Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)'
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1
Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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Johansson, Alex. "The inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians : A field study in Kosovo." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155836.
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The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region. The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovohave handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.
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Sulejmanovic, Selma. "Russia And The Kosovo Conflict: 1998-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609472/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia's foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo
s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo
s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash
1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.
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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.
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Cockell, John G. "Managing Self Determination in Ethnic Conflict : International Society and Kosovo Crisis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498139.
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Harmon, Gail. "War in the Former Yugoslavia: Ethnic Conflict or Power Politics?" Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/587.
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Thesis advisor: Kathleen BaileyAlthough the Croatian and Bosnian wars of the early 1990s were brought to a peaceful conclusion over ten years ago, they remain pertinent events today both for the study of political science and future attempts at global conflict resolution. While they are often characterized as ethnic conflicts, this study poses the question of whether a conflict can ever truly be ethnic in the sense that the sole motivation for violence is ethnic hatred rather than strategic considerations. This question brings the motivations for violence in the Yugoslav case into question. This project explores relevant literature on contemporary theories of ethnic conflict and surveys events in the region from the arrival of the Slavic people to the Balkans in the sixth century to occurrences as recent as 2006. The conflicts are viewed in terms of more general views about conflict prevention and resolution as well as being more specifically applied to the current conflict in Iraq
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Grewal, Ramneek. "Transnational advocacy networks : the case of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9707.
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The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.
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Odai, Minja. "The Impact of Creative Ambiguity - A Case Study of the Aftermath of the Kosovo-Serbia Brussels Agreement 2013." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21606.
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Creative ambiguity as a negotiation strategy is used often in peace agreements and refers to when ambiguities are used in agreements to serve as a positive motivation to get over obstacles. While it has many positive impacts, the use of creative ambiguity also often times shifts the burden of the negotiation phase to the implementations phase, and thus can result into agreements that are not implemented as well as plummeting the relations between the parties affected. This thesis aims to understand how the use of creative ambiguity in the Brussels Agreement between Kosovo and Serbia had an impact on the heightened conflict between the countries. This thesis is a single instrumental case study that illustrates the issue of creative ambiguity through the case of the Brussels Agreement. Through analysing interferences from material mainly collected from both countries’ government websites, this study conducted that the use of creative ambiguity had a harmful impact not only on the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, but also on the implementation of the agreement.
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Gawrys, Michaela Lynn. "The Implications of Changing Border Structure: A Case Study in Kosovo." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1614975636475224.
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Rajtrová, Eva. "Role OSN a její efektivita při řešení mezinárodních konfliktů: Případová studie etnicko-kulturní konflikt v Kosovu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18112.
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The thesis deals with the role of the United Nations in resolution of international ethnic conflicts. The aim of the thesis is to try to evaluate the activities of United Nations in resolution of the Kosovo ethnic -- cultural conflict. The thesis sets the problem into context of United Nations' approach to ethnic conflicts. It analyses the historical development of the Kosovo conflict and the impact of the United Nations' activities. On basis of the gathered knowledge the thesis concludes that in spite of many partial problems, the activity of United Nations in Kosovo may be considered effective.
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Roff, Katherine Louise. "Barbaric mistakes: Western print media’s portrayal of “ethnic” conflicts." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7878.
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This study addressed the question: “Does Western media framing of different actors in ethnic conflict influence the likelihood of intervention being advocated in the media?” In order to answer this question, this study used a content analysis of USA, UK and Australian print media, and explored the media framing of conflicts in Rwanda, Kosovo, and East Timor. The study examined newspaper articles prior to intervention and, using Piers Robinson’s media framing model (2000), measured the quantity of “empathetic” and “distancing” coverage in relation to suggestions for intervention.
The results of this study show that simplified representations of these complex conflicts often lead to a dangerous polarisation in Western media. Ethnic conflicts are discussed either within a “barbaric” frame, where readers are presented with well-defined heroes, victims and villains and are encouraged to support intervention; or with a “native” narrative, where the situation is reported as a distant problem between “squabbling tribes”, and the media consumer is encouraged to support non-intervention.
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Keskin, Recep. "The dispute between Bosnian Muslims and Serbs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2315.
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In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.
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Lichnofsky, Claudia. "Ethnienbildung von Muslimen als Abwehr von Antiziganismus." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Lebenswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17413.
