Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethnic and national identity'

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1

Wijk, Jonna. "National – Local – Ethnic or Religious Identity?" Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-4181.

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Tanzania is amongst other things known for its ethnic diversity. In 1987 it was established that Tanzania had 130 different African ethnic groups. Despite the ethnic diversity Tanzania is successful in acceptance and famous for being a country in peace. Peoples identity creation is a constantly evolving process and is therefore difficult to define and categorize. Despite that this essay aims to get an understanding of Tanzanians cultural integration. How do people define themselves in terms of their own identity? What matter the most, is it religion, the local or national community? How important is the ethnic inheritance in the urban society? Is it one or more of these categorizations that people have a stronger connection to. How important is the language and the ability to communicate with each other to maintain a peaceful stability? These questions where asked to inhabitants of the town Babati which is situated in the northern parts of Tanzania. The interviews took place during a three week long field study February – March 2010.
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2

Arslan-akfirat, Serap. "Strategic National/ethnic Identity Construction: The Northern Cyprus Case." Phd thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12609735/index.pdf.

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Present dissertation aims to achieve three related objectives. First, it is aimed at investigating the theoretical view of Reicher and Hopkins (2001) that some people called &lsquo
identity entrepreneurs&rsquo
actively try to re-define the limits and the contents of the social categories. For this purpose social political milieu of Northern Cyprus is chosen as it is intended to achieve the ingroup members&rsquo
support by portraying national/ethnic identity constructions of National Unity Party, which acknowledges supporting the independence of Turkish Republic of North Cyprus and the Republican Turkish Party, which acknowledges supporting the unification of Cyprus. In accordance with the first objective, the official documents of two parties were analyzed by Structural Analysis of Group Arguments (SAGA) technique. The results confirm that the definitions of Northern Cypriots, the Cyprus Problem, the solutions of the problem, and collective threats and interests were constructed by these parties in the service of their own political projects. Second study purposes to explore the identity constructions of lay Northern Cypriots in order to investigate the relationship between political and lay constructions. By the second objective 19 Turkish Cypriots who were not involved in politics actively (classified as anti and pro-integrationists iv based on their votes at the Referenda of Annan Plan) were interviewed. The results indicate that the lay Northern Cypriots narrated three identities when defining themselves as &lsquo
Turkish&rsquo
, &lsquo
Turkish Cypriots&rsquo
and &lsquo
Cypriots&rsquo
, each of which implicated different constructions of the Cyprus problem, its possible solutions, and perceptions of collective threats and interests. All the constructions were made in accordance with their identity definitions and their votes at the referenda. The analysis also shows that the political and lay constructions are convergent at a great extent. Lastly, present work aims at investigating the relationship between national/ethnic identities and collective projects, quantitatively. Regarding the third objective a questionnaire study was conducted in North Cyprus, with 206 participants. The data confirmed the model, which proposed that social identities (Turkish, Turkish Cypriots and Cypriots) influenced attitudes towards unification through perceived collective interests and threats.
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3

Ling, Hock Shen. "Negotiating Malaysian Chinese Ethnic and National Identity Across Borders." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1226957088.

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4

Fleming, Michael. "National minorities in post-Communist Poland : constructing identity." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391058.

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5

Nylund, Jukka. "Yugoslavia: from Space to Utopia : Negotiating national and ethnic identity amongst Serbian migrants from former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Religion and Culture, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5638.

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In the 60’s and 70’s a large group of Yugoslav migrants came to Sweden in search for jobs. These people mostly belonged to the generation born after the Second World War, a generation brought up in the official discourse of “Brotherhood and Unity”. A discourse downplaying ethnic differences in favour of a national identification. With the break-up of Yugoslavia in the early 1990’s their Yugoslav national identity was beginning to be contested. The Serb migrants had to redefine themselves due to the changing situation and to replace or redefine their Yugoslav identities. This paper presents a case study for three individuals in this group and how they defined themselves before the break-up and how they handled the break-up. It presents how they today look upon Yugoslavia and how that place has changed meaning in their everyday narratives. The question I try to answer is whether someone can call himself Yugoslav when Yugoslavia no longer exists, and how the image of Yugoslavia has changed due to the break-up. I show that the image of Yugoslavia is still very much alive but this image has turned from a place in physical space to a place in their narratives, close to Foucault’s definition of a Utopian place. A place in their minds, perfected in form. They still call themselves Yugoslavs, if the social context allows that, they still use the term to relate to their origin and in discussions of place.

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6

Batterton, Jessica. "Contextual Identities: Ethnic, National, and Cosmopolitan Identities in International and American Student Roommates." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1428683632.

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7

Martin, Nicole. "Discrimination and ethnic group identity as explanations of British ethnic minority political behaviour." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22c28eef-4f30-4174-89f9-392b4ab7bc1d.

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This thesis looks at the role of discrimination and ethnic group identity as explanations of political behaviour of ethnic minorities in Britain. Chapter 2 examines vote choice and partisanship, arguing that a group utility heuristic explains the high level of support for the Labour party among ethnic minorities. I provide individual-level evidence of this heuristic by showing that ethnic minority voters support the Labour party to the extent that they are (i) conscious of the experiences of their ethnic group members with regards to discrimination, and (ii) believe that the Labour party is the best political party to represent their interests. These two attitudes mediate the effects of group-level inequalities. Chapter 3 asks whether Muslims are alienated from mainstream politics by Islamophobia and British military intervention in Muslim countries. I find that perceptions of Islamophobia are linked with greater political alienation, to a greater likelihood of non-electoral participation, but also to a lesser likelihood of voting. Likewise, disapproval of the war in Afghanistan is associated with greater political alienation and a greater likelihood of some types of non-electoral participation. I also provide strong evidence that Muslims in Britain experience more religious discrimination than adherents of other minority religions. Chapter 4 considers the interaction between the extreme right and ethnic minority political attitudes and behaviour. I find evidence that the extreme right British National Party (BNP) increases voting for the Labour party, at the expense of minor parties and abstention. Surprisingly, the BNP effect also benefits the other main parties. Although they do not benefit in increased vote share, Liberal Democrat and Conservative party and leader evaluations are more positive where the BNP stood and performed better in 2010, which I suggest is due to the electoral contrast provided by the BNP. Chapter 5 looks at the mobilisation effect of ethnic minority candidates on ethnic minority voters. I find a positive mobilisation effect of Pakistani and Muslim Labour candidates on Pakistani and Muslim voters, conditional on someone trying to convince the respondent how to vote. I also find a demobilisation effect of Labour Muslim candidates on Sikh voters.
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8

Pelletier, Robert. "Becoming Taiwanese Muslims: Ethnic, National, and Religious Identity Transformations in a Muslim Minority." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31554.

