Academic literature on the topic 'Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)"
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Brunnbauer, Ulf. "Fertility, Families and Ethnic Conflict: Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia, 1944–2002*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 565–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000246406.
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In 2001, the Republic of Macedonia—the former Yugoslavia's southernmost republic—was on the brink of civil war as the ethnic Albanian “National Liberation Army” (UÇK) was fighting Macedonian security forces and establishing rebel control over parts of the country. The armed conflict took more than 200 lives and displaced, at one time or another, more than 100,000 people. Civil war was prevented by an agreement between the four major ethnic Macedonian and ethnic Albanian parties in the country, signed on August 11, 2001 in the town of Ohrid, thereafter usually referred to as the “Ohrid Agreement.” Far-reaching constitutional and legislative changes would re-construct the Republic of Macedonia as a multi-ethnic democracy. Since then, constitutional amendments and new laws have been passed, increasing the rights and power of minorities, especially the Albanian one. The new constitution combines the concept of civic citizenship with elements of de facto consociationalism, and satisfies the demand of the Albanian minority to help shape the destiny of their country using a collective voice.
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Demjaha, Agon. "THE STATE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN MACEDONIA AFTER 16 YEARS OF THE OHRID AGREEMENT." SEEU Review 12, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0016.
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Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.
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Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej. "Problem konsolidacji współczesnego państwa macedońskiego w kontekście jego aspiracji do Unii Europejskiej." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.006.
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The issue оf contemporary Macedonian state consolidation in the context of its aspiration to the European Union Since its establishment, the Republic of Macedonia has been facing the crisis of social and political system. This is connected with the complicated ethnic and religious relations, difficult economic condition of the state and complex, international circumstances in the Balkans. The European Union makes the membership of Macedonia in its structures dependent on the implementation of solutions preventing the renewal of the armed conflict between the Macedonian authorities and Albanian rebels in the year 2001. The reforms implemented on the basis of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (2001) are designed to provide the social and economic stability in the country, mainly through the cooperation between Macedonians and Albanians. The imbalance between the strengthening of the position of the Albanian national minority in the entirety of the state system and the progress in the establishment of the civil society raises the concern of the observers of the social and political life in Macedonia. The division of the society based on the ethnicity criterion is strengthened in Macedonia. The opportunity of the development of cooperation over the ethnic divisions is limited due to a strong role of nationalistic sentiments, insufficient legitimacy of framework agreement by the citizens and pathologies of social and political life (corruption, organized crime). It is likely that ethnic criteria that are the basis for currently implemented system changes in the Republic of Macedonia shall dominate the pursuit to democratize the state as a whole. It will be a threat for the consolidation of the republic, since the particularistic tendencies may outweigh the peaceful cooperation for strengthening the unity of the state.
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Djukanovic, Dragan. "The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304395d.
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Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.
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Metaj-Stojanova, Albana. "Religious Freedoms In Republic Of Macedonia." SEEU Review 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0019.
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Abstract With the independence of Republic of Macedonia and the adoption of the Constitution of Macedonia, the country went through a substantial socio-political transition. The concept of human rights and freedoms, such as religious freedoms in the Macedonian Constitution is based on liberal democratic values. The Macedonian Constitution connects the fundamental human rights and freedoms with the concept of the individual and citizen, but also with the collective rights of ethnic minorities, respecting the international standards and responsibilities taken under numerous international human rights conventions and treaties, of which the country is a party. Republic of Macedonia has ratified all the so called “core human right treaties” and now the real challenge lies in the implementation of the international standards. Some of these international conventions and treaties of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe are inherited by succession from the former Yugoslavian federation. Religious freedoms are guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of human rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the European Convention on Human Rights (1953), the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) (all documents ratified by the Republic of Macedonia). According to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia “The freedom of religious confession is guaranteed. The right to express one's faith freely and publicly, individually or with others, is guaranteed„. After the conflict of 2001 the Ohrid Framework Agreement secured group rights for ethnicities that are not in majority in the Republic of Macedonia. The present Law on the legal status of the church, religious communities and religious groups of 2007, repealed the Law on religion and religious groups of 1997.