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Sowohl Ägypter als auch Ashkali sind heute in der Verfassung der Republik Kosovo festgeschriebene communities mit Minderheitenrechten. Ihre Angehörige sind mehrheitlich muslimisch. Ashkali und Ägypter sind albanischsprachig während Roma meist einen der drei im Kosovo vorkommenden Dialekte des Romanes sprechen. In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, wie und vor welchem Hintergrund neue ethnische Identifizierungen in Konfliktgesellschaften entstehen, welche historischen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen dafür gegeben sein müssen, damit sie sich erfolgreich etablieren und was der jeweilige Vorteil für eine Identifizierung mit der einen oder der anderen Gruppe ist. Historisch-kritisch untersucht wurden schriftliche Ego-Dokumente von Ägyptern und Ashkali (Webseiten, Offene Briefe, Artikel und Monographien) sowie problemzentrierte Interviews, Statistiken, Menschenrechtsberichten und Artikel aus serbischen und kosovarischen Zeitungen. Der Zusammenhang von Antiziganismus und dem Wunsch nach Schaffung einer neuen nationalen Kategorie wurde dabei in der historischen Perspektive deutlich: in den 1960er/70er Jahren grenzten sich jugoslawische Roma von den negativen Stereotypen und ihrer Bezeichnung als „Zigeuner“ ab, promoteten die Bezeichnung ''Roma'' und vernetzten sich mit Roma anderer europäischer Ländern. Ab Ende der 1980er Jahre versuchten in Südwest-Mazedonien einige Menschen sich zu organisieren und ihr Image als „Zigeuner“ zu verlieren, ohne gleichzeitig den Albanern zugerechnet zu werden, die sich von Jugoslawien separieren wollten. Sie organisierten sich über die Republik Mazedonien und auch Jugoslawien hinaus und schafften es, in Serbien und Mazedonien als positive Alternative zur albanischen Minderheit anerkannt zu werden und ihre eigene Kategorie in der Volkszählung zu erhalten. Die Ashkali entstanden 1999 als Ausweg aus der Nachkriegs-Gewalt im Kosovo.Both Egyptians and Ashkali are formally defined as communities with minority rights in the current constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. Their members are overwhelmingly Muslim. Ashkali and Egyptians are Albanian-speaking whereas Roma tend to speak one of the three Romany dialects spoken in Kosovo. This work examined how new ethnic identifications originate in societies in conflict and the causes behind this development; the historical and political conditions that must be in place to enable these new identities to become successfully established and what the respective benefits are behind identifying with one group over another. Written autobiographical documents from Egyptians and Ashkali (web sites, open letters, articles and monographs) as well as problem-centred interviews, statistics, human rights reports and articles from Serbian and Kosovan newspapers were critically examined from a historical standpoint. The relationship between antiziganism and the desire to establish a new national ethnic grouping is evident when viewed from a historical perspective: in the 1960s and 70s the Yugoslav Roma distanced themselves from the negative stereotypes associated with the name “Zigeuner” (gypsy), promoted the name Roma and built links with Roma from other European countries. At the end of the 1980s groups in south-west Macedonia joined together to shed their “Zigeuner” (gypsy) image, creating a group distinct from the Albanians who in turn were trying to separate themselves from Yugoslavia. The groups became more organised, extending beyond the Republic of Macedonia and Yugoslavia and they succeeded in being recognised as a positive alternative to the Albanian minority in Serbia and Macedonia where they were included in the census as a separate ethnic category. The Ashkali identity was created in 1999 in response to the post-war violence in Kosovo.
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Ba, Oumar. "La politisation des partis à caractère ethnique dans les pays postcommunistes d’Europe Centrale et Orientale : une comparaison des trajectoires de la Bulgarie, la Serbie, le Monténégro et le Kosovo." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40052.
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Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’
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Galfano, Christopher J. "Operation Allied Force and the Weinberger-Powell Doctrine an analysis /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490930.
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KOINOVA, Maria. "Degrees of ethno-national violence : the cases of Kosovo, Macedonia and Bulgaria after the end of communism." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5304.
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Defence date: 23 September 2005Examining board: Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute, supervisor) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka (Oxford University/European University Institute) ; Prof. Ivo Banac (Yale University, external co-supervisor) ; Prof. Stefano Bianchini (University of Bologna)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Sousa, Ricardo Alexandre Encarnação. "Yugoslavia: from wars to European integration: perspectives from university students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15130.
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What are the conditions for meaningful reconciliation in post-conflict societies? This was the
departure research question for this research project focusing on the former Yugoslavia, in
particular on the territories of the three largest former republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Serbia, and Kosovo, due to the latter’s respective specificities.
Starting out from a general hypothesis: the fulfilment of a set of political, social and
economic conditions fosters and enables tolerant and peaceful coexistence among the peoples
of the former Yugoslavia, this then shaped and thus defined the main research objectives:
understanding the way in which the post-war educational systems have or have not
contributed to reconciliation between the various nations and peoples of the region; the
prospects of European integration as an engine for pacification; the role of hate speech
formulated in the media and culture and as well as the means of overcoming it.