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This research project is focused on contemporary identity issues facing Muslim Mainlanders in Taiwan. Muslim Mainlanders are an ethnic subgroup of the Mainlanders who fled to Taiwan after the communist take-over of China. This project argues that multiple communal identities interact and are pragmatically used by Muslim Mainlanders depending on social context. Specifically, ethnicity, nationality and religion are identities which individuals understand according to unique social experiences. This research provides an opportunity to update the literature on the Islamic community in Taipei. The thesis argues that global processes are causing an Islamic revival. This transformation is occurring alongside the movement of Mainlanders to identify as Taiwanese. Both movements are nationalistic because they provide opportunities to move beyond a heritage which originates in China. Ce projet de recherche se concentre sur les questions d'identité auxquels est confrontée la Continentaux musulmans à Taiwan. Continentaux musulmans sont un sous-groupe ethnique des Continentaux qui ont fui à Taiwan après la prise de contrôle communiste de la Chine. Ce projet fait valoir que plusieurs identités communautaires interagissent et sont utilisés de façon pragmatique par Continentaux musulmans selon le contexte social. Plus précisément, l'origine ethnique, la nationalité et la religion sont des identités dont les individus comprennent selon les expériences sociales uniques. Cette recherche offre la possibilité de mettre à jour la documentation sur la communauté islamique à Taipei. La thèse soutient que les processus mondiaux sont à l'origine d'un renouveau islamique. Cette transformation se produit aux côtés du mouvement des Continentaux à s'identifier comme taiwanais. Les deux mouvements sont nationalistes, car ils offrent des possibilités d'aller au-delà d'un patrimoine qui est originaire de Chine.
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9

Koroma, Charles, and Umaru Kamara. "Understanding Ethnic Identity in relation to National Identity : From the perspective of second generation young adults with foreign background." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-20941.

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The main purpose of this study was to explore how second-generation young adults with foreign background understand their ethnic identities and how they relate to their national identities. Semi-structured interviews with 7 second-generation young adults with foreign background were conducted. The basis for our analysis was social identity theory, identity theory and previous research. As the result shows, the participants in this study had developed an understanding of their ethnic identities in relation to their national identities based on influential factors. The influential factors that elicited these understandings of their ethnic identities in relation to their national identities were: influential people and cultural influences. On the basis of these influential factors, it had become easier for some participants to identify themselves more with their ethnic identities. However, for other participants, the understanding of their ethnic identities did not influence their feelings of belongingness to the host society, which means they have considered themselves to belong to both their ethnic and national identities. For those participants who could not identify themselves with both their ethnic identities and relate to their national identities chose to identify themselves with something else, which in this case religion.
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10

Jaspal, Rusi. "The construction and management of national and ethnic identities among British South Asians : an identity process theory approach." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/9040ef6f-bf26-bdbd-d136-475a01758123/9/.

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Through the lens of identity process theory, the present thesis explores: (i) the qualitative nature of British national and ethnic attachments and their respective outcomes for identity processes among British South Asians (BSA); and (ii) the impact of media representations for identification and identity processes. In study I, 20 first generation South Asians (FGSA) were interviewed regarding identity, national and ethnic group memberships and inter-ethnic relations. The results revealed that (i) social representations of the ethnic 'homeland' could accentuate national attachment, but that both national and ethnic identities could have positive outcomes for identity processes in distinct social contexts; (ii) the phenomenological importance of 'special moments' and family identity can shape and accentuate national identification; (iii) ethnic and national identities are strategically 'managed' in order to achieve psychological coherence. In study II, 20 second generation South Asians (SGSA) were interviewed regarding similar issues. The results revealed that (i) SGSAs' awareness of the hardship faced by FGSA in the early stages of migration could induce disidentification with Britishness and accentuate identification with the ethnic group; (ii) the Press may be regarded as excluding BSA from Britishness; (iii) SGSA may manifest hybridised identities to enhance psychological coherence. In study III, a sample of 50 tabloid articles regarding BSA was analysed qualitatively. The results revealed that (i) BSA are constructed as 'deviating' from self-aspects of Britishness; (ii) BSA may be represented in terms of a hybridised threat to the ethno-national ingroup. Study IV investigated some of the findings of the previous studies quantitatively. The questionnaire was administered to 215 BSA. A series of statistical analyses confirmed (i) the impact of negative media representations of one's ethnic group for identity processes; (ii) the accentuation of ethnic identity and attenuation of British national identity as a result of exposure to negative media representations; (iii) a weaker national attachment among British Pakistanis than British Indians. It is argued that levels of British national and ethnic identities will likely fluctuate in accordance with social and temporal context and that BSA will make strategic use of both identities in order to optimise identity processes.
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11

Boikhutso, Keene. "Ethnic identity in a 'Homogeneous' Nation State." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7768.

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This thesis adopts a two thronged approach to explore the two components of the common wisdom in Botswana. Firstly, it tests the claim by the common wisdom that Botswana is inherently homogeneous. That 90% of the population either speaks Setswana or belongs to Setswana speaking tribes. Secondly, it tests the fact that this perceived homogeneity connect to the countryâs democratic, economic and political success. The study uses existing Afrobarometer survey data drawn from Rounds 1 (1999), 2 (2003) and 3 (2005) Afrobarometer survey data to test both claims about Botswanaâs homogeneity thesis. The findings of this study reveal that the first part of the common wisdom is confirmed especially when using language âspoken most at home.âHowever, it is disconfirmed when using âhome language.â It is also shown that when using tribe (a putatively objective) and social identity (a more subjective) dimension of ethnicity, the level of ethnic diversity in Botswana is much higher than the common wisdom suggests. This is more apparent when language and tribe are broken down according to district and rural-urban location. It seems that minority groups are distributed across and also concentrated in certain parts of the country. With regard to the second part of the common wisdom, the results point out that difference in language, tribe and social identity exist. However, these are not politicized and not aligned with key political factors of national identity, interpersonal trust, political participation, voting and government legitimacy. There are no important politically relevant cleavages structures in Botswana. This study concludes by proposing that, it may be this lack of politicization of identity, rather than the putative homogeneity of the country, that accounts for Botswanaâs record of development and democracy.
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12

Masella, Paolo. "The role of ethnic diversity and education in determining national identity and political behaviour." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2014/.

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The process of individual identity formation is still an enigma, as is the capacity of public bodies to intervene in it. This thesis is the first to take a step in this direction. Using individual data from the World Value Survey, the second chapter presents several findings on the relationship between national sentiment and ethnic diversity. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we find no evidence of a lower intensity of national sentiment in more ethnically fragmented countries or in minority groups. National feelings in a minority can be higher or lower than in a majority, depending on the degree of ethnic diversity of a country. On the one hand, in countries with high ethnic polarization, minorities have weaker national sentiments than majorities; on the other hand, in countries with low ethnic polarization, the reverse is true. We then develop a model of national identity formation that is consistent with the facts presented in the empirical section. As a second step, using survey data from Catalonia, we estimate the impact on identity of the 1983 educational reform, by which the education system became bilingual, and Catalan, together with Spanish, was taught in schools. Using within and between cohort variation in exposure to the Catalan language at school, the results show that individuals who have experienced greater exposure to teaching in Catalan are more likely to say that they feel more Catalan than Spanish. In the subsequent chapter, we study the effect of the Catalan reform on political behaviour. We find that the change in the educational system stimulated turnout and changed the political choices of the agents.
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13

Litsure, Henrique Francisco. "A identidade TSONGA-CHANGANA no contexto da identidade Nacional Moçambicana:construção e representação." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20221.

