To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ethiopian politics.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethiopian politics'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Ethiopian politics.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Emirru, Tesfa Bihonegn. "Multinational Federalism and secessionism in Ethiopia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2020. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2298.
Full textAbstract:
After a protracted civil war that ended in a regime change in 1991, the state of Ethiopia adopted multinational federalism as a means of managing its ethno-linguistic diversity. The federalization process which had begun following the military triumph of the EPRDF in May 1991 culminated with the inauguration of the country as the “Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia” in August 1995. Consequently, Ethiopia has become a multinational federation (or “ethnic federalism” as it is usually referred to) comprised of nine regional states and two autonomous city-administrations. Under the new federal order, constituent groups are made to exercise different forms of self-rule in territories they are concentrated. In doing so, the state of Ethiopia has introduced a new approach to the ubiquitous problem of ethnicity in Africa. Despite the prevalence of the problem of ethnicity in the continent, often in its violent form, no other African state has dared to approach the “ethnic challenge” as boldly and squarely as the state of Ethiopia has done under the leadership of the EPRDF. In fact, Ethiopia is currently the only multinational federation in the African continent.
However, the new federal order in Ethiopia has been criticized for increasing authoritarianism. Thus, despite a constitutional guarantee of groups not only to self-determination but also to secession, the actual practice of federalism in Ethiopia has been hampered by the hegemony of the ruling coalition both at federal and regional governments. On the contrary, “ethnic federalism” is criticized for emphasizing ethnic differences and putting the survival and territorial integrity of the country apprehensively in danger. On the other hand, after two decades of authoritarian federalism, the Ethiopian federation is currently undergoing a series of unprecedented political reforms. The reforms were preceded or rather caused by mass anti-government protests that have lasted for almost two years between 2015 and 2017, and engulfed the two most populous regions in the federation ─ Oromia and Amhara regions. On 15 February 2018, Prime Minister Haile-Mariam Desalegn resigned and on 2 April a new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, was elected. Under Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian federation is undergoing a series of political reforms and democratic undertakings. At the same time, however, the Ethiopian federation is also in the midst of a political crisis as a result of, for instance, renewed ethnic and regional conflicts, increasing displacement of people, and internal dispute within the ruling coalition.
This research examines multinational federalism and secessionism in two of the nine member states in the Ethiopian federation ─ Oromia and Somali regions. It investigates (1) the features and limitations of the actual exercise of federal autonomy in Oromia and Somali regions under an authoritarian political system (1995-2015); (2) the trajectories of the OLF and ONLF armed movements for the secession of respectively Oromia and Somali regions following the introduction of multinational federalism (1995-2015); and (3) the mass antigovernment protests that have disrupted the Ethiopian federation between 2015 and 2017 and subsequent developments relevant to issues of federalism and secessionism in Oromia and Somali regions. The study was first designed to be based on both documentary sources and interviews. However, the outbreak of protests and the states of emergency subsequently declared in the country have made the collection of data through interviews difficult and risky as well. Consequently, the plan to conduct interviews with government officials, opposition leaders and members of civil society organizations in Oromia and Somali regions is dropped. Thus, the data used in the study are entirely derived from different documentary sources.
The study uncovers that the exercise of federal autonomy in Oromia and Somali regions, which are associated with active secessionist movements, shared remarkable similarities including frequent changes in regional governments, widespread human rights violations, and resentments over limited influences at the federal government. On the other hand, the study identifies a crisis of legitimacy as the major factor behind the limitations of multinational federalism in successfully addressing Oromo nationalism in Ethiopia. Doing so, the study explains the problems of legitimacy which the OPDO, the Oromo wing of the ruling coalition, and the federal order have encountered in Oromia. As far as the Somali region is concerned, the study discusses how the exercise of federal autonomy has been hampered by internal conflicts within the Somali society, and the need for the ruling coalition to have an allied, subordinate party capable of governing the region. In addition, the study demonstrates how internal power struggle and ongoing insurgency by the ONLF have led to widespread federal intervention in Somali regional politics, particularly through the agency of the Ministry of Federal Affairs and the federal army.
As far as secessionist movements in Oromia and Somali regions are concerned, the study shows that it is only the ONLF which was able to pose serious military challenges to the Ethiopian government. The OLF, despite its popularity particularly among the intelligentsia and the diaspora, has never posed significant military threats. In this regard, the study shows the role which regional politics has played in the military decline of the ONLF (since 2010) and the ever-present military weakness of the OLF. Though the introduction of multinational federalism in Ethiopia has little to do with the military decline or weakness of secessionist movements, the study shows that the provision of constitutional autonomy to the Oromo and the Somali has contributed towards the political decline of both the OLF and the ONLF. Lastly, the study shows the recent convergence of mass anti-government protests in Oromia and Amhara regions with internal friction among member parties of the ruling coalition and the subsequent rise to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in April 2018, which has led to the return of both the OLF and the ONLF to pursue peaceful political struggle in the country.
2
Chala, Endalkachew. "Diaspora Media, Local Politics: Journalism and the Politics of Homeland among the Ethiopian Opposition in the United States." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24228.
