing and clustering of this type of conflict historically. Other studies have not adequately explained these aspects. Methodological and thematic choices have generated problems with identifying and explaining clustering. Microlevel studies fail to account for the broader changes occurring at a macrolevel. Some researchers have chosen to broaden the scope of analysis of violent events to provide explanations of violence more generally. After reviewing these other studies, I argue that a historical institutionalist approach remains best able to explain the clustering of conflicts and the following period of stability. Changing institutional contexts at critical junctures created rising anxieties as well as opportunities to renegotiate group inclusion and status in the Indonesian state.
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Spillmann, Kurt R., and Kati Spillmann. "The Jura-problem is not resolved: Political and psychological aspects of Switzerland's ethnic conflict." History of European Ideas 15, no. 1-3 (December 1992): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90118-v.

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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i4.p92-96.

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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.
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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v6i1.p92-96.

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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.
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Shakhbanova, M. M. "INTER-ETHNIC TENSION AND ETHNIC CONFLICT: CONTENT, FORMING FACTORS, TYPOLOGY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (February 15, 2017): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch131154-167.

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In modern Russian society, there take place the processes of cardinal transformation of socio-economic, political, spiritual and other spheres of its functioning. This fact conditions an urgent need to study risks and threats to preservation of social stability, sustainable development, strengthening of ties and relations in the Russian society. This aspect is especially important in multinational subjects of Russia, which differ in national heterogeneity of the population, degree of socio-economic development of the territories, variability of ethno-cultural norms and value patterns of social life. The article deals with vital and complex issues related to the phenomenon of “interethnic tension” and ethnic conflicts existing in modern national and foreign science, theoretical and methodological approaches to their study, classification criteria, various concepts of the causes and typologies of these phenomena. The author of the article presents classification of interethnic conflicts according to their stages or forms, to the nature of conflicting parties, which makes it possible to single out conflicts of “psychological stereotypes”, “ideological doctrines”, “political institutions”. In the study of the phenomenon of “interethnic tension”, it is important to establish risks and reasons for deterioration of interethnic relations in multinational administrative entities, the role of the factor of ethnic heterogeneity in the emergence of ethnic conflicts in modern Russian society. National diversity is fraught with various negative consequences, risk of interethnic confrontation and ethnic conflicts as polyethnic communities are more at risk of their appearance than mono-national ones.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "Ties Versus Institutions: Revisiting Foreign Interventions and Secessionist Movements." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390707045x.

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Abstract. This article is a response to one published by Louis Bélanger, Érick Duchesne and Jonathan Paquin challenging existing accounts for the patterns of external support for secessionist movements. They assert that regime type—democracy—provides a better explanation than either vulnerability or ethnic ties. I take issue with their operationalization of my arguments along with other aspects of their work. Here, I replicate their study first using their data and importing my variable measuring not just ethnic affinity with the secessionists but the possibilities of a country having ties with either or both sides of an ethnic conflict. Then, using my data, I again replicate their analyses. I find that ethnic ties, properly measured, not only better accounts for the international relations of secession but of ethnic conflict in general.Résumé. Ce texte est une réplique à l'article de Louis Bélanger, Érick Duchesne et Jonathan Paquin, qui conteste les explications usuelles des variations dans l'appui international aux mouvements sécessionnistes. Selon eux, plus que la vulnérabilité ou les liens ethniques, c'est le type de régime – soit la démocratie – qui explique mieux le phénomène. Je remets en question leur façon d'opérationnaliser mes arguments, ainsi que plusieurs autres aspects de leur recherche. Afin de tester leurs résultats, je reproduis d'abord leur étude en utilisant leurs données et en y ajoutant ma variable qui mesure non seulement les affinités ethniques avec les sécessionnistes, mais également l'éventualité qu'un pays entretienne des relations avec l'un ou l'autre des protagonistes d'un conflit ethnique. Puis, je reprends leur analyse en utilisant mes propres données. Il en ressort que, lorsqu'elle est mesurée correctement, la variable des liens ethniques fournit une meilleure compréhension non seulement des relations internationales du phénomène de sécession, mais également des conflits ethniques en général.
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Iskandar, Syaifudding. "RESOLUSI KONFLIK ETNIK SAMAWA DAN ETNIK BALI Dl SUMBAWA." Populasi 20, no. 1 (June 19, 2009): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jp.12298.