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Tomovska Misoska, Ana, Laura Taylor, Jocelyn Dautel, and Risa Rylander. "CONTACT, CONFLICT AND INTERETHNIC ATTITUDES AMONG CHILDREN IN NORTH MACEDONIA." Primenjena psihologija 12, no. 4 (January 16, 2020): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2019.4.409-428.
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Improving interethnic relations in conflict-affected societies is a difficult task, as a complex repertoire of mutual views and reactions is developed. Furthermore, the experiences of the children in such situations have rarely been taken into perspective. Therefore, this study tries to address this research gap by using data from the Republic of North Macedonia, where interethnic tensions are still present between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians, although the violent outburst of the conflict ended in 2001. The paper is focused on perceptions of contact and conflict among primary aged children, and their relations with the outgroup attitudes such as liking, trusting, and wanting to play with children from the outgroup. A total of 194 children aged 6 to 11 (M = 8.4) participated in the research, filling play-like items using Qualtrics. The sample was taken from two schools with a mixed language of instruction and was balanced for ethnicity (45.9% Macedonian, 54.1% Albanian) as well as gender (57.7% female, 42.3% male). The results of the series of regression analyses show that the contact quality and a number of outgroup friends are significantly correlated with outgroup liking, willingness to play, and outgroup trust, while the perception of conflict is negatively correlated with outgroup trust. The interaction between age and the contact quantity is a significant predictor of willingness to play with the outgroup, while the interaction between majority status and contact quantity is a significant predictor of outgroup trust. The study highlights the need for a meaningful contact between children from both ethnic groups for improvement of interethnic relations.
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Opašinova Šundovska, Marijana. "North Macedonia after the Ohrid Framework Agreement." Međunarodne studije 21, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46672/ms.21.1.3.
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Independence movements triggered by the end of the Cold War ended in state collapse and the creation of new states across the European continent. The decade coloured with violent wars in the Balkan region did not leave the Republic of Macedonia immune from ethnic conflict, which occurred in 2001. The outcome in the form of the so‑called Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) was the intended improvement of the rights of minorities and the sharing of power in decision making, both on local and central levels. The purpose of this paper is to determine whether theoretical approach patterns to state instability match the causes for the outburst of the Macedonian conflict of 2001. It will also try to detect if the conflict resulted from minority discrimination, state institutions’ inability to control the territory, poor economic situation, uneven regional development after independence, or it was a combination of factors that – fully or partially – contributed to its emergence. The paper will also seek to confirm if addressing these factors two decades later decreased the divisions across ethnic lines in the state.
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Yarovyi, V., and I. Malatsai. "THE REPUBLIC NORTH MACEDONIA IN THE RESEARCH OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIANS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.13.
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The emergence of a sovereign state of the Republic of Macedonia in the early 90's of the twentieth century. revived interest in issues related to the population, history, culture and name of the state itself. The article analyzes the works of Ukrainian researchers devoted to the problems of the history of the modern republic of Northern Macedonia. The main scientific achievements of domestic historians who study problems that are of great scientific interest not only in Ukraine are analyzed. It is emphasized that only at the end of the twentieth century. In Ukraine, researchers began to pay active attention to the study of the historical past of Macedonia. Today we can identify the most researched issues of Macedonian history in domestic historiography. The first scientific works were devoted to the study of cultural relations between the Russian Empire and the population of the Macedonian lands in the second half of the nineteenth century. XX century, the study of the attitude of Western Europe and Russia to the situation of the Slavic population in the Macedonian lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. In the works of Ukrainian researchers, much attention is paid to the study of problems that are important for Ukraine – the process of formation of the national liberation movement. The preconditions for the emergence of Macedonian revolutionary organizations in the early twentieth century are studied. Ukrainian researchers are very interested in issues related to the proclamation and formation of an independent state, socioeconomic life and the development of interethnic relations in Macedonia in the second half of the twentieth century. Actively is investigate the causes, course and consequences of ethnic and political conflict in the early XXI century. At the beginning of the XXI century. a new stage in the development of the study of Macedonia in Ukraine began. As a result of cooperation between scientists of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and Macedonia, scientific collections were published. The similar historical destiny of the Macedonian and Ukrainian peoples is important in the study of Macedonian issues in the historical science of Ukraine.