Full textAbstract:
The relentless political pressure the Ethiopian government put on Ethiopian journalists, political dissidents and opposition activists drove hundreds of them out of their country. However, after leaving their country, the journalists and the opposition activists remain engaged in the politics of their country of origin through the media outlets they establish in diaspora. Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and Oromia Media Network (OMN) are two media platforms that have emerged in the United States under such conditions. This dissertation chronicles the rise of ESAT and OMN and their far reaching political influence in Ethiopia. Using mixed method research, it provides their detailed profiles that range from their inception, to their impact on the Ethiopian public sphere and the Ethiopian government’s response to them, to their reporting of political events in Ethiopia.
This research makes the case that ESAT and OMN, through the instrumentality of a transnational public sphere have altered the Ethiopian political dynamics during the last five years. Particularly, ESAT and OMN use Facebook and Twitter as a backbone to gather information and foster relationships with news sources inside Ethiopia; they also transmit uncensored information back to Ethiopia via satellite television. In response to their communication activities, the Ethiopian government seeks to undermine the links that ESAT and OMN have in the country by routinely blocking the internet, requesting Facebook and Twitter to take down their content and jamming their satellite transmissions. The Ethiopian government also responds to the reporting of ESAT and OMN by changing its policy positions on domestic political issues. This illustrates that Ethiopian political exiles remain key players of Ethiopian political dynamics in ways that thoroughly exemplify trans-local reciprocity. It also shows that ESAT and OMN might very well be a prototype of a diaspora community media that keeps grievances alive and magnifies ideological differences they brought with them to the United States.2021-01-11
3
Zeleke, Girum. "Democracy, federalism, decentralisation : the role of post-1991 Ethiopian politics in famine prevention." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509880.
Full text
4
Eide, Øyvind M. "Revolution and religion in Ethiopia : a study of Church and politics with special reference to the Ethiopian evangelical Church Mekane Yesus 1974-1985 /." Stavanger : Uppsala : Misjonshøgskolens forlag ; Uppsala universitet, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35858349k.
Full text
5
Ogundele, Ayodeji O. (Ayodeji Olusesi). "Balance-of-Power Theory and the Ethiopian-Somali Conflict of 1977- 1978." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500318/.
Full textAbstract:
Balance-of-Power theory was tested by examining the 1977-1978 Ethiopian-Somali conflict and its outcome. The theory, according to Waltz (1979), claims to explain the international outcome arising from realpolitik or power politics, namely, the formation of balances of power. Given the close fit between the major developments leading to the eruption of conflict and the principal propositions of balance-of-power theory, the outcome of the conflict was expected to be consistent with that posited by the theory. This expectation was borne out by the study's finding which indicated that the conflict has produced a similar result. Confirmation of the theory was achieved by further subjecting the finding to the verification test established by Waltz.
6
Bishop, Sarah J. "Music, Ethnicity, and Violence on the Ethio-South Sudanese Border." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1577993050917621.
Full text
7
Woldegeorgis, Eden Fitsum. "Politics Gone Wired : Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis of Facebook, Political Discussions in Ethiopia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-49451.
Full text
8
Cherenet, Fasil W. "A study of the motivation and methods of involvement of the Ethiopian diaspora in the political process in Ethiopia since 1990." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2014. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1517.
Full textAbstract:
This study addresses the transnational political relationship of the Ethiopian Diaspora in the United States with the homeland, Ethiopia, since the 1990s. It does so by investigating what the motivating factors and the methods of political participation are, if any. To this end, a four-part bilingual (Amharic/English) online and hard copy survey with open and close-ended questions was used. Over 300 members of the Ethiopian Diaspora in the United States completed the survey, which is the basis of the observations made in the dissertation. The Ethiopian Diaspora is considered to be a newer Diaspora; however, the number of Ethiopians living abroad has significantly increased since the 1970s. The research confirms these Ethiopians demonstrate their affinity and connection to the homeland through social cultural events such as sporting events, attending religious services, concerts and festivals, and even by traveling frequently to Ethiopia, thus celebrating their connection to the homeland.
The research also shows that although Ethiopians have a very strong interest in seeing a better Ethiopia, a majority do not seem to be motivated enough to participate in transnational political activities. This is due to their mistrust of the political leadership and the absence of the lack of a democratic culture within the Ethiopian Diaspora. The few that are motivated to participate are focused more on peripheral activities or methods of political participation.
According to the findings of this research, factors such as class, gender, age, immigration generation, and education are not central in determining the individual political participation of the respondents. Most of the respondents are also opposed to an armed struggle and believe in peaceful methods of struggle to bring meaningful change in the Ethiopian political system.
Although the legal and political framework in the United States is conducive for political activism, power struggle and internal disunity have contributed to the minimal level of engagement of the Ethiopian Diaspora. The Diaspora has a huge potential and capacity to become an important transnational force and a catalyst for change. Future research may shed light on how to mobilize this untapped force.
9
Rock, Mary June. "The politics of famine in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2141/.
