Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ethiopian politics

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
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Academic literature on the topic 'Ethiopian politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Ethiopian politics"

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Thompson, Daniel K. "Border crimes, extraterritorial jurisdiction, and the racialization of sovereignty in the Ethiopia–British Somaliland borderlands during the 1920s." Africa 90, no. 4 (August 2020): 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000303.

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AbstractThis article argues that the politics of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the 1920s reshaped relations between ethnicity and territorial sovereignty in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands. A 1925 criminal trial involving Gadabursi Somalis began as what Britons deemed a ‘tribal matter’ to be settled through customary means, but became a struggle for Ethiopia's regent, Ras Tafari, to assert Ethiopia's territorial authority and imperial sovereignty. British claims of extraterritorial jurisdiction over Somalis amidst 1920s global geopolitical shifts disrupted existing practices of governance in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands and created a dilemma for Ethiopian authorities. In order to uphold international obligations, Ethiopian officials effectively had to revoke their sovereignty over some Somalis indigenous to Ethiopia. Yet Britons’ practical application of extraterritoriality to Somalis was predicated on assumed racial differences between Somalis and highland Ethiopians (‘Abyssinians’). Thus, Ethiopia's recognition of British extraterritorial jurisdiction would lend legitimacy to claims exempting Somalis from Ethiopian sovereignty due to differences in identity. The case reveals how assertions about race, nationality and ‘tribal’ identity articulated to subordinate Ethiopian rule to British interests and, in the longer term, to delegitimize Ethiopian governance over Somalis.
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ASSEFA, ANDEBET HAILU, and BELAYNEH TAYE GEDIFEW. "SYMBOLIC VALUES AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE GRAND ETHIOPIAN RENAISSANCE DAM PROJECT IN ETHIOPIAN IDENTITY POLITICS." Skhid, no. 1(2) (July 1, 2021): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.1(2).229192.

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This paper attempts to show how the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) ’s economic and political gains could help develop a shared outlook to regulate Ethiopia’s opposing political trajectories, i.e., the ethnocentric and pan-Ethiopian nationalist camps. Presently, different ethnic-based “in-group and out-group” contrasting political discourses have dominated Ethiopian polity. The paper reviews and exposes relevant philosophical concepts, including “mirror identity,” primordial and instrumental conception of ethnicity. Notably, following Anderson’s (2006) line of thought, nationalism as a “cultural artefact” and expression of an “imagined community,” the paper argues that GERD could serve as a shared symbolic and developmental language to reshape Ethiopian national consciousness and imagination by improving the political and economic domains of the country. Accordingly, the GERD covertly or overtly helps reform the polity’s self-recognition mechanisms and circuitously re-approaches outstanding political differences by inspiring trust-based relations among major political actors. Ethnocentric motivations raise political questions such as secession, the right to linguistic and cultural recognition, economic equality, and political security and representation by using their respective ethnic lines as means of political mobilization. In current Ethiopia, political identities have been practically blended with ethnic identity. In this sense, as diverse ethnic groups exist, political borders sustain among the multiple ethnic-based nationalists and between pan-Ethiopian and ethnocentric actors. Thus, a comprehensive dialogue and constructive political cross-fertilization are required between various political actors, horizontally and vertically, among ethnocentric nationalists and the pan-Ethiopian advocates. In Ethiopia, the realization of internal political consensus requires an instantaneous remedial mechanism. Accordingly, the politically drawn antithetical ethnic demarcations and occasionally fabricated historical narratives have undeniably pushed politics into unfavourable conditions. That is why, as the paper maintains that developmental projects such as the GERD would have pertinent economic and political mechanisms to developing a national sentiment, which in turn symbolically facilitate national consensus among the major political actors. Hence, borrowing Fukuyama’s (2018) notion of “creedal national identity”, one could resonate that developmental projects can help realize symbolic worth by constructively enabling citizens to recognize their countries’ foundational ideals and elevating common factors. The present paper does not examine the GERD project’s external geopolitical and legal concerns concerning scope, although these topics are worth examining for further investigations.
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Hafkin, Nancy J. "“Whatsupoch” on the Net: The Role of Information and Communication Technology in the Shaping of Transnational Ethiopian Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (March 2011): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.221.

