Journal articles on the topic 'Ethiopia'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ethiopia.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Ethiopia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Adem, Seifudein. "China in Ethiopia: Diplomacy and Economics of Sino-optimism." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0008.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:This article examines the motive behind China's increased activities in Ethiopia in recent years and concludes that it lies in Ethiopia's perceived diplomatic usefulness. If China's relations with many African countries could be described as one of “infrastructure for natural resources,” the Sino-Ethiopian relationship can be described “infrastructure for diplomatic support.” After exploring the nature and scope of Ethiopia's relations with China and highlighting areas of divergence of interest, the article seeks to demonstrate how the convergence of interests between the two countries has ushered in a period of Sino-optimism among Ethiopia's elite and rising expectations among ordinary Ethiopians.
2
Ivanov, Vladimir G., and V. Mikael Kassae Nigusie. "The Problem of Internally Displaced Persons in Ethiopia in the Context of 2020 Parliamentary Elections." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 633–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-633-641.
Full textAbstract:
In 2019, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiyah Ahmed won the Nobel peace prize. His government is praised for releasing political prisoners, partially opening Ethiopia's political space to the opposition, and making peace with neighboring Eritrea. At the same time, in recent years nearly 3 million people have fled their homes in Ethiopia, mainly because of ethnic violence. Human rights organizations accuse the country's authorities of forcing people to return to their homes, where many still do not feel safe. In 2018 and 2019 alone, more than a million Ethiopians were forced from their homes by ethnic violence. Ethiopia currently ranks first in the world in the number of internally displaced persons. The authors analyze the controversial socio-political situation in Ethiopia in the context of the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2020.
3
Thompson, Daniel K. "Border crimes, extraterritorial jurisdiction, and the racialization of sovereignty in the Ethiopia–British Somaliland borderlands during the 1920s." Africa 90, no. 4 (August 2020): 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000303.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article argues that the politics of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the 1920s reshaped relations between ethnicity and territorial sovereignty in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands. A 1925 criminal trial involving Gadabursi Somalis began as what Britons deemed a ‘tribal matter’ to be settled through customary means, but became a struggle for Ethiopia's regent, Ras Tafari, to assert Ethiopia's territorial authority and imperial sovereignty. British claims of extraterritorial jurisdiction over Somalis amidst 1920s global geopolitical shifts disrupted existing practices of governance in Ethiopia's eastern borderlands and created a dilemma for Ethiopian authorities. In order to uphold international obligations, Ethiopian officials effectively had to revoke their sovereignty over some Somalis indigenous to Ethiopia. Yet Britons’ practical application of extraterritoriality to Somalis was predicated on assumed racial differences between Somalis and highland Ethiopians (‘Abyssinians’). Thus, Ethiopia's recognition of British extraterritorial jurisdiction would lend legitimacy to claims exempting Somalis from Ethiopian sovereignty due to differences in identity. The case reveals how assertions about race, nationality and ‘tribal’ identity articulated to subordinate Ethiopian rule to British interests and, in the longer term, to delegitimize Ethiopian governance over Somalis.
4
Beru, Tsegaye. "Brief History of the Ethiopian Legal Systems - Past and Present." International Journal of Legal Information 41, no. 3 (2013): 335–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500011938.
Full textAbstract:
As a country, Ethiopia needs no introduction. Its three thousand years of history has been told and documented by many who lived in and traveled to Ethiopia The discovery of Lucy, the 3.2 million years old hominid, iconic fossil in the Afar region of Ethiopia in 1974, attests to the fact that Ethiopia is indeed one of the oldest nations in the world. The origin of the northern Ethiopian Empire, is chronicled in the legendary story of Cush, the son of Ham and the founder of the Axumite Kingdom, who gave the name Ethiopis to the area surrounding Axum and later to his son. Ethiopia is thus derived from it which in Greek means land of the burnt or black faces.