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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais, especialidade de História dos Factos Sociais
Esta tese sobre a identidade tsonga-changana no contexto da identidade nacional moçambicana, procura interpretar criticamente o processo de integração da diversidade social de natureza étnica, no projecto nacional moçambicano moderno em definição. A mesma toma como base o construtivismo social, adicionando-lhe ecleticamente várias contribuições teóricas desenvolvidas nas ciências sociais. Foram cruzados vários métodos qualitativos, especificamente os métodos histórico, sociológico e etnográfico, numa abordagem holística da realidade estudada. A pesquisa mostra que o processo de integração das diferentes identidades de natureza étnica no projecto da construção da nação ocorre a ritmos bastantes desacelerados. Da independência até 1990, verificou-se uma certa estagnação no processo da integração nacional, resultante das falhas da estratégia adoptada no processo da modernização do país, através da colectivização do campo, acompanhado pela ilegalização das instituições tradicionais. A estratégia de controlo social através da institucionalização dos Grupos Dinamizadores e implementação de guias de marcha pelo governo, também limitou a movimentação dos cidadãos dentro do território nacional, provocando a estagnação do processo de integração social horizontal muito importante para a unidade nacional. Depois desse período de hostilização das instituições tradicionais pelo Estado, no início da década de 1990 verifica-se uma mudança. O Estado iniciou um processo, embora lento de reconhecimento das autoridades comunitárias, através da Lei nº 3/94, revogado pela Lei nº 2/97 e, depois pelo Decreto 15/2000. Porém, aqui não se trata da integração destas autoridades no aparelho do Estado, mas apenas seu reconhecimento como entidades que existem, como órgãos de consulta. E, ao se deixar as instituições locais à margem do aparelho do Estado, deixa-se igualmente as culturas dos grupos que as reproduzem, à margem do projecto nacional. Assim sendo, a integração da identidade étnica tsonga-changana no projecto da construção da nação continua ainda em processo de definição.
This thesis on Tsonga-Changana identity in the context of Mozambican national identity intends to critically interpret the process of integrating ethnic social diversity into the modern Mozambican national project in definition. It is based on social constructivism, eclectically adding to it, several theoretical contributions developed in the social sciences. Several qualitative methods were combined, specifically the historical, sociological and ethnographic methods, in a holistic approach to the studied phenomenon. The research shows that the process of integrating different ethnic identities into the nation's construction project occurs at very depressed paces. From the independence until 1990, there has been some stagnation in the process of national integration resulting from the failures of the strategy adopted in the process of modernizing the country through the filed collectivization, accompanied by the illegalization of the traditional institutions. The social surveillance strategy through the institutionalization of the Dynamising Groups and the implementation of the route plans by the government also limited the movement of citizens within the national territory causing the stagnation of the horizontal social integration process, which is very important for national unity. After this period, in the early 1990s, the state initiated a process, although slow, of the recognition of community authorities, through Law No. 3/94, repealed by Law No. 2/97 and then by Decree 15/2000. However, this is not about the integration of these authorities into the state apparatus, but only their recognition as entities that exist, such as advisory bodies. And when leaving the local institutions on the sidelines of the state apparatus, the culture of that group is also left on the margins of the national project. Therefore, the integration of ethnic identity tsonga-changana in the project of the nation's construction still continues in the process of definition.
N/A
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14

Iqbal, Sahira. "Cultural identities of people of "mixed" backgrounds : racial, ethnic and national meanings in negotiation." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98937.

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This qualitative study aims to describe and understand the cultural identities of people of "mixed" backgrounds whose mother comes from one racial, ethnic or national background and whose father comes from another background. In-depth, individual interviews were conducted with nine people of "mixed" backgrounds in order to understand the meanings that particular racial, ethnic or national labels have for them and how those meanings are constructed. My analysis is shaped by the works of Hall (1996, 2003), Taylor (1989, 1992) and Bourdieu (1986, 1990) among others. The participants claimed multiple labels in ambivalent ways. They spoke about what they know or do not know about the culture, connections to people and places, languages and customs, physical features and values. They take on various positionings depending on the discourses that are available and the meanings that they negotiate in their daily encounters. I conclude with the implications the findings may have for policymakers, identity politics and educators and with future research directions.
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15

Lampert, Jo Ann. "The whole world shook: shifts in ethnic, national and heroic identities in children's fiction about 9/11." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16550/.

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Like many other cataclysmic events September 11, a day now popularly believed to have 'changed the world', has become a topic taken up by children's writers. This thesis, titled The Whole World Shook: Ethnic, National and Heroic Identities in Children's Fiction About 9/11, examines how cultural identities are constructed within fictional texts for young people written about the attacks on the Twin Towers. It identifies three significant identity categories encoded in 9/11 books for children: ethnic identities, national identities, and heroic identities. The thesis argues that the identities formed within the selected children's texts are in flux, privileging performances of identities that are contingent on post-9/11 politics. This study is located within the field of children's literature criticism, which supports the understanding that children's books, like all texts, play a role in the production of identities. Children's literature is highly significant both in its pedagogical intent (to instruct and induct children into cultural practices and beliefs) and in its obscurity (in making the complex simple enough for children, and from sometimes intentionally shying away from difficult things). This literary criticism informed the study that the texts, if they were to be written at all, would be complex, varied and most likely as ambiguous and contradictory as the responses to the attacks on New York themselves. The theoretical framework for this thesis draws on a range of critical theories including literary theory, cultural studies, studies of performativity and postmodernism. This critical framework informs the approach by providing ways for: (i) understanding how political and ideological work is performed in children's literature; (ii) interrogating the constructed nature of cultural identities; (iii) developing a nuanced methodology for carrying out a close textual analysis. The textual analysis examines a representative sample of children's texts about 9/11, including picture books, young adult fiction, and a selection of DC Comics. Each chapter focuses on a different though related identity category. Chapter Four examines the performance of ethnic identities and race politics within a sample of picture books and young adult fiction; Chapter Five analyses the construction of collective, national identities in another set of texts; and Chapter Six does analytic work on a third set of texts, demonstrating the strategic performance of particular kinds of heroic identities. I argue that performances of cultural identities constructed in these texts draw on familiar versions of identities as well as contribute to new ones. These textual constructions can be seen as offering some certainties in increasingly uncertain times. The study finds, in its sample of books a co-mingling of xenophobia and tolerance; a binaried competition between good and evil and global harmony and national insularity; and a lauding of both the commonplace hero and the super-human. Being a recent corpus of texts about 9/11, these texts provide information on the kinds of 'selves' that appear to be privileged in the West since 2001. The thesis concludes that the shifting identities evident in texts that are being produced for children about 9/11 offer implicit and explicit accounts of what constitute good citizenship, loyalty to nation and community, and desirable attributes in a Western post-9/11 context. This thesis makes an original contribution to the field of children's literature by providing a focussed and sustained analysis of how texts for children about 9/11 contribute to formations of identity in these complex times of cultural unease and global unrest.
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16

Davis, Robert Chris. "Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.

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17

Lampert, Jo Ann. "The whole world shook: Shifts in ethnic, national and heroic identities in children's fiction about 9/11." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16550/1/Jo_Lambert_Thesis.pdf.