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The Ethiopian diaspora is using the Internet increasingly to reflect on its identity, to forge new communities, and to promote cultural innovation. This essay tracks the close association of information and communication technologies (ICTs) with the emergence of the Ethiopian diaspora since 1980, setting forth a series of brief case studies illustrating the role of ICTs among different Ethiopian ethnic communities. It documents the manner in which ICTs shape socialization and address questions of return to homeland; it also explores the way in which Ethiopians have exploited new media and their technical innovations. The essay concludes with an account of ways in which freedom of expression and access to technology enable diaspora Ethiopians to have public discussions and circulate critiques of Ethiopian politics and culture that could not have taken place in Ethiopia, which is not only at the bottom of the digital divide but has exercised censorship over a number of homeland Ethiopian Web sites and blogs. (16 January 2009)
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Lyons, Terrence. "Transnational Politics in Ethiopia: Diasporas and the 2005 Elections." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (March 2011): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.265.

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Beginning with a discussion of new political processes in transnational social networks, this essay presents Ethiopians in North America as a conflict-generated transnational diaspora closely involved in homeland politics. The essay surveys a range of key diaspora political organizations and media, detailing their involvement in the dramatic political events surrounding the Ethiopian election in 2005. The critical and creative roles that the Ethiopian diaspora played—in framing political events and as a gatekeeper for opposition strategies—provided essential support for the homeland’s opposition parties both during and after the election. (6 March 2009)
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Hagmann, Tobias. "Beyond clannishness and colonialism: understanding political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region, 1991–2004." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (October 24, 2005): 509–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001205.

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This article proposes an alternative interpretation of political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Regional State since the rise to power of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. Some observers have perceived contemporary politics in the former Ogaden as an example of ‘internal colonisation’ by highland Ethiopians. Others attribute political instability to the ‘nomadic culture’ inherent in the Somali clan structure and the ineptness of its political leaders. This study argues that neither of these two politicised narratives grasps the contradictory interactions between the federal Ethiopian government and its Somali periphery, nor the recursive relations between state and society. With reference to the literature on neo-patrimonialism, I elucidate political disorder in the Somali Region by empirically describing hybrid political domination, institutional instability, and patronage relations, showing how neo-patrimonial rule translates into contested statehood in the region and political devices ranging from military coercion to subtle co-optation. Rather than unilateral domination, a complex web of power and manipulation between parts of the federal and regional authorities animates political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region.
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Kemal, Maiftah Mohammed. "Ethnic-Based Party Systems, Culture of Democracy, and Political Transition in Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Political Transition in Ethiopia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.4.

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According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy before his actual coronation (1916). The emperor was overthrown in a coup in 1974, and Mengistu’s regime came to an end when he fled the country for Zimbabwe (1991). (Miftah, 2019) Thus far, revolutions, peasant upheavals, and military coup d’états have been political instruments of regime change in Ethiopia. What is missing in the Ethiopian experience of transition so far is the changing of governments through elections. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities for a political transition in Ethiopia using comparative data analysis and various presentation methods.
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Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires, Gebeyehu Mengesha Kefale, and Getahun Antigegn Kumie. "The Pitfalls of Ethnolinguistic-Based Federal Experiment in Ethiopia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 661–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-661-672.

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In 1991, when Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) became a leading party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia introduced a system of ethnic-based federalism, which had never been practiced in the political history of the state before. The recognition of Ethiopian ethnic diversity became one of the country’s fundamental principles, with the federal system largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. Since its inception, Ethiopia's ethnic federalism has been the subject of heated debate among various political organizations in the country, as well as among observers and scholars both in and outside the country. The key objective of this paper is to appraise the pitfalls of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia, which has been functioning in the country for more than two and half decades. The authors believe ethnic-based federalism to be a political arrangement that succeeds to maintain balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces. They see it as an appropriate and viable strategy for a sustainable nation-building effort in the context of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. At the same time, the authors observe that in the case with ethnicity-based political arrangements, unless they are implemented with maximum care, the risk outweighs the benefit. When a state like Ethiopia, which had been highly centralized for many years, is trying to experiment with a seemingly federal arrangement, the equilibrium of diversity and unity should be maintained. If the political environment focuses primarily on diversity and ignores shared values and common identity, it leaves room for the elites to manipulate the differences and pursue their own parochial political interests, which would eventually serve against the public benefit. The pioneers of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism believe that the contemporary ethnolinguistic-based federal arrangement is a panacea for problems related to identity politics. However, the authors argue that, from a practical perspective, for the past two and half decades (probably in the future too, unless re-designed) ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has been highly politicized (manipulated by political dealers promoting their own selfish interests).
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Ambiguous elections: the influence of non-electoral politics in Ethiopian democratisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 449–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004005.