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Treneska-Deskoska, Renata. "Accommodating Multilingualism in Macedonia." Social Inclusion 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2017): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i4.1129.
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The period since the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 has shown the political importance of language, as well as the political tensions that can arise over language-related issues. For a long time, multilingualism in Macedonia was a problem that threatened the unity and stability of the country. In 2001 the armed conflict in Macedonia showed that governmental policies of ignoring certain issues fueled ethnic divisions and facilitated a climate of insecurity. In order to terminate the armed conflict, Macedonia has since introduced constitutional changes relevant to linguistic diversity. The constitutional amendment regulating the official use of languages in Macedonia was as a result of a necessary compromise to terminate the armed conflict. The amendment is formulated in a vague and contradictory manner; full of loopholes, views provided on official languages leads to different interpretations and is still subject to disputes between experts, as well as party leaders in Macedonia. This vagueness led to politicians using the topic of the official use of languages as a talking point in every electoral campaign since 2001. This article will examine the challenges and possibilities that came from the constitutional amendment on the use of languages in Macedonia. It will also analyze the loopholes of the legal norms on the use of languages, and the problems of its implementation.
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Gurra, Hyreme. "Political Systems and a Continuing Account for Elusive Peace in Republic of Macedonia." International Journal of Applied Language Studies and Culture 1, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.34301/alsc.v1i1.8.
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This research paper is going to elaborate the five most common political systems of the world and the second part of the mainstream headlines preoccupying the public opinion, which continued the saga for entire population of Republic of Macedonia. The country is internationally known as FYROM, and its government as a whole in the recent days after New Year’s Holidays of 2018 was expecting an act of resignation by the Prime minister Nikolla Gruevski and a massive unrest took place by NGO asking to close factories that were polluting the air. The leading political parties of the government consisting of VMRO (IMRO) (ethnic Macedonian political party) and BDI (DUI) (ethnic Albanian political party) were in the verge of a complete breakdown. These two coalition members were accused by the opposition political party LSDM (SDUM) (left party) for a great number of scandals; corruption, leading autocratic zests policy, not enjoying EU and NATO, spending public money in non-productive means and finally the phone tapping become sources of constant conflict. Social dialogue between the position and opposition was undermined by the head of the government, considered as a roguishly human hobble. The deterioration of the already unfavorable international position of the country endangered the progress leading up to national an interethnic cleansing. These events eventually would shape the future of the state. After the elections the government changed the leading stream, which is seen as a last chance for survival.
The research methods being used throughout this paper are; the method of interview, narrative method, qualitative and quantitative method.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)"
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Kotsovilis, Spyridon Demetrius. "Identity and ethnic conflict : their social-psychological and cognitive dimensions." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33294.
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This thesis looks into the role of identity in ethnic conflict from social-psychological and cognitive perspectives.The literature of Social Psychology suggests that one strategy of social groups under pressure or threat is to revert to their collective identity and manipulate it in ways that yield a distinct positive value for group members. Focusing on the main proponent of this view, Social Identity Theory, and transposing its premises onto an ethnic level, an Ethnic Identity Theory is proposed that explains ethnic identity's utility for the positive self-esteem of members of an ethnic group during a time of crisis.
As far as the cognitive aspect is concerned, the focus moves on to the individual level of analysis. It explores the issue of how information may be represented in the human brain, and proposes that it is due to particular 'exclusive' cognitive strategies of knowledge categorization, storing and re-processing that ethnic conflict is enhanced. Borrowing from Artificial Intelligence literature on Schemata and Frame theory, ethnic identity is treated as a frame with multiple slots for various traits that comprise an ethnic identity. Such modeling helps illustrate how properties related to the architecture of these mental structures result in the constructed ethnic identities becoming more rigid---their individual traits acquiring singular importance and, once challenged, affecting the whole identity.
This study concludes by pointing that, if intransigence and inflexibility concerning ethnic identity traits begins on a cognitive micro-level, then, little progress towards peace should be expected in on-going ethnic conflicts, unless cognitively unbiased third parties are involved in peace-making, and unless their involvement includes action on a cognitive-learning level to change convictions about warring groups members' perception of their own as well as others' ethnic identities.