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Like many other cataclysmic events September 11, a day now popularly believed to have 'changed the world', has become a topic taken up by children's writers. This thesis, titled The Whole World Shook: Ethnic, National and Heroic Identities in Children's Fiction About 9/11, examines how cultural identities are constructed within fictional texts for young people written about the attacks on the Twin Towers. It identifies three significant identity categories encoded in 9/11 books for children: ethnic identities, national identities, and heroic identities. The thesis argues that the identities formed within the selected children's texts are in flux, privileging performances of identities that are contingent on post-9/11 politics. This study is located within the field of children's literature criticism, which supports the understanding that children's books, like all texts, play a role in the production of identities. Children's literature is highly significant both in its pedagogical intent (to instruct and induct children into cultural practices and beliefs) and in its obscurity (in making the complex simple enough for children, and from sometimes intentionally shying away from difficult things). This literary criticism informed the study that the texts, if they were to be written at all, would be complex, varied and most likely as ambiguous and contradictory as the responses to the attacks on New York themselves. The theoretical framework for this thesis draws on a range of critical theories including literary theory, cultural studies, studies of performativity and postmodernism. This critical framework informs the approach by providing ways for: (i) understanding how political and ideological work is performed in children's literature; (ii) interrogating the constructed nature of cultural identities; (iii) developing a nuanced methodology for carrying out a close textual analysis. The textual analysis examines a representative sample of children's texts about 9/11, including picture books, young adult fiction, and a selection of DC Comics. Each chapter focuses on a different though related identity category. Chapter Four examines the performance of ethnic identities and race politics within a sample of picture books and young adult fiction; Chapter Five analyses the construction of collective, national identities in another set of texts; and Chapter Six does analytic work on a third set of texts, demonstrating the strategic performance of particular kinds of heroic identities. I argue that performances of cultural identities constructed in these texts draw on familiar versions of identities as well as contribute to new ones. These textual constructions can be seen as offering some certainties in increasingly uncertain times. The study finds, in its sample of books a co-mingling of xenophobia and tolerance; a binaried competition between good and evil and global harmony and national insularity; and a lauding of both the commonplace hero and the super-human. Being a recent corpus of texts about 9/11, these texts provide information on the kinds of 'selves' that appear to be privileged in the West since 2001. The thesis concludes that the shifting identities evident in texts that are being produced for children about 9/11 offer implicit and explicit accounts of what constitute good citizenship, loyalty to nation and community, and desirable attributes in a Western post-9/11 context. This thesis makes an original contribution to the field of children's literature by providing a focussed and sustained analysis of how texts for children about 9/11 contribute to formations of identity in these complex times of cultural unease and global unrest.
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18

Baba, Zain Haida Binti. "Television news and building of national identity in Malaysia : a study on multi-ethnic youth and 1Malaysia." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/38820.

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This thesis contributes to the study of the role of communications in national development. It examines news item content used to promote a sense of common identity among Malaysians in the 1Malaysia media campaign and how different ethnically composed audiences negotiate the meanings offered in the media campaign material. The aim is to understand those patterns and structures in the broadcast campaign strategies to construct shared discursive positions on identity in Malaysia. To see whether these media discursive strategies are effective in addressing concerns and tensions in multi-ethnic Malaysia, the project combines this analysis of selective news content from the campaign together with findings from eight focus groups discussions with young multi-ethnic audiences of the campaign. The thesis investigates how the audiences' negotiate the campaign messages and the role that ‘ethnic background’ plays in shaping their engagement with its meanings. This study showed Malaysians accept in general the 1Malaysia concept, but each ethnic group in this country still have a narrow notion of the idea. Malaysians are still sceptical about the impact of the 1Malaysia over life and relationship among them. This study uncovers significant differences in the way audiences from different ethnic backgrounds read the same news content and argues therefore that social identities affect the interpretation of the campaign messages. This study, aligned with recent case studies in communication research, indicates that audiences are active and heterogeneous and informed specifically by understandings and experiences of living an ethnic identity in Malaysia, these challenge the discursive strategies and the wider campaign aim to build a single national identity.
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19

Gonzales, Rey Carlo Tan. "Filipino martial arts and the construction of Filipino national identity." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/filipino-martial-arts-and-the-construction-of-filipino-national-identity(62dc3e99-ad1a-46ea-936f-9a0c4bf196c0).html.

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This dissertation explores the construction of Filipino national identity by examining the Philippine national government’s appropriation of Filipino Martial Arts (FMA) between 1975 and 2010. FMA’s nationalization offers a window into the larger dynamics of nation-building in the Philippines. Having been colonized for nearly four centuries (1565-1946), the Philippine national government reified the Filipino nation by appropriating older symbols as national ones, and with the purpose of articulating a unique Filipino national identity. The nationalization of FMA is analyzed using Benedict Anderson’s constructivist interpretation of nations as ‘imagined communities’. The dissertation argues that in order to understand the logic behind the national government’s nation-building project using FMA, Filipino postcolonial anxieties over national identity (or their perceived lack of) must be taken into consideration. In this regard, FMA’s nationalization is engaged with Anthony Smith’s concept of the ethnie (ethnic community). Studying the history of how decentralized indigenous martial arts practice became institutionalized in FMA clubs, the dissertation finds that FMA as an ethnographic concept was formulated mainly since the 1970s in consonance with its commercialization, increasing popularity and nationalization. By looking at how national identity is represented in FMA films and in reconstructions of the national hero Lapulapu, the dissertation argues that FMA practitioners seek to highlight their localized identities by inserting their own symbols and interpretations into the national identity being articulated. This process, termed the ‘reverse appropriation’ of nationalism, was a way for FMA clubs to preserve their local institutions and identities from being totally consumed by the nationalization and nation-building project.
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Mesbah, Roya. "French National Identity At The Dawn Of Globalization Searching For A New Cohesion." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1206378121.

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Sabater, Albert Coll. "Estimation of ethnic groups in sub-national areas for analysis of population change, England and Wales 1991 - 2001." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.673859.

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Lee, Min-Dong Paul. "Contending for national identity, a close examination of China's ethnic relations with Chaoxianzu minority as a test case." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ54245.pdf.

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Yiangou, George S. "Forms of nationalism and national identity : a comparative study of civic and ethnic nationalism in Switzerland and Cyprus." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620575.

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MacKenzie, Scott. "A screen of one's own : québéçois cinema, national identity, and the alternative public sphere." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35007.

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This dissertation explores the connections between image-making practices, discourses of nationalism, Quebecois cinema and the possibility of the cinema functioning as an alternative public sphere. The thesis draws upon sociological theories of nationalism, political theory, film theory, critical theory and cultural critique in order to reconsider the potential political power of the cinematic image. After surveying contrasting theories of nationalism, the thesis addresses itself to Jurgen Habermas' concept of the public sphere and the revisions of this concept undertaken by contemporary social and political theorists. The use-value of the concept of the public sphere in relation to film theory is then explored. Beginning with pioneering work of Leo-Ernest Ouimet in the silent era and continuing on through to the video activism of Societe nouvelle and the "post-referendum" cinema of Denys Arcand and Robert Lepage, this thesis traces recurring instances of the cinema functioning as a contestatory and alternative public sphere in Quebecois culture.
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Almarhabi, Maeed. "CULTURAL TRAUMA AND THE FORMATION OF PALESTINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY IN PALESTINIAN-AMERICAN WRITING." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1605614421967042.

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26

Gebel, Konstanze. "Language and ethnic national identity in Europe : the importance of Gaelic and Sorbian to the maintenance of associated cultures and ethno cultural identities." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2002. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6353/.