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ABSTRACTThe ‘non-electoral context’ of elections is often overlooked in democratisation studies, in order not to obscure an otherwise clear model or theory of transition. A key challenge for research on democratisation processes is to balance electoral ‘formalities’ with contextual factors, qualitative perceptions and non-electoral issues, in order to reach a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of democratic transitions. This article advocates a multilayered approach to – or a ‘thick description’ of – elections, as this will capture the diversity of real life experiences and expose alternative power discourses competing with the electoralist one in influencing the path of democratisation. In so doing, it casts light on the crucial impact of the Eritrean–Ethiopian war on Ethiopia's 2005 election, in addition to other qualitative and contextual factors, which lead to the conclusion that the advancement of democracy through multiparty elections in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has failed.
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Vasudeo, Kshipra. "Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 10, 2021): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.407.

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Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.
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Young, John. "Along Ethiopia's western frontier: Gambella and Benishangul in transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1999): 321–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x9900302x.

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The lowland Ethiopian regions of Gambella and Benishangul, bordering Sudan, form a classic frontier zone. ‘Modern’ politics dates from the 1974 Ethiopian revolution, and has been shaped by developments on either side of the frontier, as well as by the complex relations among indigenous peoples, and between them and immigrants and officials from highland areas of Ethiopia. The implementation of the post-1991 Ethiopian government's programme of ethnic regionalism has intensified local rivalries, and regional governments remain weak, being highly dependent on professionals from highland Ethiopia. Education, transport links, and other indicators of development remain poor. None the less, local political power, in sharp contrast to earlier periods, has to an appreciable extent passed into the hands of indigenous leaders.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethiopian politics"

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Emirru, Tesfa Bihonegn. "Multinational Federalism and secessionism in Ethiopia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2020. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2298.