Full textAbstract:
In attempting to explain the causes of famine, the literature on famine points to different factors. This list of causes includes: drought; neo-Malthusian population growth; environmental degradation; limited technology; capitalist development, or the lack of it; the nature of the state, blamed either for lack of intervention or, on the contrary, for too much intervention; and, war. However, to attempt to determine how causation of famine might be quantitatively apportioned between the different factors listed in the debates on causes of famine is of limited value, precisely because the different factors that promote famine - drought, environmental degradation, economic decline, war - are inextricably intertwined and interact with one another. Moreover, famine is not simply predetermined by the factors that the debate on causes itemizes. People's own actions and what people choose to do also shapes the outcome and future strategies for survival. The concern of this thesis is with famine in the case study areas, but our concern is not with debating the causes of famine as much as with identifying consequences. We examine the effects of the array of forces on people's strategies for survival in the research areas during and after the drought and famine of the mid-1980's. We describe the different strategies pursued by people in the study areas in the circumstances that existed during the drought and famine of the mid-1980's; and then discuss the consequences of those actions for people's ability to recover and for people's future survival strategies. The empirical data are based on two case studies carried out over a 6 month period from late October 1991 to end April 1992 in the Kallu area of southern Wollo. Wallo is the province that was hit hardest by famine during 1984/5 and in 1972/4. In documenting the resource base in which people in the study areas sought to survive, our findings challenge commonly held assumptions about the effects of the 1975 Land Reform, the nature of Peasant Associations, and the nature of gender relations. The findings on the consequences of people's responses during the drought and famine of the mid-1980's indicate that we need to reconsider the issue of what is meant by the notion of 'coping', so central to much of the literature on famine survival strategies.
10
Zarowsky, Christina. "Refugee lives and the politics of suffering in Somali Ethiopia." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37915.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the lifeworlds of Somali returnees in Ethiopia. Their experience of flight and return is distinctive, shaped by the history and culture of the Somali people and the political and economic conditions of this part of Africa. In emphasizing this distinctiveness, this thesis is an implicit critique of recent efforts by academics and aid agencies to homogenize the experience of refugees in this region and elsewhere. In Ethiopia, "development" and humanitarian aid, in interaction with political contests at many levels, provide the context for interpreting refugee experience and action. Globally, the most powerful of the reductionist accounts is based on the "trauma model" of refugee experience. In this model, "refugee experience" has come to be virtually synonymous with "psychosocial" and, in turn, "mental health" and "post-traumatic stress disorder" (PTSD). Somali refugees and returnees in Ethiopia, however, do not address violence, death, and war-related distress in a framework of psychological medicine, with its goal of reducing psychological, emotional and physiological symptoms of individual distress. Rather, such distress is predominantly assimilated into the framework of politics, with its goals of survival and restitution. Emotion, and talking about emotion, evoke complex individual and collective memories that situate individual and local community experience within, or in juxtaposition to, other realities: competing powers such as the Ethiopian and other states, dispossession, and the precariousness of survival in a harsh natural and political environment. Historical narratives, collective memory, anger, and the rhetorics of development and humanitarian aid play important roles in these communities' efforts to rebuild social networks and what they refer to as a "decent human life."
11
Gibb, Camilla C. T. "Religion, politics and gender in Harar, Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321548.
Full text
12
Melaku, Misganaw Tadesse. "Social and political history of Wollo Province in Ethiopia: 1769-1916." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7290.
Full textAbstract:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhDWollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.
13
Weis, Toni. "Vanguard capitalism : party, state, and market in the EPRDF's Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c4c9ae33-0b5d-4fd6-b3f5-d02d5d2c7e38.
Full textAbstract:
Since the fall of the Derg regime in 1991, Ethiopia has undergone a remarkable economic transformation. Shunning liberal policy advice yet avoiding the pathologies of patrimonialism, its experience is increasingly presented as an example for others to follow. However, there has been surprisingly little research, and even less consensus, on what actually constitutes this 'Ethiopian model.' The present thesis provides an answer to this question by focusing on the role of the EPRDF - the former insurgency movement which has governed Ethiopia since 1991 - and the fundamental reconstruction of state and market it has overseen. It argues that the resulting political economy is best characterised as a form of 'vanguard capitalism,' which combines the centralising political logic of a Leninist movement party with the expansive logic of capitalist markets. At its base lies the monopolisation of state-society relations by the EPRDF which, in turn, allows for the creation, centralisation and strategic use of economic rents by its administration. The two processes of illiberal state- and market-building are complementary, and their outcomes mutually reinforcing: a state that seeks to derive legitimacy from 'developmental' interventions in the economy, and an economy that advances a particular vision of the Ethiopian state. To bear out this argument, the thesis traces the evolving relationship between party, state, and market through four distinct periods in the EPRDF's Ethiopia. While the administrative and economic institutions built during the wartime years were all subsumed into the movement's thrust toward military victory, structural adjustment during the 1990s led to a gradual differentiation between party, state, and market. The propagation of an Ethiopian 'developmental state' in the early 2000s implied a re-centralisation of economic rents, yet without a corresponding degree of control over society the party was left vulnerable. After the electoral near-defeat of 2005 the EPRDF thus reclaimed its 'vanguard' role, again fusing party, state, and market into a campaign for economic transformation that it presents as a logical extension of the original struggle for liberation. The thesis draws on over one hundred stakeholder interviews conducted during ten months of field research in Addis Ababa, Mekelle, and among the Ethiopian diaspora, as well as on extensive archival research.
14
Araya, Esayas Kassa. "Political Control and Accountability in Ethiopian Rulemaking." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6301.