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Lyon, Aisling. "Decentralisation and the Management of Ethnic Conflict: A Case Study of the Republic of Macedonia." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5693.
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This thesis considers the extent to which decentralisation in the Republic of Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has been effective in reducing ethnic inequalities that exacerbate social divisions and can lead to conflict. Guided by the concept of horizontal inequalities, it identifies the factors which influenced the decision to devolve responsibilities to the municipalities after 2001. It examines the particular institutional design that Macedonian decentralisation took, and demonstrates how its use of local power-sharing mechanisms was intended to address the concerns of the Albanian and Macedonian communities simultaneously. This thesis takes an integrative approach to studying the political, administrative, and fiscal dimensions of decentralisation's implementation, and considers whether the reform has indeed contributed to the reduction of inequalities between Macedonia's ethnic groups. Where decentralisation's potential has not been reached, obstacles to its successful implementation are identified. While decentralisation alone may be unable to address all of the grievances raised by the Albanian community prior to 2001, this thesis argues that the reform has the potential to address many of the horizontal inequalities that were responsible for raising inter-ethnic tensions during the 1990s. However, decentralisation in Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has only been partial, and advances in the administrative and political aspects of the reform have been undermined by limited progress in its fiscal dimension. Attempts to solve self-determination conflicts through decentralisation will fail if local self-governance exists only in form but not in substance.
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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Koneska, Cvete. "Between accommodation and resistance : political elites in post-conflict Bosnia and Macedonia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:854136ff-ef12-448b-9713-a150e4c0fbe3.
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This thesis explores why political elites in post-conflict ethnically divided states accommodate or resist each other across ethnic lines. The geographic focus of research is on post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia. In both countries the track record of post-conflict politics has been uneven and on some issues political elites still resist agreement and co-operation across ethnic lines. This thesis explores the reasons behind this mixed pattern of ethnic accommodation and resistance. Based on the post-conflict literature in social science, the thesis examines the impact that the following explanatory variables have on ethnic accommodation and resistance: power-sharing mechanisms, political party dynamics, informal practices, policy legacies, and external actors. The analysis is situated at the policy level. Two policy areas, highly sensitive for ethnic relations in the post-conflict context, are analysed and compared in each of the two countries. In Bosnia, the focus is on military and police reforms; in Macedonia, on minority education and decentralisation. Within the wider institutionalist approach, the empirical chapters present the findings of process tracing in each of the four policy fields. Based on these findings, the thesis demonstrates that although power sharing arrangements tend to lead to greater ethnic accommodation, they are not always sufficient to produce accommodating outcomes. Informal practices often supplement the work of formal institutions in providing incentives and means towards greater accommodation. External actors tend to enable greater accommodation when perceived as neutral and credible by domestic political elites. Ethnic divisions in both countries remain and require regular management by a flexible set of institutions, which can accommodate challenges unforeseen by peace agreements.
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Grewal, Ramneek. "Transnational advocacy networks : the case of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9707.
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The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.
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Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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Ripiloski, Sasho, and sash1982@optusnet com au. "Macedonia 1991-2001: a case-study of conflict prevention - lessons learned and broader theoretical implications." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090507.141532.
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Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.
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Engstrom, Jenny Marika. "Democratisation and the prevention of violent conflict in south eastern Europe : the cases of Bulgaria and Republic of Macedonia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1800/.