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After a protracted civil war that ended in a regime change in 1991, the state of Ethiopia adopted multinational federalism as a means of managing its ethno-linguistic diversity. The federalization process which had begun following the military triumph of the EPRDF in May 1991 culminated with the inauguration of the country as the “Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia” in August 1995. Consequently, Ethiopia has become a multinational federation (or “ethnic federalism” as it is usually referred to) comprised of nine regional states and two autonomous city-administrations. Under the new federal order, constituent groups are made to exercise different forms of self-rule in territories they are concentrated. In doing so, the state of Ethiopia has introduced a new approach to the ubiquitous problem of ethnicity in Africa. Despite the prevalence of the problem of ethnicity in the continent, often in its violent form, no other African state has dared to approach the “ethnic challenge” as boldly and squarely as the state of Ethiopia has done under the leadership of the EPRDF. In fact, Ethiopia is currently the only multinational federation in the African continent. However, the new federal order in Ethiopia has been criticized for increasing authoritarianism. Thus, despite a constitutional guarantee of groups not only to self-determination but also to secession, the actual practice of federalism in Ethiopia has been hampered by the hegemony of the ruling coalition both at federal and regional governments. On the contrary, “ethnic federalism” is criticized for emphasizing ethnic differences and putting the survival and territorial integrity of the country apprehensively in danger. On the other hand, after two decades of authoritarian federalism, the Ethiopian federation is currently undergoing a series of unprecedented political reforms. The reforms were preceded or rather caused by mass anti-government protests that have lasted for almost two years between 2015 and 2017, and engulfed the two most populous regions in the federation ─ Oromia and Amhara regions. On 15 February 2018, Prime Minister Haile-Mariam Desalegn resigned and on 2 April a new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, was elected. Under Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian federation is undergoing a series of political reforms and democratic undertakings. At the same time, however, the Ethiopian federation is also in the midst of a political crisis as a result of, for instance, renewed ethnic and regional conflicts, increasing displacement of people, and internal dispute within the ruling coalition. This research examines multinational federalism and secessionism in two of the nine member states in the Ethiopian federation ─ Oromia and Somali regions. It investigates (1) the features and limitations of the actual exercise of federal autonomy in Oromia and Somali regions under an authoritarian political system (1995-2015); (2) the trajectories of the OLF and ONLF armed movements for the secession of respectively Oromia and Somali regions following the introduction of multinational federalism (1995-2015); and (3) the mass antigovernment protests that have disrupted the Ethiopian federation between 2015 and 2017 and subsequent developments relevant to issues of federalism and secessionism in Oromia and Somali regions. The study was first designed to be based on both documentary sources and interviews. However, the outbreak of protests and the states of emergency subsequently declared in the country have made the collection of data through interviews difficult and risky as well. Consequently, the plan to conduct interviews with government officials, opposition leaders and members of civil society organizations in Oromia and Somali regions is dropped. Thus, the data used in the study are entirely derived from different documentary sources. The study uncovers that the exercise of federal autonomy in Oromia and Somali regions, which are associated with active secessionist movements, shared remarkable similarities including frequent changes in regional governments, widespread human rights violations, and resentments over limited influences at the federal government. On the other hand, the study identifies a crisis of legitimacy as the major factor behind the limitations of multinational federalism in successfully addressing Oromo nationalism in Ethiopia. Doing so, the study explains the problems of legitimacy which the OPDO, the Oromo wing of the ruling coalition, and the federal order have encountered in Oromia. As far as the Somali region is concerned, the study discusses how the exercise of federal autonomy has been hampered by internal conflicts within the Somali society, and the need for the ruling coalition to have an allied, subordinate party capable of governing the region. In addition, the study demonstrates how internal power struggle and ongoing insurgency by the ONLF have led to widespread federal intervention in Somali regional politics, particularly through the agency of the Ministry of Federal Affairs and the federal army. As far as secessionist movements in Oromia and Somali regions are concerned, the study shows that it is only the ONLF which was able to pose serious military challenges to the Ethiopian government. The OLF, despite its popularity particularly among the intelligentsia and the diaspora, has never posed significant military threats. In this regard, the study shows the role which regional politics has played in the military decline of the ONLF (since 2010) and the ever-present military weakness of the OLF. Though the introduction of multinational federalism in Ethiopia has little to do with the military decline or weakness of secessionist movements, the study shows that the provision of constitutional autonomy to the Oromo and the Somali has contributed towards the political decline of both the OLF and the ONLF. Lastly, the study shows the recent convergence of mass anti-government protests in Oromia and Amhara regions with internal friction among member parties of the ruling coalition and the subsequent rise to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in April 2018, which has led to the return of both the OLF and the ONLF to pursue peaceful political struggle in the country.
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Chala, Endalkachew. "Diaspora Media, Local Politics: Journalism and the Politics of Homeland among the Ethiopian Opposition in the United States." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24228.

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The relentless political pressure the Ethiopian government put on Ethiopian journalists, political dissidents and opposition activists drove hundreds of them out of their country. However, after leaving their country, the journalists and the opposition activists remain engaged in the politics of their country of origin through the media outlets they establish in diaspora. Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and Oromia Media Network (OMN) are two media platforms that have emerged in the United States under such conditions. This dissertation chronicles the rise of ESAT and OMN and their far reaching political influence in Ethiopia. Using mixed method research, it provides their detailed profiles that range from their inception, to their impact on the Ethiopian public sphere and the Ethiopian government’s response to them, to their reporting of political events in Ethiopia. This research makes the case that ESAT and OMN, through the instrumentality of a transnational public sphere have altered the Ethiopian political dynamics during the last five years. Particularly, ESAT and OMN use Facebook and Twitter as a backbone to gather information and foster relationships with news sources inside Ethiopia; they also transmit uncensored information back to Ethiopia via satellite television. In response to their communication activities, the Ethiopian government seeks to undermine the links that ESAT and OMN have in the country by routinely blocking the internet, requesting Facebook and Twitter to take down their content and jamming their satellite transmissions. The Ethiopian government also responds to the reporting of ESAT and OMN by changing its policy positions on domestic political issues. This illustrates that Ethiopian political exiles remain key players of Ethiopian political dynamics in ways that thoroughly exemplify trans-local reciprocity. It also shows that ESAT and OMN might very well be a prototype of a diaspora community media that keeps grievances alive and magnifies ideological differences they brought with them to the United States.
2021-01-11
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Zeleke, Girum. "Democracy, federalism, decentralisation : the role of post-1991 Ethiopian politics in famine prevention." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509880.