Full textAbstract:
Administrative rules have played a central role in Ethiopian public administration since 1994 when the current constitution was adopted. However, if the formulation and implementation of the rules are not politically controlled, and proper accountability is not applied, these same rules could become threats instead of assurances of the rule of law and order. This case study explored what strategic controls and accountability measures are in place to regulate the rulemaking process. To inform the study, the political control of bureaucracy framework in general and the principal-agency model, in particular, were used. The central research question focused on strategies that ensure the political control and accountability of rulemaking in Ethiopia. Purposive sampling methods were employed, with interviews of five legislators and five appointed officials, as well as supportive legislative documents providing the data. The data were coded and thematically analyzed using a coding framework and a continuous iterative process. The results revealed that in Ethiopia there is a constitutional framework of control and accountability, but there is no political control mechanism in place, and no accountability measures have been taken. The study findings may indicate that there is a need for further studies on administrative and judicial review mechanisms and federated states' control mechanisms to fully understand the situation. The implication for social change includes awareness and attitudinal change of lawmakers and administrative authorities towards the importance of controlling and limiting the power to make rules. Positive social change is nearly impossible where unlimited and uncontrolled power is exercised.
15
Workneh, Téwodros. "The Politics of Telecommunications and Development in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18347.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to explore salient issues in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector. In doing so, the research investigated the institutional history and origins of state-monopoly of telecommunications in Ethiopia from the first ministerial level communications-related institution, the Ministry of Posts, Telegraph and Telephone, to Ethio-Telecom presently. Using a theoretical framework informed by political economy of communications, development studies and political science, the study explored the foundations, rationales and implications of contesting ideologies in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector involving the Ethiopian state and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The study also explored the extent to which, and why, the Ethiopian public endorses/denounces state monopoly of the telecommunications sector. It also investigated the premises on which Sino-Ethiopian partnerships in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector are laid.
A triangulated, multi-method research approach involving document analysis, online survey and semi-structured interviewing was employed in this study. World Bank documents and other secondary resources were analyzed to chronicle the institutional history of telecommunications in Ethiopia. IMF reports and Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front economic programs and political manifestos were carefully examined to address contesting liberalization discourses pertinent to the Ethiopian telecommunications sector. An online survey was administered to collect public opinion about, among other things, state monopoly of telecommunications in Ethiopia. Ethiopian government officials, IMF country representatives, Ethio-Telecom consultants and other important figures were interviewed to explore the pros and cons of Sino-Ethiopian relations in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector as well.
The study revealed that a host of different factors, most notably the rise of China as an alternative global economic power, have shifted Ethiopia's preference of global development partnership from West to East including in telecommunications infrastructure development. Growing concerns over state monopoly of telecommunications were reported by users, particularly in relation to lack of quality of services and fear of surveillance.2015-03-29
16
Lindqvist, Joseph. "Lord of the Nile : Explaining how the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam has affected Ethiopian Foreign Relations." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104183.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this essay is to examine how the foreign relationships of Ethiopia has developed as a result of the construction and filling of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam between 2011 and 2021. This essay therefore asks: How has Ethiopia’s foreign relations with the EU, Egypt, Sudan and China changed, have those relationships become more conflictual or cooperative, and how could potential changes be explained using a constructivist perspective? Constructivism is used as a means of explaining changes in the statements, positions and policies of these countries through concepts such as “norms” and “identities”. It additionally utilizes concepts from other studies such as “Hydro-hegemony”, “Benefit Sharing” and “Ethiopian renaissance”. It uses the BAR-scale from Wolf et al. (2003) to determine the different stages of Ethiopia’s relationships. The study concludes that Ethiopia’s relationship with the EU and China have progressed positively as a result of the GERD, and they have now started considering Ethiopia a more equitable partner for further cooperation. The relationship with Egypt and Sudan initially improved, with new Ethiopian norms of cooperation and equitable utilization becoming mainstay. However, Ethiopia’s unilateral action during recent events broke these norms, and has turned the relations conflictual once again.
17
Araia, Ghelawdewos. "The politics of famine and strategies for development in Ethiopia /." Access Digital Full Text version, 1990. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/10992960.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ed.D.) -- Teachers College, Columbia University, 1990.Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: William C. Sayres. Dissertation Committee: George C. Bond. Includes bibliographical references :(leaves 200-214).
18
Taki, Mesir. "The Green State of Ethiopia : Challenging the Western Perception of African States Environmental Politics." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-178126.
Full textAbstract:
Environmental sustainability has long been assumed to be a postmaterialist claim solely granted for affluent countries. This Western perception suggests that African and other developing countries are not capable of successfully dealing with environmental issues due to limited institutional and instrumental resources. Through semi-structured interviews with nine Ethiopian environment experts, and the supplementary method of field observations, this paper demonstrate empirical material from the green state of Ethiopia. Albeit being one of the poorest countries in the world, Ethiopia is displaying capacity to overcome environmental challenges and a willingness to undergo an environmentally sustainable transition process. Ultimately, environmental sustainability in Ethiopia is a possibility that contain challenges. The state have established environmental units, produced the comprehensive Climate Resilient Green Economy (CRGE) strategy and is actively transforming the rain-fed agriculture, investing in infrastructure and renewable energies, providing agricultural extension systems, rehabilitating degraded lands and creating environmental awareness. In addition, the national reforestation program, which includes restoration, creation and conservation of forests, boosts the forest industry and develops eco-system services, such as carbon sinks. However, weak implementation capacity disables the state from following through with ambitious environmental policies, and, in addition, the urge for economic development along an absence of strong regulative mechanisms stimulate the continuing conversion of forests and lands to agriculture.
19
Davies, Steven J. "The political economy of land tenure in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/580.