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This thesis critically examines the common notion that the process of democratisation in multiethnic societies is directly linked with the emergence of ethnic nationalism and violent inter-communal conflict. Whereas generally assuming a positive relationship between democracy and the absence of violent conflict on the national as well as international level, academic studies maintain that this positive correlation does not apply to the actual process of democratisation, which, it is thought, may heighten interethnic tension and increase the risk of armed conflict in divided societies. Exposing the flaws in this argument, this thesis offers an alternative account of the relationship between democratisation and interethnic relations, suggesting that the former can in fact help to prevent violent conflict in societies divided along ethnic lines. Drawing on literature from democratisation theory and peace and conflict studies, and applying it to two case studies, Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia, this thesis shows that the development of democracy - albeit flawed - helped to moderate inter-communal tension between the ethnic Bulgarian majority and the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, and the ethnic Macedonian and Albanian communities in Macedonia. Comparing the experiences of Bulgaria and Macedonia in the 1990s, this thesis further suggests that the existence of unresolved issues over the gratification of certain fundamental human needs such as identity, security and recognition, amongst ethnic communities in heterogeneous societies must be resolved outside of the liberal democratic process, since needs are non-negotiable and as such cannot be bargained over through the democratic process. Furthermore, without some measure of national/political unity that is inclusive of ethnic communities, peaceful democratisation will be seriously undermined. Additionally, an aspect that has not been adequately accounted for in studies on democratisation in ethnically plural societies is the way in which the external security environment influences the domestic process of democratisation.
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Radke, Melissa Vachudová Milada Anna. "European Union influence on violent ethnic conflict in Europe case studies of Northern Ireland, País Vasco, and FYR Macedonia /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2953.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010.Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 23, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Atanasova, Minova Vesna <1966>. "Diversity and local democracy. The case of Republic of Macedonia - implications of ethnic diversity on municipal decision making and organizational performance." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2013. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/5597/1/Atanasova_Vesna_tesi.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to review the level of knowledge achieved in interpreting the relationship between the ethnic diversity at the workplace in the public sector and the organizational performance; as well as seeks to contribute in understanding the implications of this relationship.
The study commenced with investigating the academic research in the relevant area addressing the following research questions: (a) How are diversity management and organizational performance conceptualized? (b) What are the existing findings of research concerning diversity at the workplace in the public organizations and organizational performance? (c) What factors intervene the relationship between the diversity and organizational performance? Based on the findings from the review of the academic research, this study seeks to contribute in understanding the ethnic diversity – performance relationship and its mplications at the local level in the Macedonian context. The reform process in Macedonia as a multicultural society, where for many years, inter-ethnic relations have been one of the most sensitive political issues, affecting both the stability of the country and the progress, focused mainly on the implementation of the decentralization and inclusion of ethnic minorities in the decision making process. With the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement workforce at the units of local self-government in Republic of Macedonia is becoming more balanced with respect to ethnic minorities, with more workforce participation than ever by Albanians, Turks, Roma and other minorities. As public organizations at local level become more diverse along ethnic lines, it makes sense to pay more attention to how different ethnic groups interact with one another at work. Thus it gives additional importance on the research question addressed in the study and gives significance of the research in a broader scope.
Books on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)"
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Terminologjia politike & manipulimi medial: Konflikti i armatosur në Maqedoni, 2001 : diversiteti konceptues mbi terminologjinë politike në Maqedoni dhe sistemi i vlerave politike të BE-së. Shkup: Publisher not identified, 2009.
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Strategic rebellion: Ethnic conflict in FYR Macedonia and the Balkans. Oxford: P. Lang, 2012.
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Danforth, Loring M. The Macedonian conflict: Ethnic nationalism in a transnational world. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1995.
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Međuratna kolonizacija Srba u Makedoniji: Naučna monografija. Beograd: J.F. Trifunoski, 1991.
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Ethnonationalist conflict in postcommunist states: Varieties of governance in Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Kosovo. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
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Grillot, Suzette. A fragile peace: Guns and security in post-conflict Macedonia. [Geneva?]: United Nations Development Programme, 2004.
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Lockwood, Danny. The Islamic republic of Dewsbury. Dewsbury, West Yorkshire: The Press News Ltd, 2011.
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Za makedonistkite raboti. Sofii︠a︡: Asi Print, 2011.
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Democratisation and the prevention of violent conflict: Lessons learned from Bulgaria and Macedonia. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub., 2008.
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Blood ties: Religion, violence, and the politics of nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878-1908. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)"
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Walsh, Dawn. "The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Enhanced Local Government and Ethnic Conflict." In Territorial Self-Government as a Conflict Management Tool, 103–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77234-9_4.
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Pollozhani, Lura. "Ethnic Conflict in North Macedonia." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_117-1.