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Eide, Øyvind M. "Revolution and religion in Ethiopia : a study of Church and politics with special reference to the Ethiopian evangelical Church Mekane Yesus 1974-1985 /." Stavanger : Uppsala : Misjonshøgskolens forlag ; Uppsala universitet, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35858349k.

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Ogundele, Ayodeji O. (Ayodeji Olusesi). "Balance-of-Power Theory and the Ethiopian-Somali Conflict of 1977- 1978." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500318/.

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Balance-of-Power theory was tested by examining the 1977-1978 Ethiopian-Somali conflict and its outcome. The theory, according to Waltz (1979), claims to explain the international outcome arising from realpolitik or power politics, namely, the formation of balances of power. Given the close fit between the major developments leading to the eruption of conflict and the principal propositions of balance-of-power theory, the outcome of the conflict was expected to be consistent with that posited by the theory. This expectation was borne out by the study's finding which indicated that the conflict has produced a similar result. Confirmation of the theory was achieved by further subjecting the finding to the verification test established by Waltz.
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Bishop, Sarah J. "Music, Ethnicity, and Violence on the Ethio-South Sudanese Border." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1577993050917621.

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Woldegeorgis, Eden Fitsum. "Politics Gone Wired : Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis of Facebook, Political Discussions in Ethiopia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-49451.

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Cherenet, Fasil W. "A study of the motivation and methods of involvement of the Ethiopian diaspora in the political process in Ethiopia since 1990." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2014. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1517.

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This study addresses the transnational political relationship of the Ethiopian Diaspora in the United States with the homeland, Ethiopia, since the 1990s. It does so by investigating what the motivating factors and the methods of political participation are, if any. To this end, a four-part bilingual (Amharic/English) online and hard copy survey with open and close-ended questions was used. Over 300 members of the Ethiopian Diaspora in the United States completed the survey, which is the basis of the observations made in the dissertation. The Ethiopian Diaspora is considered to be a newer Diaspora; however, the number of Ethiopians living abroad has significantly increased since the 1970s. The research confirms these Ethiopians demonstrate their affinity and connection to the homeland through social cultural events such as sporting events, attending religious services, concerts and festivals, and even by traveling frequently to Ethiopia, thus celebrating their connection to the homeland. The research also shows that although Ethiopians have a very strong interest in seeing a better Ethiopia, a majority do not seem to be motivated enough to participate in transnational political activities. This is due to their mistrust of the political leadership and the absence of the lack of a democratic culture within the Ethiopian Diaspora. The few that are motivated to participate are focused more on peripheral activities or methods of political participation. According to the findings of this research, factors such as class, gender, age, immigration generation, and education are not central in determining the individual political participation of the respondents. Most of the respondents are also opposed to an armed struggle and believe in peaceful methods of struggle to bring meaningful change in the Ethiopian political system. Although the legal and political framework in the United States is conducive for political activism, power struggle and internal disunity have contributed to the minimal level of engagement of the Ethiopian Diaspora. The Diaspora has a huge potential and capacity to become an important transnational force and a catalyst for change. Future research may shed light on how to mobilize this untapped force.
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Rock, Mary June. "The politics of famine in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2141/.