Full textAbstract:
In surveying the literature on land tenure reform in Africa, what can readily be observed is that much of that body of work has comprised a markedly econometric and technical focus, to the neglect of evidently contiguous political factors. As a result, fundamental structural impediments to reform efforts have largely been ignored - a fact that may be reflected in the failure of many titling interventions. In light of this omission, the nature of political economy in both Ethiopia and Africa more generally is delineated in this thesis, in order to construct a more rounded conceptual framework through which the issue of land tenure can be deciphered. In so doing, the model of the ‘neopatrimonial’/anti-developmental state is utilised as a benchmark against which twentieth century Ethiopian regimes, and in particular the incumbent EPRDF Government, are assessed. Considerable evidence is uncovered to support the view that, despite its unique historical experience of independence, contemporary Ethiopia nevertheless fits with many key aspects of the neopatrimonial model – most notably in the Government’s pursuit of political survival and revenue to the neglect of long-term sustainable development. It is therefore argued that political imperatives have undermined the establishment of a progressive economic agenda in the country, and the ways in which this has affected land tenure are delineated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the contemporary debate on tenure reform in Ethiopia has taken a form that is somewhat myopic and circuitous, possibly in an attempt to circumvent discussion of controversial political issues. It is argued that this apolitical stance has undermined not only the debate itself, but also the practical intervention strategies that have emerged from it, such as the recent land titling and administration project in Ethiopia. It is therefore concluded that the only means of escape from this theoretical and practical impasse is to reintegrate politics into the analysis.
20
Gebrezghi, Solomon Ghebre-Ghiorghis. "Dysfunctional polities, mediated information systems and modernisation in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367074.
Full text
21
Davies, Steven. "The political economy of land tenure in Ethiopia /." St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/580.
Full text
22
Svensson, Mattias. "Ethnic Federalism and Political Transition : A study of private media opinions on ethnic politics, human rights and democracy in a changing Ethiopia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384802.
Full text
23
Mihret, Lina. "“To Bring All Ethiopians Together”: Apolitical Sport, Diaspora Politics, And Mythico-Histories." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1193.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, I discuss the constraints and mediations on political discourse in the Ethiopian Diaspora in North America. I use the amateur sports federation, the Ethiopian Sports Federation in North America (ESFNA) as a site for this analysis, looking both at the online media campaign carried out when a split occurred in the institution and its 2017 tournament. The sport’s federation is a space for the diaspora to unite and pass down the cultural forms that distinguish it to the next generation. I argue that the political discourse of the diaspora is constrained by how the diaspora continues to (re)define its self in relations to the memories and imaginations of its homeland and its desire to remain a united and distinct community. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the migratory history of the Ethiopian diaspora in North America. This history pinpoints the diaspora’s reproduction of a unifying hegemonic Amhara national identity that is not supported by the current ruling party in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This is the history fuels the memory and imagination of the homeland that informs the mythico-histories that it produces to define the types of politics are supported or tolerated in the diaspora. Chapter 2 discuss the use of mythico-histories by anti-government groups in their campaign to boycott against the All Ethiopian Sports Association One (AESAONE)’s tournament. These narratives reveal the formation of an alliance between the apolitical sports’ federation ESFNA and aggressively anti-government groups in the diaspora. Finally, in Chapter 3 I analyze the symbiotic relationship between these anti-government groups and ESFNA and some of the way it shapes the political discourse at the 2017 ESFNA tournament. The tournament is a mediated space in which ESFNA’s apolitical unifying mission and the anti-government group's message are able to exist together.
24
Orlowska, Izabela Anna. "Re-imagining Empire : Ethiopian political culture under Yohannis IV, 1872-89." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.560557.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with the question of how the Ethiopian monarchy reconstructed and reinvented itself after more than a century of decline. It examines the internal dynamics of this process, by utilising primary source materials in indigenous Ethiopian languages. The main sources used are chronicles commemorating the reign of Y ohannis IV, the second of the monarchs who presided over the period widely regarded as marking the beginning of modem Ethiopian history. Chapter 1 outlines the main social and political themes essential for an understanding of Ethiopia in the late-nineteenth century. It deals with the origins of the national ideology, church-state relations, patronclient relations, the economic basis of society and land tenure. I then sketch the historical debate surrounding the period that provides the immediate context for the monarchy of Y ohannis IV. Chapter 2 examines the rise to power of Y ohannis and analyses this process by addressing understandings of authority, leadership and the role of charisma in the Ethiopian context. Chapter 3 examines how Solomonic genealogy and the religious symbols embedded in the glorious past of the monarchy were mobilised by Y ohannis to further his project of imperial reconstruction. Particular attention is paid to his coronation ceremony in 1872, as an example of the mobilization of imperial ideology, here expressed through the pageantry of political ritual. Chapters 4 and 5 look at the functioning of the Ethiopian political scene. Here oral sources supplement documentary material in order to identify new mechanisms and institutions that characterised the political culture of late nineteenth-century Ethiopia. Using historical narrative, reconstructed by tracing the lives and careers of prominent individuals on the political scene, I explain the dynamics of the centrifugal and centripetal forces that characterised centre-periphery relations. Chapter 6 examines the revived structure of the empire based on the concept of the king of kings and his relationship with his subordinate regional ruler.