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This study aims to understand the background of conflict between Samawa ethnic and Balinese that still undercover for more than 25 years. The objective of this study are to explore the background of Balinese movement to Sumbawa, to identify the underlying causes of conflict between Samawa ethnic and Balinese and to address the conflict resolution that had been applied. The study applied qualitative approach. This study reported that the motivation of Balinese moved to Sumbawa were to increased their standard of live. Domination of the Balinese in social, economic, political and cultural aspects became the underlying factors of conflict between Balinese and Samawanes. Community based conflict resolution were applied through involving the community leaders from both side in coordination process and increased cultural communication for the shake of harmony and tolerance among society in Kabupaten Sumbawa.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Political aspects"

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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.

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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Jones, Esyllt Wynne. "Ethnic nationalism in Quebec and Wales : the case of public broadcasting conflict." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61858.

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McCallister, Gerald L. Jr. "Ethnic Similarity and Rivalry Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700063/.

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Research on ethnicity and conflict treats the concept of ethnicity as defining the actors in these conflicts, whereas research on the construction and maintenance of ethnic identity explores why ethnicity unifies individuals into a single social group. What happens when this unifying concept is divided between two enemy countries? How does this situation influence peace settlements over territorial issues, armed conflict, and economic relations between these countries? To answer these questions, I create a continuous measure of ethnic similarity between rivals. I find that ethnic similarity can facilitate cooperation and exacerbate conflictual interactions between rivals, but governments will seek to limit interactions with their rival when the cross border ethnic groups are minorities. In addition, I create categorical predictors of ethnic similarity, which reveal nuances in these relationships. Specifically, rivalries sharing a pan-ethnic identity are more likely to engage in conflict regardless of actual ethnic similarity, and dyads with a majority in one country sharing ethnicity with a minority in another country are less likely to fight once in a state of rivalry. This is because a quid pro quo exists between these rivals where one rival can reduce oppression of the minority in exchange for the other rival not supporting secessions by their co-ethnics. These pairs of rivals also are more likely to attempt peace settlements. Contested nations, which are rivalry-dyads with similar ethnic majorities, are both the most likely of the ethnically similar rival categories to engage in militarized interstate disputes, but also engage in larger amounts of interstate trade.
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Carment, David 1959. "The international politics of ethnic conflict : the interstate dimensions of secession and irredenta in the twentieth century, a crisis-based approach." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41358.

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One of the most challenging issues for students of international relations is the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in both its secessionist and irredentist forms. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in three ways. First, the thesis provides a more precise delineation of the causal relationship between ethnic and interstate conflict. Second, the thesis develops a model to identify the conditions under which ethnic conflict is most likely to lead to interstate conflict. Third, and finally this thesis provides insight into a theory and policy for management and resolution of ethnic conflict. The results of this research are used to identify the international conditions and actions that affect the dynamics and resolution of ethnic conflict. From that perspective, the central goal of this inquiry is to lay the groundwork for preventive peacekeeping.
The inquiry unfolds in five stages. First, a formal model, specifying the precise causal relationship of the selected variables and their interaction effects, is presented. Second, two cases (Somali irredentism and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis) are used to test the assumed linkage. Third, aggregate data from the International Crisis Behavior Project data base, for the period 1918-1988, are used to test the explanatory power of variables derived from the combined framework. Fourth, two additional cases (Thai Malay separatism and the Balkans War) are used to test the most relevant propositions from the previous phase. Fifth and finally, based on the degree of support for propositions from both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the model is refined. Policy relevant and theoretical contributions are presented in the light of the findings. Directions for further research also are discussed.
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DeVotta, Neil. "From linguistic nationalism to ethnic conflict Sri Lanka in comparative perspective /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3031040.

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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Nsabimana, Christian Garuka. "The concept of power sharing in the constitutions of Burundi and Rwanda." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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Matter, Scott. ""We have this land as our right" : ethnicity, politics, and land rights conflict at Enoosupukia, Kenya." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83127.

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Population growth and internal migration in parts of the developing world have led to increased conflict over land rights carried out in the context of competing tenure paradigms. In Kenya, violent conflict between 'indigenous' and 'outsider' communities occurring in the midst of a program of democratic liberalization and political change has been variously explained as primarily driven by material or political interests. This thesis examines land rights conflict in the wake of a violent clash at Enoosupukia in 1993, which led to the displacement of up to 30,000 people, and analyzes how changing tenure paradigms, shifting socio-spatial boundaries, ethno-political polarization, and pressure on land resources all contribute to the perpetuation of conflict and tenure uncertainty. I argue that, despite challenging civil precepts of liberal governance, assertion of exclusive ethnic rights to traditional territories may nevertheless lead to political justice and alleviate the marginalization of indigenous and minority groups.
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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.

