Academic literature on the topic 'Ethnic conflict – Bulgaria'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Bulgaria"
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DeDominicis, Benedict E. "The Bulgarian ethnic model: post-1989 Bulgarian ethnic conflict resolution." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 3 (May 2011): 441–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.565317.
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Bulgarian majority and Turkish minority relations have remained peaceful in the post Communist era despite a significant potential for civil strife. These antagonisms were a product of Bulgaria's historical political development. The most recent episode of forced assimilation policies under the Communist regime was a critical grievance contributing to the democratic transition in 1989. Unlike in neighboring Yugoslavia, communal ethnic conflict did not escalate to violence with political liberalization and the emergence of democratic political competition. A critical factor in the political formula for maintaining interethnic peace in Bulgaria has been Turkey's comparatively constrained behavior as a “motherland state” with regard to the Turkish Diaspora in Bulgaria.
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Katunin, D. A. "Language in Bulgarian Legislation." Rusin, no. 62 (2020): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/62/11.
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The article aims to analyse Bulgaria’s provisions of the laws and international treaties that regulate the use and functioning of languages in the country since the restoration of the Bulgarian statehood at the end of the 19th century to the present day (that is, monarchical, socialist and modern periods). The evolution of this aspect of the Bulgarian national law is analysed depending on the form of government in the particular era of the state’s existence. The article examines Bulgaria’s relations with neighboring Balkan countries throughout their development, including numerous wars, which were primarily based on attempts to solve ethnic problems. Based on the results of the censuses of the population of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia, data are provided on the dynamics of the absolute and relative number of Bulgarians and major national minorities and on the number of those who indicated their native languages. The significance of the study is due to the fact that the Balkan Peninsula, although being on the periphery of current processes in the modern geopolitical paradigm, not being their actor and being divided into a dozen states, still played and is playing one of the leading roles in the European and world histories. The study of language legislation, as one of the key elements of language policy, makes it possible to identify a variety of aspects of interethnic relations both in the historical, retrospective and long-term perspective. In addition, the study of this issue may be in demand when considering interethnic conflict situations in other problem areas. The article concludes that the language legislation of Bulgaria is characterized by significant minimalism in comparison with similar aspects of law in many European countries, and the linguistic rights of national minorities in Bulgaria are minimally reflected in the considered laws of the state.
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Ganev, Venelin I. "History, Politics, and the Constitution: Ethnic Conflict and Constitutional Adjudication in Postcommunist Bulgaria." Slavic Review 63, no. 1 (2004): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1520270.
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Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.
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Ragaru, Nadege. "Islam in Post-Communist Bulgaria: An Aborted “Clash of Civilizations”?" Nationalities Papers 29, no. 2 (June 2001): 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120053755.
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During the first years of the Bulgarian transition to democracy, all indicators seemed to point towards an impending explosion of interethnic hatred. Located at the crossroads of Islam and Christianity, this predominantly Orthodox country harbors a 13.1% strong Muslim minority, which was subjected to forcible assimilation under communist rule. The assimilation policy reached a climax in 1984–1985, when around 800,000 Bulgarian Turks were forced to renounce their Turkish-Arabic names in favor of Slavic patronyms within the framework of the so-called “Revival Process,” a campaign that aimed at precipitating the unification of the Bulgarian nation. Far from achieving the intended result, the authorities' move not only fostered a reassertion of distinct ethnic and religious identification among the Turks, but also succeeded in durably upsetting intercommunitarian relationships. Significantly, the Communist Party's announcement on 29 December 1989 that it would restore Muslim rights met with sharp resistance in mixed areas, where large-scale Bulgarian protests rapidly gathered momentum. Against this background, in 1990–1991, few analysts would have predicted that Bulgaria could avoid religious conflict, especially as the country was faced with growing regional instability and a belated shift to a market economy—two conditions often said to be conducive to the exacerbation of ethnic tensions.
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Dragostinova, Theodora. "Navigating Nationality in the Emigration of Minorities between Bulgaria and Greece, 1919—1941." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 2 (April 29, 2009): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408326787.