25
Boni, Benedetta. "Ethiopian ethnic federalism: Sidama unsuccessful quest for selfdetermination : A contemporary analysis on the Ethiopian “unique” political structure and ethnocultural dynamics." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Afrikanska studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-34514.
Full textAbstract:
The 1995 Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia redesigned the new country’s federal structure according to ethnic lines and formally guaranteed the right of self-determination for every Ethiopian ethnocultural group. But not all the ethnic communities were allowed to administer their own state-region and, furthermore, to exercise the right of self-determination. This is the case of the Sidama ethnocultural group which, after two attempts, one of that failed and one still in progress, does not have the opportunity to exercise political autonomy over an own territorial region. The Sidama self- determination process’ evolution and their race to a political and regional autonomy represent a systemic gap within the federal model acquired in 1991, a contradiction between the federal rule of law and the pressures of a government that acts as if it were in power of a unitary and centralized state. Following this relevant issue at the core of this federal prototype’s assumption, this thesis aims to analyse if ethnic federalism formula could guarantee equal rights and freedom to all the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and could provide a solution to face the Ethiopian ethnocultural groups’ requests of self-determination. The still ongoing process of self-determination demanded by the Sidama people will be a fundamental element to study and to evaluate the Ethiopian federal model and its impact on the ethnonationalist claims.
26
Dufief, Elise. "The politics of election monitoring : the case of Ethiopia and the European Union." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0103.
Full textAbstract:
Ce projet de recherche s'articule autour de la problématique suivante : comment peut-on expliquer les usages multiples et contradictoires du monitoring électoral ? A travers le prisme des relations entre acteurs internationaux et locaux, nous démontrons d'une part comment un régime dit « fort » tel que l'Ethiopie utilise le monitoring électoral pour maintenir une position de pouvoir dans le pays et vis à vis des acteurs internationaux. D'autre part, les dimensions politiques du monitoring électoral soulignent le rôle ambigu joué par les promoteurs européens de la démocratie, qui utilisent également cet instrument comme un outil de politique étrangère, leur permettant ainsi, sous couvert de neutralité, d'interférer dans la politique nationale éthiopienne et justifier ainsi leur intervention. Cependant, en ratifiant un processus électoral non compétitif, ces acteurs sont affaiblis au cours du processus et leur entreprise perd considérablement de sa crédibilité. Au final, le récepteur des observateurs joue alors avec les marges de manœuvre existantes, et manipule les intérêts et intentions plus ou moins cachées des acteurs externes. Il remet ainsi en cause l'ordre diplomatique préétabli et la hiérarchie que cet ordre politique sous-tend. En conséquence, le monitoring électoral devient une zone de conflit où les stratégies politiques s'affrontent. L'instrument censé ouvrir l'espace politique en Éthiopie contribue en fait à sa fermetureMy dissertation examines the construction of power relations in the international system, through the lens of international election monitoring and its politics. Focusing on the relationship between the European Union and Ethiopia, I argue that election monitoring reflects a complex hierarchy of power and serves contradicting purposes. In the hands of the monitors, it is an instrument of discipline, intended to monitor domestic behavior and enforce a standard of performance. The recipient of monitors, while accepting the general rule, finds interstices to manoeuvre within, playing with and against interests and agendas of external actors. Ultimately, the politics of election observing functions as an arena of struggle where power strategies are at stake. Power relations are eventually reversed when international actors are weakened, giving more space for the recipient country to pursue its own electoral strategies
27
Lavers, Tom. "The political economy of social policy and agrarian transformation in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Bath, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.589653.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with social policy during structural transformation, focusing on the case of Ethiopia. The thesis takes a realist, case-based approach to the study of social policy, which recognises that political actors construct the domain of 'social' policy within legitimising discourses in specific national-historical contexts. Social policy is a key aspect of state-society relations and an inherently political field of study. Consequently, the study integrates analysis of cleavages in domestic society along class and ethnic lines, the role of state organisations and international influences, and their impact on the social policy pronouncements by senior government officials and implementation of those policies on the ground. In the Ethiopian case, this approach highlights the centrality of land to social policy and state• society relations. In particular, state land ownership is a key part of the government's development strategy that aims to combine egalitarian agricultural growth with security for smallholders. Nevertheless, the failure to expand the use of productivity-enhancing agricultural inputs, which constitute key complements to the use of land for social objectives, has led to differentiation in social policy provision along class, gender, age and ethnic lines. Micro-level case studies link the land question to food security, including the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP), and processes of agricultural commercialisation, notably the so-called 'global land grab'. A main argument of the thesis is that the Ethiopian government is attempting to manage social processes in order to minimise the social and political upheaval involved in structural transformation, and that social pol icy is a central means by which it does so. The development strategy requires social policies that enable the government to control the allocation of factors of production, necessitating restrictions on the rights of individuals and groups. As such, this strategy is intricately intertwined with political authority.
28
Kedir, Abdu Abdurazak. "The need for the political representation of persons with disabilities in Ethiopia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18615.