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As many other ethno-cultural identities in Europe, the collective selfperceptions of Scotland's Gaels and the Sorbs of Lusatia are undergoing considerable changes. Proceding from the post-structuralist premise that discourse plays a crucial part in the generation of knowledge, power and social behaviour (Foucault, Derrida, Lyotard), the study addresses the ways in which the Gaelic and Sorbian elites incorporate the language aspect into narratives on cultural continuity and considers the implications of accelerated language shift towards English/German and the survivalist promotion of the ancestral medium for the maintenance of group boundaries. Its primary empirical data corpus comprises more than 100 interviews and a questionnaire survey (n=201) conducted during the late 1990s in peripheral parts of the Ghidhealtachd and bilingual territories of Lusatia, publications by Gaelic and Sorbian organisations, and relevant items from the local and national media. A brief exploration of the ways in which the two communities came to think of themselves as distinct reveals that a substantial legacy of cultural nationalism and pan-Slavism allowed the Sorbian intelligentsia to sustain a strong sense of ethnic difference throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, whereas Scotland's Gaels have never overtly embraced this paradigm in political terms. Their elite was confronted with its premises during their reinvention as Scotland's Celts and combined linguistic patriotism with calls for socioeconomic improvements during the 1880s, but it has been rather reluctant to portray contemporary and future users of the ancestral language as a distinct nation or ethnic group. To the present day, Gaels are inclined to perceive themselves to be a key component, and arguably the kernel, of the Scottish nation. The most significant overlap between Gaelic- and Sorbian-related revival discourses has been the notion that a complete decline of the traditional medium would seal the fate of the associated culture, though the underlying rationales indicate a gradual shift from an essentialising agenda of preservation and exclusion to a more liberal and pluricentric approach. A desire to withstand the homogenising forces of capitalist globalisation fuels purist attitudes with regard to specific cultural forms, many of which are thought to depend on the traditional medium and put native speakers with heartland links into positions of authority. At the same time, the Gaelic and Sorbian heritage are treated as sources of alternative values and wisdom, in which context Gaelic/Sorbian language ability is primarily valued as an access tool. Tensions between essentialist and dynamic perspectives also occur over the development of the languages themselves. They are enhanced by the assumption that the 'survival' of Gaelic and Sorbian depends in part on individuals who acquire and transmit them outside the bilingual districts, where an ability in the minority medium is more likely to generate subcultural, regional and political identities than a radical ethno-cultural reorientation. According to this study's findings, the linguocentric agendas of many Gaelic and Sorbian organisations can neither be attributed to a naive belief in linguistic determinism nor be dismissed as an entirely symbolic ingredient for the restoration of justice and pride where historic circumstances inflicted marginalisation and oppression. They are based on a justified concern that the complete demise of a linguistic boundary would make it impossible to generate separate discursive spaces, to which Gaelic and Sorbian culture have in most locations become reduEce d and for which a separate literature and separate electronic media are indispensable.
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Maltempi, Anne R. "SICILIANITA IN THE RENAISSANCE: SICILIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE WRITINGS OF SICILIAN HUMANISTS TOMMASO SCHIFALDO AND LUCIO MARINEO SICULO." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1470071933.

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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. "Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.

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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.
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Ruedin, Didier. "Symbolic and ideological representation in national parliaments : a cross-national comparison of the representation of women, ethnic groups and issue positions in national parliaments /." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94320eba-9ccd-4bfa-90c8-230462fe2eb8.

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Morpaw, May. "Antonio Skármeta's Narratives of Ethnicity: Rewriting Chile's Discourses of Identity." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35559.

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This dissertation examines the representation of ethnic origins in Antonio Skármeta’s fiction. My hypothesis is that exile in Europe and return to Chile led the author to rethink his Dalmatian-Croatian roots and his sense of self in response to prevailing discourses of national identity. I assess Chile’s immigration history as well as the development of the idea of a homogeneous national identity. Blending concepts of ethnic narrative with theories of memory, identity, and literature, I trace Skármeta’s literary shift towards reclaiming his roots and initiating a critical dialogue with established notions of Chilean identity. I further argue that he grounds himself in literary tradition to inscribe immigrant stories into two major foundational genres, the historical novel and the family romance. I also show that, instead of accepting the truth-telling claims of historical fiction, Skármeta employs historiographic metafiction and intertextuality to emphasize the literary nature of fictional discourse and the role of literary figures in inventing the nation. Finally, I contend that these narratives constitute literary lieux de mémoire (Pierre Nora), which incorporate a subjective memory into the evolving discourses on Chilean identity, thereby recognizing pluralism and fostering mutual understanding.
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Gabrielsson, Daniel. "Nationalism and Democracy : A quantitative study about the relationship between national identity and attitudes towards democracy." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-145311.

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This article sets out to examine how different levels and types of nationalism are correlated with attitudes towards democracy, a relationship that has not received much attention in previous research. I aim to investigate this relationship by examining how two forms of national identities (ethnic and civic) affect attitudes towards democracy in 30 European countries. Individual data comes from the European Social Survey (2008). The results indicate a significant and strong association between national identities and attitudes towards democracy. Individuals who articulate high levels of ethnic nationalism are less supportive of democracy than those who express high levels of civic nationalism. At country level, two variables are used: diversity and the extent to which democracy is established. Data that describes level of diversity comes from the Eurostat (2008) The index of democracy comes from Economist Intelligence Unit (2008). The structure of the dataset is hierarchical; therefore I have used multilevel models to avoid obtaining biased coefficients and standard errors. The study shows that higher levels of diversity and democracy, in general, amplify support for democracy, but, a high degree of diversity amplifies the negative relationship between ethnic nationalism and support of democracy and a high degree of democracy amplifies the positive relationship between ethnic nationalism and preferences for non-democratic rule.
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au, a. meerwald@yahoo com, and Agnes May Lin Meerwald. "Chineseness at the crossroads : negotiations of Chineseness and the politics of liminality in diasporic Chinese women's lives in Australia." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080116.113947.

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Chineseness at the crossroads examines how Chineseness is negotiated by diasporic Chinese women in Australia. I question the essentialist notions of Chineseness by deploying Homi Bhabha's theory of liminality. This concept of being neither here nor there helped me examine the women's ambiguous experiences of acceptance and rejection, within and across marginal and dominant Australian circles. My position disrupts the binaric frames that divide the old from the new, and the eastern from the western practices for cultural appropriation. It recognises instead the past and the present in the creation of new but familiar versions of Chineseness. I argue that essentialist norms are commuilicated through cultural semantics to inform how Chineseness is rehearsed. I assert that liminality exposes the power structures that inform these cultural semantics by disrupting the naturalised norms. I posit that the diasporic women's awareness of these interdependent processes enables them to question their practices and ideologies. I used an autoethnographic technique to collapse the divide between the researcher and the researched. It created a liminal space between the researcher and the researched. This subverted norms of the researcher as the archaeologist of knowledge by enabling the other women's narratives to tell their stories alongside mine. This methodological frame also serves as a prism to examine the intersections of gender, sexuality, family, relationships, language, education, class, age, and religion with Chineseness in the lives of the 39 Malaysian and Singaporean women interviewed. My results indicate that Chineseness is precarious and indeterminate, and specific to the particular moments of articulation at the crossroads of geopolitical and socioeconomic factors. The versions of Chineseness rehearsed are complexly influenced by the various cultural semantics that impact on the women's negotiations of who they are as diasporic Chinese women in Australia. I conclude with a discussion of how these results challenge current curriculum and pedagogical practices in English classrooms. I argue that a re-examination of these practices will contribute to a more inclusive Australia.
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Четвертак, Є. О. "Національна ідентичність у мовній картині світу." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2013. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/30858.

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Проблема національної ідентичності особистості у сучасному мультикультурному та багатонаціональному світі набуває особливої актуальності у зв’язку із процесами соціокультурного становлення, перерозподілу територій та боротьби країн за незалежність тощо. Вивченню національної ідентичності у лінгвістиці передував ряд гуманітарних розвідок цього питання, зумовлений розвитком антропоцентричного напрямку досліджень. Ще декілька десятиліть тому це поняття належало суто до сфери інтересів соціології та психології, але сьогодні до проблеми національної ідентичності починають звертатися також і лінгвісти, які визначають особливості конструювання та актуалізації цього явища у різних видах дискурсу. При цитуванні документа, використовуйте посилання http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/30858
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Christensen, Eric. "The glory of the nations| Ethnic culture and identity in Biblical perspective." Thesis, Fuller Theological Seminary, School of Intercultural Studies, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3557228.