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The 1919 Convention for Emigration of Minorities between Bulgaria and Greece was an important prototype for minority handling and population exchange in Eastern Europe after World War I. Based on research in Bulgarian and Greek archives, this article offers a comparative analysis of the conflicting pursuits of the two countries and the multiple opinions of various groups affected by displacement. Despite the optimism of the League of Nations that the Convention would solve ethnic conflict by bolstering individual rights, people's unwillingness to prioritize nationality undermined the execution of voluntary exchange. Instead, emigration occurred as an “actual exchange,” and refugees fled their birthplaces under harsh circumstances. Yet individuals inventively navigated their nationality and often defied the priorities of the nation-states to further their personal strategies. Because of the failure of this first international experiment of voluntary exchange in Eastern Europe, future proponents of population management adopted the principle of compulsory exchange.
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Galbreath, David J. "Ethnonationalist Conflict in Postcommunist States. Varieties of Governance in Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Kosovo. National and Ethnic Conflict in the Twenty-First Century." Europe-Asia Studies 67, no. 5 (May 28, 2015): 833–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2015.1042676.
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Vasileva, Darina. "Bulgarian Turkish Emigration and Return." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 342–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600209.
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The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.
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Ongarova, Y. "Karadeniz’de Güç Dengesi." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 138, no. 1 (2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-138-1-108-116.
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In the research article titled «Balance of Power in the Black Sea» was analyzed the balance of power in the Black Sea, which emerged because of the geopolitical changes and the geo-strategic moves of the superpowers after the Cold War. In the backyard of the political events that took place in the Black Sea riparian countries (political crisis in Ukraine, the war in Georgia) until today, the games of the superpowers to dominate the Black Sea and not to lose the balance of power lie. After Turkey, Bulgaria and Romania after the Cold War joined the Western powers as NATO members. On the other hand, conflicts arose because Russia did not want Georgia and Ukraine to turn to the West in the same way. Because Russia continues to maintain the balance of power in the Black Sea thanks to Georgia and Ukraine. If Russia loses the balance of power, Russian security in the Black Sea may be shaken. The West has successfully secured itself in this regard. Georgia and Ukraine attempts made by the West with the aim of pushing Russia into a corner emphasized that Russia will not remain silent in any way. By incorporating Crimea into its territory, Ukraine secured its military base on the Crimean Peninsula and used its energy trump cards for Ukraine. The Georgian leader failed because of his move to be closer to the West and even caused ethnic conflict in the country. Sakashvili’s position in power has been shaken. As a result, the West issue was closed. So nowadays balance of power in the Black Sea continuing keeping its peace at the world.
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Horozova, Larisa, and Serghei Horozov. "Peculiarities of interethnic perception of the gagauz and bulgarians in the Republic of Moldova." Moldoscopie, no. 3(94) (February 2022): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.3(94).09.
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Moldova is a multi-ethnic state. One third of the country’s population is national minorities, including the Gagauz and Bulgarians. There is material evidence in history that negative stereotypes and conflicts existed between two ethnic groups in the region in the early 19th century. But over time, relations between the Gagauz and Bulgarians lost their former acuteness. The article substantiates the need to study ethnic heterostereotypes of the Gagauz and Bulgarians as a brandtheir ethnic identity. The results of the conducted empirical study of ethnic heterostereotypes of the Bulgarian and Gagauz youth prove that in the sphere of intergroup perception, these ethnic groups have a problem - distance from each other. There is a certain tension in the relationship between the Gagauz and Bulgarians, which manifests itself in a hidden, smoldering form. It is expressed in social competition, achieved by ethnocentric evaluative comparison of one’s own and another’s group in favor of one’s own. But, nevertheless, they also have a powerful resource - a positive ethnic identity, which includes not only a positive self-identification, but also a positive image. The authors conclude that it is necessary to strengthen the positive ethnic identity of the Gagauz and Bulgarian youth. Increasing intercultural communication and competence is the main way to bring these two closely adjacent ethnic groups closer together.
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Shanduorkov, George. "Terrorism in Bulgaria." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000145.
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AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Bulgaria"
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Alptekin, Huseyin. "Explaining ethnopolitical mobilization : ethnic incorporation and mobilization patterns in Bulgaria, Cyprus, Turkey, and beyond." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24979.