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In attempting to explain the causes of famine, the literature on famine points to different factors. This list of causes includes: drought; neo-Malthusian population growth; environmental degradation; limited technology; capitalist development, or the lack of it; the nature of the state, blamed either for lack of intervention or, on the contrary, for too much intervention; and, war. However, to attempt to determine how causation of famine might be quantitatively apportioned between the different factors listed in the debates on causes of famine is of limited value, precisely because the different factors that promote famine - drought, environmental degradation, economic decline, war - are inextricably intertwined and interact with one another. Moreover, famine is not simply predetermined by the factors that the debate on causes itemizes. People's own actions and what people choose to do also shapes the outcome and future strategies for survival. The concern of this thesis is with famine in the case study areas, but our concern is not with debating the causes of famine as much as with identifying consequences. We examine the effects of the array of forces on people's strategies for survival in the research areas during and after the drought and famine of the mid-1980's. We describe the different strategies pursued by people in the study areas in the circumstances that existed during the drought and famine of the mid-1980's; and then discuss the consequences of those actions for people's ability to recover and for people's future survival strategies. The empirical data are based on two case studies carried out over a 6 month period from late October 1991 to end April 1992 in the Kallu area of southern Wollo. Wallo is the province that was hit hardest by famine during 1984/5 and in 1972/4. In documenting the resource base in which people in the study areas sought to survive, our findings challenge commonly held assumptions about the effects of the 1975 Land Reform, the nature of Peasant Associations, and the nature of gender relations. The findings on the consequences of people's responses during the drought and famine of the mid-1980's indicate that we need to reconsider the issue of what is meant by the notion of 'coping', so central to much of the literature on famine survival strategies.
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Zarowsky, Christina. "Refugee lives and the politics of suffering in Somali Ethiopia." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37915.

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This thesis examines the lifeworlds of Somali returnees in Ethiopia. Their experience of flight and return is distinctive, shaped by the history and culture of the Somali people and the political and economic conditions of this part of Africa. In emphasizing this distinctiveness, this thesis is an implicit critique of recent efforts by academics and aid agencies to homogenize the experience of refugees in this region and elsewhere. In Ethiopia, "development" and humanitarian aid, in interaction with political contests at many levels, provide the context for interpreting refugee experience and action. Globally, the most powerful of the reductionist accounts is based on the "trauma model" of refugee experience. In this model, "refugee experience" has come to be virtually synonymous with "psychosocial" and, in turn, "mental health" and "post-traumatic stress disorder" (PTSD). Somali refugees and returnees in Ethiopia, however, do not address violence, death, and war-related distress in a framework of psychological medicine, with its goal of reducing psychological, emotional and physiological symptoms of individual distress. Rather, such distress is predominantly assimilated into the framework of politics, with its goals of survival and restitution. Emotion, and talking about emotion, evoke complex individual and collective memories that situate individual and local community experience within, or in juxtaposition to, other realities: competing powers such as the Ethiopian and other states, dispossession, and the precariousness of survival in a harsh natural and political environment. Historical narratives, collective memory, anger, and the rhetorics of development and humanitarian aid play important roles in these communities' efforts to rebuild social networks and what they refer to as a "decent human life."
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Books on the topic "Ethiopian politics"

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The Ethiopian economy, 1974-94: Ethiopia Tikdem and after. London: Routledge, 1995.

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K, Holcomb Bonnie, ed. Politics and the Ethiopian famine, 1984-1985. Cambridge, MA (11 Divinity Ave., Cambridge 02138): Cultural Survival, 1985.

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Clay, Jason W. Politics and the Ethiopian famine, 1984-1985. Cambridge, MA: New Brunswick, U.S.A., 1986.

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Kjetil, Tronvoll, Schaefer Charles 1957-, and Aneme Girmachew Alemu, eds. The Ethiopian red terror trials: Transitional justice challenged. Woodbridge, Suffolk: James Currey, 2009.

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Tronvoll, Kjetil. War & the politics of identity in Ethiopia: Making enemies & allies in the Horn of Africa. Woodbridge, Suffolk: James Currey, 2009.

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War & the politics of identity in Ethiopia: Making enemies & allies in the Horn of Africa. Woodbridge, Suffolk: James Currey, 2009.

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Tronvoll, Kjetil. War & the politics of identity in Ethiopia: Making enemies & allies in the Horn of Africa. Woodbridge, Suffolk: James Currey, 2009.

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Tronvoll, Kjetil. War & the politics of identity in Ethiopia: Making enemies & allies in the Horn of Africa. Woodbridge, Suffolk: James Currey, 2009.

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Henze, Paul B. The Ethiopian revolution: Mythology and history. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 1989.

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Fiscal federalism in the Ethiopian ethnic-based federal system. [Addis Ababa?: s.n.], 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ethiopian politics"

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Záhořík, Jan, and Ameyu Godesso Roro. "Ethiopian diaspora and its impact on politics in Ethiopia." In Routledge Handbook of the Horn of Africa, 618–27. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429426957-57.