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Christians engaged in mission and worship have been dealing with the issues of culture and contextualization since long before the word 'culture' was even used to describe what it does today in the the social sciences. Christian discussions about the importance of context for mission and worship employ the term 'culture,' 'cultures,' and their corresponding concepts in nearly identical ways to how the social sciences use them. Mission and worship proceed from Christian understandings of salvation history, the mission of God, and the role of the church which derive from theology rooted in Scripture. The terms 'culture' and 'cultures,' are usually defined, however, in ways that exclude any specific reference to Yhwh's involvement in them, from their origins to their destiny. This fundamental dissonance between common assumptions about culture and the biblical record may obscure important aspects of the uniqueness of human societies pertaining to mission and worship from our discussion.

This study raises the question of whether Christians are adequately served in these discussions by the meaning invoked with the words 'culture' and 'people group.' If the concepts of mission and worship themselves proceed from Christian understandings of Scripture, then Scripture is a natural place to look for guidance about how mission and worship have taken place and are to take place in the present day. Here I emphasize certain categories that emerge by hermeneutical tracing of biblical themes related to the topic of ethnic cultures.

I present the study in three parts. First Part I addresses questions about biblical theological views of ethnicity and ethnic cultures in Christian identity and worship. The studies center around the biblical theme of the glory of the nations with the research questions 1) What are the specific meanings of glory ([special characters omitted]) and nations ([special characters omitted]) as they appear in Revelation 21:24, 26 in canonical perspective? 2) What are the origin and destiny of the nations ([special characters omitted]) in Scripture? And 3) How does the narrative of Salvation History clarify the development of the glory of the nations?

In Part II an ethnographic case study of Sundanese Christian churches presents ethnographic data gathered with the following two questions in mind: 4) How have elements of traditional ethnic culture shaped the distinctively Sundanese Christian church movement? And 5) How do distinctive aspects of Sunda Christian identity and worship affect the appeal of the movement?

Finally in Part III I seek to integrate the thematic biblical and ethnographic streams to expose the missiological significance of the glory of the nations as a distinctively Christian concept and category for understanding ethnic cultures. The study culminates with practical recommendations for the re-examination and incorporation of the biblical concepts of [special characters omitted] and [special characters omitted] and a focus on the Hebrew identity within Scripture into mission practice and application to worship and church formation in multicultural congregations.

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Sehovic, Armin. "Kampen om erkännande : En kvalitativ studie om hur elever från en förberedelseklass på gymnasiet presenterar sina identiteter i sina berättelser om sin skolsituation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik, didaktik och utbildningsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-360167.

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Ett ovanförperspektiv avseende kartläggningen av nyanlända elevers behov präglar det svenska samhället och skolsystem. Detta leder således till en indelning av elever i språkintroducerande förberedelseklasser som separeras från elever från ordinarie klasser vilket försvårar integrering. Syftet med denna studie är att fånga aktörens perspektiv genom en så kallad narrativ identitetsanalys som ämnar att undersöka hur 7 elever som läser Språkintroduktion på en gymnasieskola i Stockholm presenterar sina identiteter i deras berättelser om sin skolsituation. Detta har genomförts med hjälp av livshistorieintervjuer om elevernas erfarenheter och tolkningar av händelser på skolan. Berättelser rörande bytet av skolsystem, möte med klassen samt framtidsförhoppningar har presenterats på olika sätt av eleverna. De mest framträdande berättelserna utgörs av ontologiska berättelser som bygger på individens subjektiva upplevelser och självbild, offentliga berättelser om integration samt konceptuella berättelser om rasism. Eleverna skildrar en likställd bild av lärarnas och elevernas roller på skolan, en samhörighet med sina klasskamrater, kamp om erkännande från de andra eleverna och makthavarna på skolan, samt ett lyckligt avslut i sina berättelser om framtiden vilka beror på deras uppfattningar av sig själva. Det lyckliga slutet skildrar således en ovisshet om framtiden där en osäkerhet avseende den genomgående kampen om erkännande framgår.
An overarching perspective regarding the mapping of newly arrived pupils's needs characterizes the Swedish society and school system. This leads to a breakdown of pupils in so-called “Language Introductory Preparation Classes” which separates newly arrived pupils from pupils in ordinary classes and complicates integration. The purpose of this study is to capture the pupils`s perspective through a so-called narrative identity analysis aimed to investigate how 7 pupils from a Language Introduction- class at a high school in Stockholm, Sweden present their identities through their stories about their school situation. This has been implemented using interviews about the pupils' experiences and interpretations of events that has taken place at their school and class. Stories regarding the change of school system, the meeting with the class and future hopes have been presented in different ways by the students. The most prominent stories consist of ontological narratives based on the individual's subjective experiences and self-image, public stories about integration, and conceptual stories about racism. The students portray a similar picture of the roles of teachers and students at the school, a community with their fellow classmates, a struggle for recognition from the other students and the rulers of the school, as well as a hope for a happy ending and a resolution of the fight for recognition. The happy end also depicts an uncertainty about the future where an uncertainty regarding the ongoing struggle for recognition appears.
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Haug, Sarah Woodbury. "From many cultures, one nation : ethnic and nationalist identity in Belizean children /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6508.

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37

Savaskan, Durak Nuran. "Non - Muslim Minorities And Turkish National Identity: A Research Through Armenian And Greek Literary Works." Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605349/index.pdf.

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The purpose of this study is to concentrate on the changing discourses in Turkish history and their constitutive themes in positioning the self&
#8211
image of the minorities, i.e., Armenians and Greeks, the Turks being other. The research is carried out on the basis of the literary works produced by the intellectuals / authors of these minorities. The historical context, which is taken as the reference point for these discourses, covers the period from the late Ottoman Period up to the early 1960s. Furthermore, the study explores how the ethnic minorities constructed their identities in the last century. This study also seeks to find out which discourses have been the leading ones through history and to determine the continuities and ruptures in the use of themes by these ethnic groups to construct their identities. In addition, policies and ideologies attributed to the state by the minorities are tackled with the literary works and main discursive elements used by minority groups to (de)construct Turkish national identity are explored.
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Wu, Chen. "Analyzing the portrayal of the desired national identity of the Tibetan ethnicity in China's propaganda." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1219.

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39

Mulimbi, Bethany. "Botho – “I Am Because We are.” Constructing National Identity in the Midst of Ethnic Diversity in Botswana’s Junior Secondary Schools." Thesis, Harvard University, 2017. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33052851.