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Why do some ethnic groups mobilize in violent ways whereas some others mobilize by using peaceful methods? And why do some ethnic groups seek integration while some others pursue separatist goals? This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to answer these questions. It suggests that a state’s ethnic incorporation policies shape both why (centripetal or centrifugal aims) and how (peaceful or violent methods) ethnic groups mobilize. It argues that (1) consocitionalism recognizes ethnic groups and grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet limits individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels of political participation; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centrifugal ethnic mobilizations; (2) liberal multiculturalism recognizes ethnic groups, grants a degree of political autonomy to them, and allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centripetal mobilizations; (3) civic assimilationism neither recognizes ethnic groups nor grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and therefore it leads to peaceful and centripetal mobilizations of groups which lack pre-existing ethnic mobilization; but it leads to moderately violent and centrifugal mobilizations of groups which have strong pre-existing ethnic mobilizations; and (4) ethnocracies neither recognize ethnic groups nor grant a degree of political autonomy to them, and they also limit individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels. Therefore, they lead to centrifugal and violent ethnic mobilizations. The dissertation uses a mixed method research design. The hypotheses are tested based on the Minorities at Risk data as well as the case studies of ethnic Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus, and Kurds and the Roma in Turkey. The case studies benefit from an extensive field research in Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Turkey using original interviews with former and current guerillas, guerilla families, political activists, and politicians from each ethnic group under scrutiny and archival research on newspapers and legal documents. The findings indicate that politics of ethnic accommodation are not only an explanation for the causes of different ethnic mobilization patterns, but also a feasible remedy for ethnic disputes spanning all over the world.text
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KOINOVA, Maria. "Degrees of ethno-national violence : the cases of Kosovo, Macedonia and Bulgaria after the end of communism." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5304.
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Defence date: 23 September 2005Examining board: Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute, supervisor) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka (Oxford University/European University Institute) ; Prof. Ivo Banac (Yale University, external co-supervisor) ; Prof. Stefano Bianchini (University of Bologna)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Bulgaria"
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Ethnonationalist conflict in postcommunist states: Varieties of governance in Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Kosovo. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
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Democratisation and the prevention of violent conflict: Lessons learned from Bulgaria and Macedonia. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub., 2008.
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Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question. Praeger Publishers, 2002.
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Ethnic Entrepreneurs Unmasked: Political Institutions and Ethnic Conflicts in Contemporary Bulgaria. ibidem-Verlag, 2018.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Bulgaria"
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Tafradjiski, Borislav, Detelin Radoeva, and Douhomir Minev. "The Ethnic Conflict In Bulgaria: History and Current Problems." In Ethnicity and Conflict in a Post-Communist World, 209–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22213-1_14.
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Dimitrova, Dimìtrina. "The Influence of Command Style Administration on Ethnic Conflict in Bulgaria." In Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Identity, 395–402. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315125091-17.
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McCarthy, Justin. "British Politicians and Macedonia." In The British and the Turks, 169–208. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399500043.003.0005.
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Foreign Secretaries Lansdowne and Grey worked to remove Macedonia from Ottoman rule. They planned to apply what were styled as “coercive measures” to force the Ottomans to comply. They were thwarted by Austria and Russia, who submitted less restrictive measures (Vienna Plan and Mürsteg Proposals). These would have allowed the Ottomans limited control over Macedonia, over vehement British objections. The situation in Macedonia grew worse as Greece and Serbia joined the conflict, each supporting rebels from their own ethnic group. The Europeans were never able to quell the troubles in Macedonia, because they decided the problem was the need of Ottoman reform. They put all the pressure on the Ottomans, including restricting Ottoman military action against the rebels, but they put no pressure on the Bulgarians, Greeks, and Serbs who armed and gave safe havens to the rebels. As it had in Eastern Anatolia, Ottoman financial weakness stood in the way of reform. Throughout the conflict, the British acted against Ottoman interests. The British stood against customs tariff increases that would have aided the Ottoman exchequer. British government leaders deceived parliament and the public on events in the Ottoman Empire. In the end, the Europeans abandoned the intractable Macedonian problem.
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Zachar Podolinská, Tatiana. "Traces of the Mary in Post-Communist Europe." In Traces of the Virgin Mary in Post-Communist Europe, 16–55. Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, VEDA, Publishing House of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31577/2019.9788022417822.16-55.