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Pollozhani, Lura. "Ethnic Conflict in North Macedonia." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 350–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77954-2_117.
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Karbo, Tony, and Martha Mutisi. "Ethnic Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)." In Handbook of Ethnic Conflict, 381–402. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0448-4_15.
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Irwin, Colin. "Using Public Opinion Polls to Support Peace Processes: Practical Lessons from Northern Ireland, Macedonia, Cyprus, Israel and Palestine." In Democracy and Ethnic Conflict, 139–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523258_8.
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Pajaziti, Ali, Biljana Blaževska-Stoilkovska, Ana Fritzhand, Agron Rustemi, and Admir Qose. "Towards Inclusive Social Identities in the Republic of Macedonia." In Shaping Social Identities After Violent Conflict, 135–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62021-3_7.
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Piacentini, Arianna. "Ethnic Groups and Nations in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY)." In Ethnonationality’s Evolution in Bosnia Herzegovina and Macedonia, 29–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39189-8_2.
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Bajaj, Monisha, and Cheila Valera Acosta. "The Emergence of Human Rights Education amid Ethnic Conflict in the Dominican Republic." In Peace Education in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies, 43–57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230620421_4.
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Todorov, Petar. "Teaching History in Macedonia after 2001: Representations of Armed Conflict between Ethnic Macedonians and Ethnic Albanians." In History Can Bite, 111–24. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737006088.111.
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Danforth, Loring M. "Ancient Macedonia, Alexander the Great and the Star or Sun of Vergina: National Symbols and the Conflict between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia." In A Companion to Ancient Macedonia, 572–98. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444327519.ch27.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)"
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Rustemi, Agron. "SOCIALLY INCLUSIVE APPROACHES FOR IMPROVING ETHNIC INCLUSION AND CONFLICT SENSITIVITY IN MACEDONIA." In 4th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/33/s12.091.
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KOMBAEV, Alexey. "THE ANALYSIS OF CONFLICT AND INTEGRATION POTENTIAL OF ETHNIC AND MIGRATION RELATIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF BURYATIA." In Social and political challenges of modernization in the 21st century. Publishing House of Buryat Scientific Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30792/978-5-7925-0537-7-2018-109-113.
Full textReports on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Macedonia (Republic)"
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Arifi, Besa. Education in Preventing & Countering Violent Extremism: Considerations for the Western Balkans. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2022.1.wb.
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Violent extremism in the Western Balkans takes many forms, from Western Balkans foreign fighters recruited to participate in conflicts abroad, including in the Middle East and Ukraine; to ethno-nationalist organizations that spread inter-ethnic hatred, some emanating from and glorifying legacies of conflict spanning back to the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and regional conflicts in the 1990s; to chauvinism and anti-EU and anti-NATO ideas that emerge to become even more serious and with greater consequences for the region and socio-political cohesion and dynamics. As violent extremism continues to evolve and adapt in the Western Balkan countries, efforts to address it must also adjust to new threats from both internal and external sources. Recent research on violent extremism in the Western Balkans, and North Macedonia specifically, suggests that education may be an important tool in addressing violent extremism in the region. Some have suggested educational initiatives may assist in addressing online and offline disinformation and extremist narratives. Furthermore, addressing ongoing issues within ethnically divided educational systems may play an important role in working to address some of the ethnic-based divisions that can contribute to ”othering” dynamics. Others have further suggested that education and other support services can play a role in aiding the transition of those imprisoned on charges related to violent extremism and returning families back into society. As countries throughout the Western Balkans continue to update and revise their national action plans and policies to address violent extremism, greater consideration of the role of education and how it might be integrated into these policies is needed. This publication, based on findings from a large-scale literature review mapping the state of research on education in P/CVE in the Western Balkans and beyond,offers a series of considerations for policymakers and practitioners looking to incorporate education in future efforts to address drivers, both real and potential, of violent extremism in Western Balkan states. While findings from this paper are contextualized within the broader experiences of the Western Balkans, specific examples based on experiences in individual countries, North Macedonia most notably, are detailed to provide an in-depth example of considerations for policymakers interested in further incorporating education into P/CVE plans moving forward.