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Multiethnic states globally face the dilemma of how to negotiate ethnic diversity while promoting a unified national identity. In Botswana, a remarkable example of peace and stability in Sub-Saharan Africa, two highly visible discourses around national identity – one constructing national identity around the majority ethnic group’s culture and language, and the other of a tolerant, multicultural nation – currently compete across public spheres. Formal schools are key institutions through which to observe the nature and effects of these competing discourses. State leaders use mass education as a vehicle to transmit an authorized version of national identity, through centralized education policies and curriculum. Yet schools are also sites in which ordinary teachers and students actively participate in constructing the nation. This dissertation reports on comparative case studies of four junior secondary schools that vary in the ethnic composition of their student bodies and surrounding communities. The work analyzes one overarching question: How does national identity, as currently constructed and experienced in Botswana’s public junior secondary schools, account for the reality of ethnic diversity in the nation-state and its schools? The three papers that together comprise this dissertation approach the inquiry through different lenses. The first paper analyzes social studies curriculum, as written in the syllabus and textbooks and as taught by teachers, to consider how national identity is officially constructed. The second examines how Botswana’s schools respond to the multiculturalism of their student bodies, within the context of assimilationist and nationally centralized education policies and curriculum. The final paper considers how junior secondary schools shape the social identity development of adolescents as they negotiate how and why to enact ethnic versus national identities. Overall, I find continuing dominance of majority Tswana language and culture in the content of public schools’ policies and curriculum in Botswana, which are then implemented with fidelity by teachers and administrators, regardless of the cultural composition and perceived needs of their student bodies. In each paper, I offer recommendations for how practitioners and policy makers might move forward in transforming multicultural discourse into multicultural school practices promoting the equality of all of Botswana’s students.
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Fraser, Kimberly A. "The relationship between ethnic identity and factors of attrition among First Nations students." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ58871.pdf.

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Sadeghi, Sahar. "National Narratives and Global Politics: Immigrant and Second-Generation Iranians in the United States and Germany." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/274683.

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Sociology
Ph.D.
This dissertation project examines the lived experiences of immigrant and second- generation Iranian immigrants to uncover the factors that shape their perceptions of belonging in two differ western nations. It is a qualitative methods study that utilized in-depth interviews. I address the limitations of past research by highlighting that Iranians' experiences of belonging and membership in western nations are greatly influenced by the national narratives of their host societies and the global politics surrounding Iran. My central research questions are: How do America's and Germany's national narratives of immigration influence Iranians' sense of belonging? and How do Iranians perceive the global politics surrounding Iran as impacting their lives in the West? Research on Iranians in the United States and Europe underscores Iranians' proclivity to become entrepreneurs in their new nation, the lack of solidarity and community among Iranians, and the discrimination that they experience due to their ethnic and religious identities. However, we lack comparative scholarship that examines Iranian immigrants' experiences in two nations where the national narratives are different. Moreover, there is an absence of research that addresses whether, and how, global politics influence perceptions of belonging. The three empirical chapters examine the data from sixty-four in-depth interviews with immigrant and second-generation Iranians living in northern and southern California, and Hamburg, Germany. In the first interview data chapter, I examine the motivations of Iranians' migration to the US and Germany, their settlement experiences, and their expectations of their lives in their new nation. Specifically in this chapter, I reveal that the lack of foreign policy considerations for post-Revolution Iranian exiles in the US and the institutionalized nature of refugee policy, and lack of it, in each nation helps explain the varying settlement experiences of immigrant-generation Iranians in the US and Germany. It is noteworthy that these experiences also helped shape Iranians' understanding of each nation's main values and characteristics. In the second empirical chapter, I show that national narratives of immigration are important in shaping Iranian immigrants' understandings, expectations, and experiences of belonging and membership in the US and Germany. These narratives inform their interpretations of not just the prospects of belonging, but the indications of whether they have accomplished it. In the last data chapter, I explore how Iran's global political standing influences the lives of Iranian immigrants living in the US and Germany. In both the US and Germany, the dominant negative discourse surrounding a highly politicized homeland stigmatizes Iranians' identities, and makes them more subject to experiences of marginality and discrimination. Specifically, in the US, global politics puts a cap on Iranians' quality of middle class experiences, and facilitates the construction of social marginality and discrimination against them. In Germany, it helps solidify a boundary that is already there. Ultimately, this dissertation research uncovers three important aspects in regards to perceptions of belonging among Iranians in the US and Germany: First, a comparison of Iranian immigrant experiences in two western nations where the narratives of belonging are considerably different demonstrated that the national narratives of an immigrants' host society greatly shape and mediate perceptions and experiences of belonging and membership. Specifically in the US, Iranians perceive belonging when they can obtain opportunities for social mobility, when their ancestry is not marked or stigmatized, and when they can place themselves in the `nation of immigrants' narrative. In Germany, Iranians perceive that they can come close to belonging once they are perceived as having culturally accommodated to German society, can access greater opportunity structures, and are perceived and accepted as `good foreigners and immigrants'. Second, an examination of how global politics surrounding Iran impact Iranians' lives in western nations revealed that their identities are stigmatized; they encounter marginality and exclusion, and ultimately feel that they do not belong or have full membership in the US and Germany. Interestingly, Iranians in both nations hypothesized that an improved Iranian standing would help facilitate belonging and membership. What is more, their perceptions of how their lives would change, and how belonging would take shape, if they did not live with the stigmas created by Iran's global politics, were inextricably linked to the national narratives of their host societies. Third, there were significant generational differences in how the second-generation in each nation assessed belonging. In the US, the second-generations' ability to access the educational resources needed for professional careers, despite their perceptions of the existence of anti-Iranian prejudice, legitimized both the US national narrative and proved to them that they can secure a good quality of life and be a part of US society. In Germany, the second generation experienced generational lag with regard to belonging. Their ability to belong is not resolved by length of residence, German citizenship, German educational attainments, or their adherence German cultural norms and practices. Rather, second generation believed that being marked as foreigners was perpetual, and not an identity that one loses after a few generations. Ultimately, among the US second-generation US sample there were more significant/powerful declarations of the ability to acquire social mobility and belonging, while those in Germany experienced a more generalized feeling of not belonging. This research contributes to ongoing conversations regarding immigrant belonging and membership. It adds the comparative dimension of belonging and membership by examining evaluations of belonging in two western nations where the national narratives are different. Furthermore, it takes into account how the contentious and antagonistic political relationship between Iran and western nations has impacted Iranians' lived experiences, and ability to belong, in the US and Germany. Ultimately, the inclusion of national narratives and global politics contributes to our understanding of the sociological processes that facilitate, and disrupt, experiences of immigrant belonging and membership in their host society, and provides us with a deeper understanding of the layered and complex dynamics that shape immigrant experiences.
Temple University--Theses
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42

Gavrielides, Stala M. "Kurdish ethnonationalism : a threat to Turkish security." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28274.

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Traditional thinking on security fails to explain the security predicament of Third World states. These states, with their existence assured by international recognition, are not primarily concerned with externally generated threats. Their internal characteristics violate the tenants of the realist theory, because they have more than one nation within their borders. The domestic conditions of these states make them internally insecure and weak---the threat of ethnic conflict great.
As such, placing security in the military sphere alone, ignores these contradictions which lead to an insecurity dilemma. Thus, the concept of security needs to be broadened to include, not merely the military but also the political, societal and economic factors. The threat posed to state security from dissenting ethnic groups is both a domestic and foreign policy issue. It is within this discussion, that the thesis examines Turkey's security predicament with regards to her Kurdish minority.
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Wolters-Fredlund, Benita. "Ethnic, Political and National Identity as Expressed in the Singing of World Music by the Toronto Jewish Folk Choir, 1939–1959." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A72041.

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44

Webster, John A. "Parliamentary majorities and national minorities : Moldova's accommodation of the Gagauz." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c266878a-7666-4be8-a139-1bb8fdaad664.