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The Virgin Mary as such cannot be examined scientifically. We can, however, examine her ‘apparitions’ in the world, as well as the innumerable variants of Marian devotion and cult. This volume focuses on her manifestations in the post-Communist region with some geographical spillovers. It is either because post-Communist transformation concerned not only the former socialist countries, but also had an impact on the entire European region and was part of the overall post-modern and post-Communist reconfiguration of the European area. Another factor is that Marian worship is not controlled by political borders of present-day nation states. It has a wider transnational potential and impact. Nevertheless, we focused our viewfinder primarily on the post-Communist region, as we believe that thanks to its geographical and symbolic location and economic position in Europe, as well as its historical roots and traditions and common Communist history and heritage, it not only shows different traits of modernity compared to ‘Western Europe’, but we also face specific features and forms of worshipping of the Virgin Mary. We therefore decided to present in this volume the traces of the Virgin Mary by means of more in-depth analyses from selected countries of the post-socialist region. By means of this publication, we can observe how the Virgin Mary is manifested in the faces of seers and pilgrims and how audio-visual means are becoming a direct part of Marian apparitions in Germany in the modern era (H. Knoblauch and S. Petschke); how she speaks through the mouth of a blind Roma woman and pacifies the ethnic and religious tensions between various groups in Romania (L. Peti); how she attributes meaning to meaningless places on the map by reallocating her presence through the geo- graphical and time distribution of Marian dedications in Slovakia (J. Majo); how, after the fall of Communism, she revitalises the old places of her cult with new power, bringing together traditional and non-traditional forms of worship in the secular Czech Lands (M. Holubová); how her messages are spread on the websites of new non-traditional Marian movements and how their apocalyptical warnings are being updated and localised into the specific national environment in Czechia (V. Tutr); how she addresses the readers of Marian literature differently on the shelves of book- stores in Slovakia and Austria (R. Kečka); but also how the Virgin Mary absorbs ultra-modern millennial and spiritualistic concepts of Mother Earth and Mother of the Universe, becoming the speak- er of the great unified Hungarian nation (J. Kis-Halas); how she is becoming the re-discovered herald of Serbian national identity (A. Pavićević); how she absorbs the local forms of faith and folk Christianity in modern era and is thus the manifestation of grass- root Christianity and local religious culture in Bulgaria (V. Baeva and A. Georgieva); and how the path from a private to an officially recognised apparition depends not only on the Virgin Mary and the seer, but also on the overall constellation of the audience and the ability to offer a religious ready-made event (T. Zachar Podolinská and L. Peti). This publication observes the current diversity of the forms of Marian devotion in post-Communist countries through different national and geographically defined contours and, in particular, the ability of the Virgin Mary to satisfy the hunger for modern spirituality and authentic religiousness, give voice to unofficial and popular religions, revitalise and redefine old places of cult and add new ones, appease war conflicts, speak out on behalf of nations and marginalised ethnic groups, and guard national and conservative values. The post-modern and post-Communist Mary thus restores ruptured traditions with love and enchants the violently atheised European region with new miracles and apparitions, regardless of whether top Church and state representatives like it or not.
Conference papers on the topic "Ethnic conflict – Bulgaria"
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Sözen, İlyas, Fatih Çam, and Volkan Öngel. "European Union Migration Relations: An Analysis Focused on Macedonia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01033.
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In the research, the process of the European Union, a candidate, a new member and a negotiating country’s migration experiences are compared (Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey). The results of this study are thought to be very important for Macedonia, which is not already negotiating for EU membership, in that it presents the difficulties Macedonia is facing on the way to EU membership. As for the methodology, after the theoretical descriptions which define the borders of the subject are done, economic, politic-legality and social dimensions of international migration are examined. Looked from this point of view, in this study, it is foreseen that becoming an EU member can be a solution to primarily migration “issues” and ethnic conflicts. In the evaluation of the findings which seem to support this hypothesis, the changes seen in the immigration and emigration dynamics of Bulgaria after it was admitted to EU are accepted as valuable data which determine the motivation of this study.
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Tutui, Marian. "Divan film festival or the story of a big small festival of cinematographic and culinary art in the Balkans." In Patrimoniul cultural: cercetare, valorificare, promovare. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975351379.16.
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In 2010 a small festival on Balkan cuisine and cinema, leaving aside the competition and prizes, endeavored to promote a unifying perspective on the cinema of 10 nations: Balkan film studies. It is the merit of the great writer and recently chef Mircea Dinescu, of the amazing settlement on the banks of the Danube, where the borders of Romania, Bulgaria and Serbia meet, of some serious scholars, as well as of the great value of the Balkan films of the last decades that imposed the expression “Balkan film”. Paradoxically, while ethnic conflicts have provoked terrible experiences for the inhabitants of the Balkans and erected new borders, the filmmakers seem to have benefited from the authentic drama and have learned to better address the surrounding nations as well.