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Fessha, Yonatan T., and Zemelak A. Ayele. "The Law and Politics of Internal Secession: The Ethiopian Experience in Comparative Perspective." In Territorial Politics and Secession, 265–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-64402-4_13.

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Abbink, Jon. "Law and Politics in the Ethiopian-Eritrean Border Dispute, 2002–2019." In The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia War and Its Aftermath in International Legal Perspective, 171–94. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-439-6_8.

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Rohne Till, Emelie. "Case Study Context: Ethiopia." In Agriculture for Economic Development in Africa, 37–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07901-6_5.

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AbstractIn this book, Ethiopia is used as a case study to understand the role that the agricultural sector can play in economic growth in a low-income country. Ethiopia is not intended to be interpreted either as a representative or as a unique case for the broader sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) experience, but the book instead intends to shed light on Ethiopia’s particular development experience. To contextualize the findings of the research, this chapter therefore discusses some key elements of Ethiopia’s rich economic, political, and agricultural history.
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Riggan, Jennifer, and Amanda Poole. "The Global and Local Politics of Refugee Management in the Horn: Ethiopian Refugee Policy and Eritrean Refugee Agency." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 155–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03721-5_9.

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Desplat, Patrick, and Terje Østebø. "Muslims in Ethiopia: The Christian Legacy, Identity Politics, and Islamic Reformism." In Muslim Ethiopia, 1–21. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137322098_1.

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Woldeselassie, Zerihun A. "Wali Venerating Practices, Identity Politics, and Islamic Reformism among the Siltie." In Muslim Ethiopia, 139–61. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137322098_7.

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Molla, Tebeje. "Authoritarian Politics and Neoliberal Agenda." In Higher Education in Ethiopia, 101–21. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7933-7_6.

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Gedamu, Yohannes. "Ethiopia's ethnic federalism." In The Politics of Contemporary Ethiopia, 93–121. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185765-8.

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Misgun, Biniam. "Strategies and Tactics of Integration of Transnational African Migrants: Case Study of Ethiopian Migrants in South Africa." In IMISCOE Research Series, 215–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_15.

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AbstractEthiopians come from a fractured country, with a heightened sense of ethnic identification. Ethnicity is central to their self-identification, accompanied by deeply entrenched ethnic cleavages at home and here in South Africa. Past and recent ethnic-based dynamics and cleavages are actively playing a part here. Such dynamics gained salience with the modern Ethiopian state’s practices and through their political history (Vaughan, 2003). These are part of the pervasively African concern: tension between the ethnic and the national, and the impulse to reconfigure and reconcile them. It is crucial to ask how these tensions evolve and transform in movements and moments in transnational spaces, and the interactions and encounters of these tensions and impulses in these spaces. Similarly, South African society too is very much divided, with its own tensions and contradictions. These coalesce with the tensions and dynamics that Ethiopians bring with them.
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Conference papers on the topic "Ethiopian politics"

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"Significance of Digital Payment During Covid-19 Pandemic Outbreak: Case of Ethiopia." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p44.

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Asgele Siyum, Berihu. "Underlying Causes of Conflict in Ethiopia: Historical, Political, and Institutional?" In 2nd World Conference on Social Sciences Studies. Acavent, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.3sconf.2021.10.102.

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"Contemporary Challenges Affecting the University-Industry Linkage in Higher Education institution of Ethiopia: Case of Ambo University." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p46.

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"Assessing the Current type of University-Industry Linkage in the Higher Education Institution of Ethiopia: Case of Ambo University." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p47.

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Reports on the topic "Ethiopian politics"

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Ayele, Seife, and Wei Shen. Renewable Energy Procurement by Private Suppliers in Ethiopia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.008.

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Auction-based renewable electricity procurement has the potential to attract private investment and lower prices, but its design and implementation can be challenging. Since 2018, Ethiopia has organised auctions to procure new capacity from independent power producers (IPPs). Based on an in-depth study of the political economy, this policy briefing explores factors impeding the design and implementation of IPPs’ projects, including the shortage of foreign currency and convertibility of the Ethiopian birr to repatriate profits. It proposes measures to overcome these obstacles and mitigate risks, to put Ethiopia on course to achieve universal access to electricity by 2030.
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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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Alemu, Dawit, and Abebaw Assaye. The Political Economy of the Rice Value Chain in Ethiopia: Actors, Performance, and Discourses. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.004.