Through research that interweaves with the professional activity of the author – a
journalist with extensive experience in coverage of the region – and deploying a combination
of qualitative and quantitative methods (a survey answered by over 270 students from the
countries under study), this dissertation strives to provide new clues for approaching
nationalist phenomena and perspectives (taking into account the responses of students to the
survey this thesis put forward) on reconstructing post-conflict societies and furthermore
identifying a set of conditions that must first be verified before ever achieving what this
dissertation defines as reconcivicnation, a civic reconciliation of nations.Quais as condições para a reconciliação em sociedades pós-conflito? Esta foi a pergunta central de partida que orientou a investigação, que incide sobre a antiga Jugoslávia, em particular sobre os territórios das três maiores antigas repúblicas: Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Sérvia, acrescentando o Kosovo, pelas especificidades que encerra. Partindo de uma hipótese geral: a concretização de um conjunto de condições políticas, sociais e económicas permitirá um convívio mais tolerante e pacífico entre os povos da antiga Jugoslávia, foram considerados e definidos os objetivos principais da pesquisa: a compreensão da forma como a educação – o sistema educativo dos vários países e entidades constituintes – contribuiu ou não, após as guerras, para a reconciliação entre as várias nações e povos da região; as perspetivas de integração europeia como motor, ou não, de pacificação da região; o papel do discurso do ódio formulado nos media e na cultura e formas de o superar. Através de uma investigação que se cruza com a actividade profissional do autor – jornalista com vasta experiência na cobertura da região – e utilizando uma combinação de métodos qualitativos e quantitativos (um inquérito que foi respondido por mais de 270 estudantes dos países em estudo), esta dissertação pretende trazer novas pistas para a abordagem dos fenómenos nacionalistas e perspectivas de reconstrução de sociedades pósconflito, considerando as perspetivas dos estudantes que responderam ao inquérito e apontando um conjunto de condições que se devem verificar para que seja atingido aquilo que esta dissertação definirá como “reconcivicnation”, uma reconciliação cívica das nações.
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SÖRENSEN, Jens Stilhoff. "State collapse and social reconstruction in the periphery : the political economy of ethnicity and development : Yugoslavia, Serbia, Kosovo." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6333.
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Tsoundarou, Paul. "NATO’s eastward expansion and peace-enforcement role in the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia: 1994-2004." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/48285.
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Since the end of the Cold War, political and geographical realities have changed considerably. One such reality was the balance of power between East and West, which was especially visible in Europe. The contest between rivals, the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), was over. Ultimately, NATO found itself the pre-eminent security organisation in Europe. The new post-cold war environment forced questions about the appropriate role for NATO. However, that changed with both the process of NATO expansion into former Warsaw pact countries and the ethnic conflicts throughout the former Yugoslavia. NATO found a new purpose during the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia as ‘peace-enforcer’ in the Balkan region. The focus of this thesis is NATO’s role in peace-enforcement in the former Yugoslavia. It examines how NATO dealt with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. Specifically, how NATO managed to re-establish its relevance as a security organisation. NATO’s military intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were crucial in securing the end of hostilities in both those regions. NATO’s Implementation Force (IFOR), Stabilisation Force (SFOR) and Kosovo Force (KFOR) all played significant roles in subsequent peace-enforcement and peace-building roles in the region by suppressing violence through power projection and institution building. In 2001, NATO undertook a third operation in the Balkans, that time of a more limited nature, disarming ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. NATO’s presence there also encouraged stability. This thesis argues that, ultimately, NATO maintained its relevance by the establishing a new role for itself after the Cold War through Eastward expansion and in suppressing ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Both these roles have been successful. The decisive interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and FYROM forced the belligerents to stop fighting. NATO’s subsequent enforcement of the peace has stopped each conflict from flaring up again. With NATO membership now including most of Europe, it remains the only viable security organisation on the continent. NATO’s effectiveness as a security organisation was demonstrated with its ability to end the conflict in the Balkans and providing a stable environment for the people of the region. This intervention was crucial to the definition of a new role for NATO in the post-Cold War world.http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1320482
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics 2008
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Ljubic, Maria Christina. "Recognition Denied: An Examination of UK and US Foreign Policy towards the Republic of Croatia." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4593.
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This thesis examines the development of decision making taken by two countries, the United Kingdom and the United States, in response to Croatia’s declaration of independence from Yugoslavia. The focus is on the recognition process and the reasoning and rationale used by the government officials and diplomats of the United Kingdom and United States to arrive at their policy decisions and opinions. The concentration is mainly on events from the early 1990s until mid 1992. Topics explored include matters such the politics behind non-recognition, democratic social norms, respect for human rights and Western national interests.
The thesis first hypothesizes, then analyses, which International Relations theory, that is, realism or constructivism, possesses the best capacity explain why these nations initially withheld their recognition of Croatia’s independence before moving to accept the Republic of Croatia as an independent state. The role of the International Relations theories is to offer an interpretation and understanding of these events and decisions. Subsequently, they are judged on their ability to do so. The thesis finds that via the insight of scholars, analysts and theoretical perspectives that both the John Major government of the UK and the George H.W. Bush Administration of the United States behaved mostly according to realist principles, with some instances of constructivist manner.Graduate
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cljubic9@gmail.com