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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
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Lunsford, Sharon. "Language Policy, Protest and Rebellion." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2790/.

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The hypothesis that language discrimination contributes to protest and/or rebellion is tested. Constitutional language policy regarding administrative/judicial, educational and other matters is measured on three separate scales developed for this study; the status of each minority group's language under its country's policy is measured by another set of scales. Protest and rebellion variables are taken from Gurr's Minorities at Risk study. Findings include an indication that group language status contributes positively to protest and rebellion until a language attains moderate recognition by the government, at which point status develops a negative relationship with protest and rebellion, and an indication that countries with wider internal variations in their treatment of language groups experience higher levels of protest and rebellion on the part of minority groups.
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Books on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Political aspects"

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An introduction to ethnic conflict. Cambridge: Polity, 2004.

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Wolff, Stefan. Ethnic conflict: A global perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

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Burundi: Ethnic conflict and genocide. [Washington, D.C.]: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996.

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Zhorzholiani, Georgiĭ. Historic, political and legal aspects of the conflict in Abkhazia. Tbilisi: Metsniereba, 1995.

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Rajat, Ganguly, ed. Understanding ethnic conflict: The international dimension. 2nd ed. New York: Longman, 2002.

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Taras, Ray. Understanding ethnic conflict: The international dimension. 4th ed. New York: Longman, 2010.

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Rajat, Ganguly, ed. Understanding ethnic conflict: The international dimension. 3rd ed. New York: Longman, 2008.

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Rajat, Ganguly, ed. Understanding ethnic conflict: The international dimension. 3rd ed. New York: Longman, 2006.

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Ross, Marc Howard. The conflict, management implications of major theories of ethnic conflict. Kandy, Sri Lanka: International Centre for Ethnic Studies, 1996.

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Irredentism: Ethnic conflict and international politics. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Political aspects"

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Ross, Marc Howard. "Culture and Ethnic Conflict." In Political Psychology, 146–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598744_9.

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Hadden, Tom. "Punishment, Amnesty and Truth: Legal and Political Approaches." In Democracy and Ethnic Conflict, 196–217. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523258_11.

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Jia, Wenshan, Yueh-Ting Lee, and Haiyang Zhang. "Ethno-Political Conflicts in China: Toward Building Interethnic Harmony." In Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 177–96. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0448-4_8.

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Singh, Gurharpal. "What is Happening to the Political Science of Ethnic Conflict?" In Ethnic Conflict in India, 21–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981771_3.

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Cartrite, Britt. "Deepening Democracy and Ethno-Political Mobilisation: A Survey of Five Cases." In Democracy and Ethnic Conflict, 218–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523258_12.

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Schwegler, Ulrike, and L. Ripley Smith. "Ethno-political Conflict in Kosovo: Cultivating Trust in Serbian–Albanian Post-conflict Peace building." In Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 349–77. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0448-4_14.

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Odejide, Adebayo Olabisi, Akinade Olumuyiwa Sanda, and Abiola I. Odejide. "Intergenerational Aspects of Ethnic Conflict in Africa." In International Handbook of Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma, 373–85. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-5567-1_24.

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Schmitt, David E. "10. Ethnic Conflict in Northern Ireland: International Aspects of Conflict Management." In Ethnic Conflict in the Western World, edited by Milton J. Esman, 228–50. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501734281-013.

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Katzenstein, Peter J. "12. Ethnic Political Conflict in South Tyrol." In Ethnic Conflict in the Western World, edited by Milton J. Esman, 287–323. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501734281-015.

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Shanguhyia, Martin S. "In Search of a Political Identity." In The Roots of Ethnic Conflict in Africa, 125–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137555007_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Political aspects"

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KOMBAEV, Alexey. "THE ANALYSIS OF CONFLICT AND INTEGRATION POTENTIAL OF ETHNIC AND MIGRATION RELATIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF BURYATIA." In Social and political challenges of modernization in the 21st century. Publishing House of Buryat Scientific Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30792/978-5-7925-0537-7-2018-109-113.

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Kakarash, Tareq, and Alnasir Doraid. "The Role of National Diversity in Political Reform A Comparative Study between the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the British Northern Ireland Region." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp246-262.

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The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.
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Nagy, Attila. "THE NON-APPLICATION OF COMPETITION RULES IN POST-CONFLICT DEVELOPMENT." In International Jean Monnet Module Conference of EU and Comparative Competition Law Issues "Competition Law (in Pandemic Times): Challenges and Reforms. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18834.