Full textAbstract:
Modern parliaments are mostly compared to the top echelon of the society.The unfairness of the representation still holds true even where free, fair and periodic democratic elections are held. PWDs constitue the largest minority group accounting for 15.6% of the world's population. In Ethiopia approximately the same percentage of the population is disabled though nor fairly represented in the political system.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
29
Worku, Askal Tilahun. "Poverty alleviation and community participation towards development in Bahir-Dar, Amhara regional state, Ethiopia." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018801.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of the research was to assess the trends and forms of community participation to poverty alleviation in Bahir Dar town. The field study was limited to two projects, micro and small scale enterprise activities and credit service, however the finding and recommendation can be applied to all projects aimed to poverty alleviation and community self sustaining projects. In order to achieve the research objectives, a review of relevant literature was done. It began by reviewing definitions and concepts of poverty. The literature also over reviewed the importance of community participation to poverty alleviation efforts of a country and reviews the Ethiopian poverty reduction process. The literature further highlighted the role of community participation in achieving development goals. The data collection was done by means of focus group discussions complimented by face-to-face interviews. The data collected were analyzed thematically with the use of narrative summary and categorization in respect to the objective of the study. The findings of the study showed that there is low participation of community and therefore creating more opportunities for community participation activity and detailed study in the area is recommended.
30
Wako, Adi Liban. "Ideology as commodity : industry of a theocracy and production of famines in Ethiopia /." View thesis, 2003. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20031007.091020/index.html.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2003.Thesis submitted as fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Western Sydney, Hawkesbury, August, 2003. Bibliography : leaves [281]-310.
31
Kazickas, Annalina. "Competition and cooperation on the Nile River: a contemporary analysis of Ethiopian - Egyptian relations." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23756.
Full textAbstract:
In the past decade, Ethiopia has seen unprecedented economic growth as a result of its efforts to eradicate poverty through sustainable development. Ethiopia's recent construction of the 6,000 MW Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam along the Blue Nile, a major tributary to the transboundary Nile River, supports these efforts. Despite objections from Ethiopia's downstream riparian, Egypt, construction has continued, indicating that as Ethiopia establishes itself as a rising power in the Horn of Africa, Egyptian hegemony will be increasingly challenged. Ethiopia's quest for energy sufficiency to support its development is disrupting the region's historic balance of power as well as relations among the Nile Basin countries. In particular, relations between Ethiopia and Egypt have become increasingly complex. This thesis will argue that the shifting balance of power has provided for the development of a gesellschaft society that will continue to support regional stability.
32
Olana, Gemechu. "A church under challenge : the socio-economic and political involvement of the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY) /." Berlin : dissertation.de, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2830121&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
Full text
33
Maknun, Gamaledin Ashami. "The political economy of the Afar region of Ethiopia : a dynamic periphery." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283817.
Full text
34
Sahlström, Berit. "Political posters in Ethiopia and Mozambique : visual imagery in a revolutionary context /." Uppsala : Almqvist & Wiksell, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36682816z.
Full text
35
Kissi, Edward. "Famine and the politics of food relief in the United States relations with Ethiopia, 1950-1991." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/NQ40301.pdf.
Full text
36
Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Identities in conflict : an ethnography of war and the politics of identity in Ethiopia, 1998-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406340.
Full text
37
Tegnell, Frida. "To Empower Ethiopian Women : A Minor Field Study of how the Gender Reforms of the Ethiopian Government impact on Non-Governmental Organisations work with Women Empowerment." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91011.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia is a country that for centuries has been dominated by men. However, since 2018, the Prime Minister Abiye Ahmed has introduced gender reforms, including a gender balanced cabinet. The purpose of this study is to evaluate how the gender reforms affect three non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in their work to empower women. The paper focuses on the following research questions: 1) How do non-governmental organisations work with women empowerment in Ethiopia? 2) To what extent and how have non-governmental organisations been affected by the gender reforms of the Ethiopian government that took office in 2018? 3) How have Ethiopian women been affected by the gender reforms of the Ethiopian government that took office in 2018 according to non-governmental organisations? The paper follows the theoretical framework by Dibie and Dibie, and Bratton as analytical framework. The methodological framework that has been used is a qualitative method, conducting semi- structured interviews. The NGOs main approach in relation to women empowerment is Self Help Groups (SHGs) and Women Watch Groups. The NGOs are unanimous that the gender reforms have improved NGOs relationship with the government due to a new law that was implemented in relation to the reforms. Finally, the NGOs have a positive image of Ethiopian women’s future and argues that the gender reforms empower women.
38
Spears, Ian S. "Evolutions in African conflict : the impact and aftermath of the Cold War, 1985-1995." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0017/NQ44596.pdf.
Full text
39
Bekele, Mesfin Negash. "Political Parallelism in Diaspora-based Transnational Media : The case of Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT)." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38587.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores political parallelism in the context of diaspora-based transnational media through the experience of the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT). The station is conceived as a party media outlet and transformed into a diaspora-based, non-profit and mainly diaspora funded institution. It has been operating from its three studios in Amsterdam, London and Washington, D.C., until recently. ESAT has emerged as one of the most influential media outlets in the political landscape of Ethiopia in the last ten years. The research, through qualitative and in-depth case study interviews, examines the underlying ideological, political and organizational affiliations that defined ESAT’s position in the media landscape. The study concluded that political parallelism, as an indicator of the dynamics between media and politics, can be used in the diaspora-based transnational media context. However, the study also validated critics on the inapplicability of the two preconditions of political parallelism, namely the existence of competitive system and patterns. The analysis confirms a high level of political parallelism in ESAT in all the five indicators selected for the study. The indicators considered are Ownership, Organizational connections, Party or ideological loyalty, Media personnel’s political involvement, and Journalists’ role orientation. Each of them demonstrated a level of parallelism in ideological orientations or party connection with Ginbot 7 Movement for Democracy and Justice. The study concluded that the salient features of political parallelism should further be studied in the context of the transnational media space of diaspora-based media.