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The goal of this working paper is to identify the core challenges that have contributed to the poor performance of Ethiopia’s rice sector, and highlight approaches to successfully promote the commercialisation of the rice value chain. The authors achieve this by emphasising the underlying political economy dynamics of the rice value chain in Ethiopia, and how these can offer a better understanding of the drivers and constraints of agricultural commercialisation in the country. The paper also discusses the performance of, and challenges faced by, actors involved in the rice value chain. In addition, it looks at the role of development partners in promoting the rice value chain, the role of rice in the rural labour market, as well as the impact of COVID-19 on the various actors.
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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov, and Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, June 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-15-10.

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Smith, Lahra. Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada471943.

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Ayele, Seife, Wei Shen, Tadesse Kuma Worako, Lucy H. Baker, and Samson Hadush. Renewable Energy Procurement in Ethiopia: Overcoming Obstacles in Procurement from Independent Power Producers. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.064.

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Developing countries are increasingly using auctions for the procurement of utility-scale renewable electricity, due to the potential for attracting private investment. However, auction design and implementation can face serious obstacles due to complex context-specific factors. In 2017, Ethiopia launched its Public–Private Partnership (PPP) policy and procurement framework to promote infrastructure development, including electricity generation. Since 2018, it has organised renewable energy auctions to procure new capacity from independent power producers (IPPs). However, the new framework faces numerous challenges. Using a literature review and primary data from more than 70 interviews and from stakeholder consultations, this study explores the political economy challenges and opportunities facing IPP project preparation, decision-making, coordination and implementation, and risks to investors. To date, Ethiopia has held two rounds of tenders to procure 1,000 megawatts (MW) of electricity from eight projects; the first tender for two solar photovoltaic (PV) projects led to the signing of Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) and was hailed as one of the cheapest tariff rates in sub-Saharan Africa, at US$2.526 cents/kilowatt hour (kWh) over 25 years. However, none of the projects have yet become operational. This study also finds fault lines impeding the implementation of IPP projects, including the risk of foreign currency availability and convertibility of Ethiopian birr to expatriate profits. It proposes measures to overcome these obstacles and mitigate risks, to put Ethiopia on course to achieve universal access to electricity by 2030.
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Bellwood-Howard, Imogen, and Helen Dancer. Politics, Power and Social Differentiation in African Agricultural Value Chains: The Effects of COVID-19. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.027.

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Since the structural adjustment policies of the 1980s, policymaking at a national and continental level has increasingly turned to agricultural commercialisation as the foundation for Africa’s long-term nutrition and food security. However, socio-economic inequalities, land tenure and food insecurity, as well as livelihood and income precarities remain widespread challenges. The effects of shocks, such as COVID-19, have overlaid emergent and entrenched patterns of social differentiation that shape access to resources, markets, and other opportunities for those involved in commercial agriculture. This paper considered the impacts of COVID-19 on value chains in Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe, to ask: 1) What can political settlements analyses tell us about agricultural value chains and responses to COVID-19 in the countries studied? 2) How are structures and power relations throughout the value chains and actors’ responses to COVID-19 related to social differentiation in the context of African agriculture?
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Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe04.

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This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
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Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/122.

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This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
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Dejene Mamo, Bekana. The Impact of Intergovernmental Transfers on Fiscal Behaviour of Local Governments in Ethiopia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2020.001.

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This paper examines the effect of intergovernmental fiscal transfers on the fiscal behaviour of local governments in Ethiopia for the period 2004-2018. The empirical findings suggest that central government grants bolster state-level employment and expenditure. However, grants from the central government to states do not crowd out state-level revenue collection. Hence, this paper argues that fiscal decentralisation in Ethiopia has mostly, at least in theory, taken the form of devolution of the power to tax and spend public money. However, on average state-level revenue can only finance up to 26 per cent of their annual expenditure. As a result, fiscal federalism in Ethiopia appears to be a form of delegation of spending responsibilities. It has to be considered in the context of a decentralised tax system, but with a transfer scheme and political hierarchy. The results are found to be robust to alternative econometric estimation techniques.
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