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This thesis provides an institutional explanation for the peaceful solution of the conflict between the Moldovan state and its small Gagauz minority in the period from 1988 to 1995. The central argument is that different institutional arrangements during this time had a direct effect on the Moldovan state’s capacity to bring about autonomy for the Gagauz. I show how Gagauz leaders, conditioned by the territorial-based structures of the Soviet Union, mobilized a political movement to push for the creation of an autonomous republic, and how this preference for autonomy remained the consistent demand of the Gagauz throughout the early years of post-communist transition. This finding supports the contention that Gagauz preferences cannot be used to explain the rich variation in political outcomes during this period. I assert that the critical changes were essentially institutional: new electoral laws; revised parliamentary rules and procedures; and a complete rewriting of Moldova’s constitution. These innovations were crucial in enabling the inclusive-minded majority in the Moldovan parliament to overcome the power of nationalist veto players by increasing the majority’s control of the legislative agenda. The importance of these institutional factors is examined by careful analysis of the different stages of the Moldovan parliament’s accommodation of the Gagauz: from separatism and stalemate to compromise. Furthermore, I reassert the central role of institutional arrangements by discounting the external influence of Turkey as a patron state on the successful negotiations between Moldova and the Gagauz. Using previously unresearched archival material, unstructured interviews with many of the key actors, and local media reporting, this thesis challenges existing accounts of the Gagauz conflict in Moldova. These accounts assert that either the Gagauz reaction to titular nationalism or the shifting preferences of strategic-thinking elites was the key causal factor of the political outcomes observed during this period. In contrast, this thesis shows that institutional design played a decisive role in the resolution of this conflict. The findings of this research offer useful lessons for other ethnically-divided states with mobilized minorities.
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Emery, Meaghan Elizabeth. "Writing the fine line : rearticulating French National Identity in the divides. A cultural study of contemporary French narrative by Jewish, Beur, and Antillean authors /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1382548822.

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46

Tobin, David. "Nation-building and ethnic boundaries in China's northwest." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nationbuilding-and-ethnic-boundaries-in-chinas-northwest(d75ce02e-0d82-4a88-b2e4-3b17f876f8a8).html.

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This thesis will analyse the identity politics of the Chinese party-state’s nation-building project in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. It will examine how the party-state intends to overcome the barrier of ethnic boundaries in the production of a shared sense of multi-ethnic, national belonging. Uyghurs and Han can be thought of as belonging to different civilisations (Chinese and Turkic-Islamic) but in modern times they are often thought of as divided by ethnic boundaries. The party-state’s idea of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu) is a nation-building project to eliminate these boundaries so as to produce a multi-ethnic nation. Fieldwork was conducted after the riots of July 2009 engulfed the region. Ethnically targeted violence against both Han and Uyghurs destabilised the city of Ürümchi and challenged the party-state’s vision of China as a unified and harmonious nation. The official Chinese explanation was that this was an internationally funded and synchronised terrorist attack but Uyghur rights groups have blamed tensions on government policy repressing Uyghur culture and stoking Han nationalism. The theoretical framework employed draws from the concepts of production and performativity in Post-Structuralist and Critical International Relations (IR) theory, particularly the work of Cynthia Weber (1998) and David Campbell (1998). The critical approach adopted here takes security as a process of performative enactment of identity, which produces the units we take for granted as worthy of security. The analysis will examine official performances of what it means to be Chinese and Uyghur. It will then ask how these performances are received and (re)performed by members of the postulated nation. The party-state seeks to include Uyghurs as Chinese but it also excludes and securitises Uyghur Turkic and Islamic identities as ‘outside’ threats to the unity of the nation. The research is a result of one year of fieldwork (September 2009-August 2010) in Ürümchi, the capital city of Xinjiang. This was the first ethnographic study of responses to the violence of July 2009. Furthermore, the incorporation of Han perspectives has been very limited thus far in the literature on Xinjiang. The analysis uses a top-down approach, which employs discourse analysis of official texts to understand what type of national identity the party-state seeks to produce. However, these methods are coupled with a bottom-up analysis using ethnographic methods, particularly detailed, semi-structured interviews, to explore how these official discourses are received. The perspectives of Han and Uyghurs in Xinjiang can inform us how nation-building will unfold and what type of social dynamics it will engender. Analysing perspectives on the nation from below can help us understand the type of nation we expect to be produced in China rather than the type of nation the party-state narrates. The findings of this research demonstrate that both Uyghurs and Han are turning official Chinese nationalist discourses against themselves to articulate separate ethnic nations. Uyghurs frame China as an assimilationist transgression of ethnic boundaries for the benefit of the Han. Han frame their nation as under threat from Uyghurs and articulate China as a Han nation. The party-state’s nation-building project is unintentionally producing insecurity and reinforcing ethnic boundaries which remain obstacles to a shared sense of nationhood.
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Sasaki, Kazuyuki. "Beyond dichotomies : the quest for justice and reconciliation and the politics of national identity building in post-genocide Rwanda." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4891.

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Justice and reconciliation are both highly complex concepts that are often described as incompatible alternatives in the aftermath of violent conflicts, despite the fact that both are fundamental to peacebuilding in societies divided by the legacies of political violence, oppression and exclusion. This thesis examines the relationship between justice and reconciliation, pursued as essential ingredients of peacebuilding. After advancing an inclusive working conceptual framework in which seemingly competing conceptions regarding justice and reconciliation are reconceived to work compatibly for building peace, the thesis presents the results of an in-depth case study of Rwanda's post-genocide justice and reconciliation endeavour. The thesis focuses on Rwanda's justice and reconciliation efforts and their relationship to the ongoing challenge of reformulating Rwandans' social identities. A field research conducted for this study revealed that issues of victimhood, justice and reconciliation were highly contested among individuals and groups with varied experiences of the country's violent history. Resolving these conflicting narratives so that each Rwandan's narrative/identity is dissociated from the negation of the other's victimhood emerged as a paramount challenge in Rwanda's quest for justice and reconciliation. Rwanda's approach to justice and reconciliation can be seen as an innovative both/and approach that seeks to overcome dichotomous thinking by addressing various justice and reconciliation concerns in compatible ways. However, by limiting its efforts to the issues that arose from crimes committed under the former regimes, the justice and reconciliation endeavour of the Rwandan government fails to reconcile people's conflicting narratives of victimhood, which will be essential to transform the existing racialised and politicised ethnic identities of Rwandan people.
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Coymak, Ahmet. "Associations Of Religious Identification, Secular Identification, Perceived Discrimination, And Political Trust With Ethnic And Societal (national) Identification." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610734/index.pdf.

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The current thesis extends research in the area of multiple social identities and identity conflict by focusing on both intergroup and intraindividual process underlying structures of identities, namely, religious, ethnic, and societal (national) identifications. In addition, it examined the influence of political trust, and perceived discrimination the relationship between ethnic and societal identification for disadvantaged ethnic groups in Turkey. Two studies were conducted to evaluate the process of identity organization both inter group and in group. While, the first study addresses intergroup differentiations of these identities, second study focused on intraindividual process of these identities'
structure. Supporting hypothesis stemming from Social Identity Theory and Optimal Distinctiveness Theory, political trust and perceived discrimination have roles of mediation in the relationship ethnic and societal identification, by contrast with secular and religious identities in the relationship. Results were discussed for their implications to politic context of the Turkey.
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Macelaru, Marcel Valentin. "From divine speech to national/ethnic self-definition in the Hebrew Bible : representation(s) of identity and the motif of divine-human distancing in Israel's story." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670054.

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50

Hoominfar, Elham. "Challenges of Monolingual Education." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1404055112.

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