40
Dye, Jennifer. "Food Security & Large-Scale Land Acquisitions: The Cases of Tanzania and Ethiopia." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1427980600.
Full text
41
Wolde, Mulugeta Abebe. "A critical assessment of institutions, roles and leverage in public policymaking : Ethiopia, 1974-2004 /." Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1452.
Full text
42
Watchefo, Lydia-Gennet. "China in Ethiopia : A Case Study on the Ethio-China Collaborated Light Railway Transit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-372198.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates different stakeholder groups’ perceptions on how Chinese investments contribute to the development of Ethiopia in the capital city Addis Ababa. To delimit the thesis, one recently completed infrastructural project was analyzed, namely the Light Railway Transit (LRT) in Addis. This project was a collaboration between the Ethiopian and the Chinese governments and to 85% funded by Chinese loans. By conducting twenty-six semi-structured interviews with interviewees from six strategically selected stakeholder groups, varying perceptions on Ethio-China relations and the LRT project were encountered. The main findings of the study include that the Ethio-China relations have been beneficial for the two governments and that Chinese investments have affected Ethiopia’s economic growth positively. However, in the case of the LRT project, the main observable was that it contributed to developmental image-building and failed to meet some of the other objectives pursued by it, such as providing reliable transportation service to the citizens. Moreover, experts and representatives from international organizations, the Ethiopian private sector and trade unions as well as citizens brought up problems with respect to skill transfer and working conditions related to Chinese investments, among other things. Further, they claimed that Ethio-China relations might negatively affect Ethiopia’s potential for democratization.
43
Miženková, Lucia. "Konflikty v Somálsku, Etiópii a Eritrei po 2. svetovej vojne." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114277.
Full textAbstract:
The work is concerned with political problems in the Horn of Africa region (Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea). It is focused on the course of politics, analysis and future development of both regional and mutual conflicts. First part provides general characteristics of the region as the whole. Next parts deals in detail with each state separetely. There is also given special space to the Ethiopia-Eritrea and Somalia-Ethiopia conflicts.
44
Gadzala, Aleksandra Weronika. "China and Ethiopia : the political dynamics of economic relations in the new global order." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ff4c53a-029e-42b5-a82b-1c13895ddf16.
Full textAbstract:
How can political science account for the decision of African states to strengthen their ties with China, often at the expense of other alliances and often in the face of economic risks? This thesis explores this question in the context of relations between Ethiopia and China, especially in the context of investments made by Chinese sovereign wealth funds in the Ethiopian economy. To begin to answer this question this thesis recasts the China-Africa debate to focus on African, i.e. Ethiopian, agency. The focus is on how Ethiopia's political leaders make foreign policy decisions and on the factors that shape their preferences. This focus reveals the influence of cognitive variables on their foreign policy decisions; the influence of their guiding ideology, 'revolutionary democracy,' is especially key. An analysis of Ethiopia's formal institutions demonstrates they are inadequate to explain the policy choices of Ethiopian leaders; they have been designed to reflect the concepts of revolutionary democracy. Using the language of prospect theory, a descriptive theory of decision-making under risk, this thesis contends that Ethiopian leaders select foreign policy options by weighing their possible outcomes as gains or losses relative to revolutionary democracy as their reference frame. Ethiopian leaders sanctioned China's finance of the Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation despite the monopoly it gave to China and its impact on Ethiopia's debt. They formed a front company between Ethiopia and China's military industrial complexes despite its negative effects on economic development. They opened Ethiopia’s regions to Chinese capital although capital flows only to state-owned enterprises. Yet in each case, ideological objectives were advanced. This examination demonstrates how non-structural factors play a critical role in a bureaucratized state. Theoretical frameworks that account for these factors, like prospect theory, are therefore valuable to more robust understandings of Ethiopia, and Africa's, deepening relations with China.
45
Kimura, Birgitta K. "An archaeological investigation into the history and socio-political organization of Konso, Southern Ethiopia." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0008344.
Full text
46
Berhanu, Kassahun. "Returnees, resettlement and power relations : the making of a political constituency in Humera, Ethiopia /." Amsterdam : VU University Press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38868326j.
Full text
47
Janka, Dejene Girma. "The realization of the right to housing in Ethiopia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5452.
Full textAbstract:
This research aims to answer the question whether Ethiopia has adopted adequate
measures to realize the right to housing. This dissertation will be informative to many Ethiopians about their right to housing vis-à-vis the duty of the government and the measures it has taken. It can also serve as an incentive for the government to take adequate steps to realize the right to housing thereby
influencing policy-making. Further, the research will bridge the gap in the existing literature on the subject.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Atangcho Nji Akonumbo of the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaoundé, Cameroon.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
48
Jones, Lee C. "The cold war and conflic in Angola and Ethiopia 1975-1991: a world systems theory comparison." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/317.
Full text
49
Ofuho, Cirino Hiteng. "Discourses on liberation and democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa : the cases of Eritrea and Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Kent, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244201.
Full text
50
Nicol, Alan Leslie. "Contested margins : water resources, decentralisation and the state in the Awash valley, Ethiopia, 1985-1998." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271353.
Full text