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Competition has been claimed to be a very liberal economic tool where market players are meant to be free in arranging their technologies, production and sales on a particular market. In this paper we are developing a new hypothetical of the functioning of market economies which are in a global sense and considering new markets very different and specific. All the global powers, whose centre of influence might change in time, are trying to gain a bigger share regarding raw materials and potential markets. In post-conflicts societies and in particular in our case study of Kosovo and Serbia we can see the more clear market interests of all local, regional and global powers. The research of post-conflict societies is providing us with some answers regarding the possible future developments in certain societies and regions. The EU made Brussels Agreements in Kosovo has managed to establish new enterprises as a solution of a political compromise where energy, telecommunication and natural resources played a key role. The Washington Agreement has liberalized the infrastructure achievements but in some aspects limited the use of energy and telecommunication infrastructure from certain sources. In this sense we can observe the limited capacity of competition rules application in post-conflict societies and in particular Kosovo in this case. These agreements have therefore limited the influence of economic, strategic and energy related influence from main USA competitors which have not been named in the agreements, but are well known. In both agreements it is visible how economic activities and cooperation is encouraged with various non-economic incentives. Competition is accordingly more of a political will than an economic reality for some in post-conflict societies. The introduction of various companies into the Kosovo legal framework and their control by Serbia is an obvious tool how natural resources could be shared for a benefit of citizens where conflict is resolved using free market and competition rules.
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Koychuev, Turar, and Merim Koichueva. "On the Non-Economic Factors of Impact on the Eurasian Economic Cooperation." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01287.

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Treat the entire Asia and Europe as a geo-economic space is impossible and counterproductive. In our opinion, Eurasian geo-economic space can be considered as a geographical area, which is the junction between Europe and Asia. Geographically, it is - the Urals, the Volga region, the Caspian Sea region of Russia, post-Soviet Central Asia, the Caucasus and the territory where Turkey and Xinjiang is located. The economic interests of the Eurasian countries for "unity" can be the same, but there are non-economic conditions (state and political system, the mode of government - authoritarian, democratic, way of life of the state - secular, religious, moral and cultural values, ideological differences, and historical features of interethnic relations) that as factors may influence positively or negatively. Principles of formation of the Eurasian Economic Cooperation shall include economic feasibility and mutual benefit, political loyalty, ideological, philosophical and ethnic tolerance, peer contacts, peace-loving nature and solving conflict with a positive decision.
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Oruwari, Humphrey Otombosoba. "Assessment of Conflict Management in Niger Delta and Implications for Sustainable Development of Oil and Gas in Nigeria." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/208224-ms.

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Abstract Nigerian oil and gas industry have over the years witnessed incessant conflicts between the stakeholders, particularly the host communities in Niger Delta region and the oil and gas companies in partnership with the Federal Government. Conflict which is here defined as manifestation of disagreement between individual and groups arising from differing and mutually incompatible interests has both positive and negative effects depending on how it was managed. Managing conflicts is all about limiting the negative aspects. The study examined conflicts management in Nigeria oil and gas industry and how best the positive elements of conflicts can be maximally exploited for the mutual benefit of both oil and gas company and the host communities in Niger Delta. The study adopted the multidisciplinary approach, literature review, case study and relied on secondary sources using analytical method of data analysis. The study findings revealed that the major factors that precipitate conflicts between the oil and gas industry and host communities in Niger Delta include economic, social, political, and ecological factors. There are available strategies that can be used in conflict management. These include avoiding, accommodating, or smoothing, competing, or forcing, compromising, and collaborating. Any of these strategies can be used to manage conflict depending on the situation, the environment factor, and the nature of the conflict. The problem is that the oil and gas companies in partnership with the Nigerian government often adopted the wrong approach in dealing with the conflict with host communities, using avoiding or forcing strategies. The study recommends collaboration strategy which ensues long term-term solution to mutual benefits.
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Vong, Meng. "Southeast Asia: Linguistic Perspectives." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.10-2.

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Southeast Asia (SEA) is not only rich in multicultural areas but also rich in multilingual nations with the population of more than 624 million and more than 1,253 languages (Ethnologue 2015). With the cultural uniqueness of each country, this region also accords each national languages with language planning and political management. This strategy brings a challenges to SEA and can lead to conflicts among other ethnic groups, largely owing to leadership. The ethnic conflicts of SEA bring controversy between governments and minorities, such as the ethnic conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, the Muslim population of the south Thailand, and the Bangsa Moro of Mindanao, of the Philippines. The objective of this paper is to investigate the characteristics of the linguistic perspectives of SEA. This research examines two main problems. First, this paper investigates the linguistic area which refers to a geographical area in which genetically unrelated languages have come to share many linguistic features as a result of long mutual influence. The SEA has been called a linguistic area because languages share many features in common such as lexical tone, classifiers, serial verbs, verb-final items, prepositions, and noun-adjective order. SEA consists of five language families such as Austronesian, Mon-Khmer, Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai, and Hmong-Mien. Second, this paper also examines why each nation of SEA takes one language to become the national language of the nation. The National language plays an important role in the educational system because some nations take the same languages as a national language—the Malay language in the case of Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. The research method of this paper is to apply comparative method to find out the linguistic features of the languages of SEA in terms of phonology, morphology, and grammar.
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Nazarmatova, Kasira, and Saule Ermekbaeva. "Food Security is one of the Most Important Conditions for Economic Development." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00579.

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Food security is one of the most important aspects of socio-economic development in Kyrgyzstan. Therefore, studies done in this field of research are of significant theoretical and practical interest. Resolutions of food security issues are one of the conditions for the preservation of state sovereignty, economic security and social stability in society, ultimately, national security. Food safety is important, in terms of strategic interests of the country, and its solution requires: to satisfy public demand for food products; providing industry with raw materials of local manufacture; preservation of social, political and social stability in society; to prevent dependency of the national economy on changes; conditions related to the world markets, the development of internal agricultural production, food and processing industry; neutralization of some import to ensure stable employment and income in rural areas; preservation of ethnic - national characteristics of the local population by creating opportunities for 'survival' of the village: prevention of major foreign exchange expenditure on food imports: the neutralization of the negative impact on the local food market crises in foreign countries - exporters and importers of food products.
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Reports on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Political aspects"

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Jha, Saumitra. "Unfinished Business": Ethnic Complementarities and the Political Contagion of Peace and Conflict in Gujarat. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19203.

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Seraina, Rüegger, Madhushree Sekher, and Bütikofer Sarah. How Perceived Inequality Can Lead to Political Unrest: Lessons from India. Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), November 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.46446/publication_r4d.2019.3.en.

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The perception of inequality is often more important than objectively measured inequalities. Research conducted in India, one of the most diverse countries in the world, helps us to understand exactly what feeds the perception of injustice, which often results in political unrest. Research on perceived inequalities contributes to a better understanding of how democratic institutions may prevent ethnic conflict escalation.
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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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Marchais, Gauthier, Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, Cyril Owen Brandt, Patricia Justino, Marinella Leone, Eustache Kuliumbwa, Olga Kithumbu, Issa Kiemtoré, Polepole Bazuzi Christian, and Margherita Bove. Marginalisation from Education in Conflict-Affected Contexts: Learning from Tanganyika and Ituri in the DR Congo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.017.

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This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.
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Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, Cyril Owen Brandt, Patricia Justino, Marinella Leone, Eustache Kuliumbwa, Olga Kithumbu, Issa Kiemtoré, Polepole Bazuzi Christian, and Margherita Bove. Marginalisation from Education in Conflict-Affected Contexts: Learning from Tanganyika and Ituri in the DR Congo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.048.

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This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.
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Carter, Becky, and Luke Kelly. Social Inequalities and Famine and Severe Food Insecurity Risk. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.097.

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This rapid review summarises the evidence on the ways in which social inequalities and discrimination affect the risk of famine or severe food insecurity. Looking at the risk at the national and sub-national level, gender and other horizontal inequities can affect a society’s risk of violent conflict and therefore food insecurity, while fragile livelihoods associated with ethnic marginalisation can impact regional food security. At the individual and household level, there is a lack of disaggregated data on people’s social characteristics and famines. There is a broader literature on the impact of systemic discrimination (based on gender, age, disability, sexuality, and ethnic identity) on individuals’ and households’ livelihoods and assets, thereby increasing their vulnerability to food insecurity. A key finding from the literature is the gender gap, with women more at risk of being food insecure than men. Also, some ethnic groups are highly vulnerable particularly in conflict-related famines; starvation is used as a warfare tactic in political and ethnic conflicts. There is evidence of how social inequalities heighten individuals’ risks during food crises and famines, including through exposure to protection threats, while limiting their access to essential services and humanitarian assistance. A broad range of measures seeks to address the multi-dimensional ways in which social inequalities affect vulnerability and resilience to food insecurity.
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