5
Ofcansky, Thomas P. "Ethiopia: A selected military bibliography." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012371.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia's military history dates to the dawn of recorded history. During the Aksumite Kingdom, which emerged at the beginning of the Christian era, there were numerous military campaigns to the east, south, and west of Aksum. In the 6th century AD, an Aksumite army invaded the southern tip of Arabia. During the 1527-43 period, Ethiopian soldiers fought against Ahmed ibn Ibrahim el Ghazi (1506-43), who also was known as Ahmed Grãn, the ‘left handed’. He was an Islamic zealot who had declared a jihad against Ethiopia's Christians. Shortly after Gran's defeat, Ethiopia embarked upon a series of campaigns against the Galla (now known as Oromo) people who were seeking to invade northern Ethiopia from their southern homelands.
6
Ofcansky, Thomas P. "Ethiopia: A selected military bibliography." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012371.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia's military history dates to the dawn of recorded history. During the Aksumite Kingdom, which emerged at the beginning of the Christian era, there were numerous military campaigns to the east, south, and west of Aksum. In the 6th century AD, an Aksumite army invaded the southern tip of Arabia. During the 1527-43 period, Ethiopian soldiers fought against Ahmed ibn Ibrahim el Ghazi (1506-43), who also was known as Ahmed Grãn, the ‘left handed’. He was an Islamic zealot who had declared a jihad against Ethiopia's Christians. Shortly after Gran's defeat, Ethiopia embarked upon a series of campaigns against the Galla (now known as Oromo) people who were seeking to invade northern Ethiopia from their southern homelands.
7
Prakasa, Tirta Bayu, Mutiara Nabighah Khilmia, and Nadiya Ivany Putri. "DILEMMA OF WORLD BANK ACTION IN BIRR DEVALUATION AND ITS EFFECTS ON ETHIOPIA." SIYAR Journal 3, no. 2 (July 1, 2023): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/siyar.2023.3.2.124-130.
Full textAbstract:
The Ethiopian financial crisis has been ongoing for several years, with various economic challenges such as high inflation, foreign exchange shortages, and a growing public debt burden. However, one of the major events that triggered the crisis was the devaluation of the Ethiopian birr (the country's currency) in October 2017, which led to a rapid increase in inflation and caused significant economic hardship for many Ethiopians. The World Bank has been providing financial and technical assistance to the Ethiopian government to help address the crisis and promote sustainable economic growth. This research paper analyzes the World Bank's role in addressing Ethiopia's financial crisis using a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods. The study includes in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, secondary data analysis of World Bank reports and other relevant documents, and exploratory data research methods to analyze economic trends in Ethiopia. Writer also highlights the value of using a combination of research methods to examine complex economic issues such as Ethiopia's financial crisis. By drawing on multiple data sources and research methods, the study provides a comprehensive understanding of the World Bank's role in addressing the crisis and the broader economic context in which it operates.
8
Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires, Gebeyehu Mengesha Kefale, and Getahun Antigegn Kumie. "The Pitfalls of Ethnolinguistic-Based Federal Experiment in Ethiopia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 661–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-661-672.
Full textAbstract:
In 1991, when Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) became a leading party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia introduced a system of ethnic-based federalism, which had never been practiced in the political history of the state before. The recognition of Ethiopian ethnic diversity became one of the country’s fundamental principles, with the federal system largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. Since its inception, Ethiopia's ethnic federalism has been the subject of heated debate among various political organizations in the country, as well as among observers and scholars both in and outside the country. The key objective of this paper is to appraise the pitfalls of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia, which has been functioning in the country for more than two and half decades. The authors believe ethnic-based federalism to be a political arrangement that succeeds to maintain balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces. They see it as an appropriate and viable strategy for a sustainable nation-building effort in the context of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. At the same time, the authors observe that in the case with ethnicity-based political arrangements, unless they are implemented with maximum care, the risk outweighs the benefit. When a state like Ethiopia, which had been highly centralized for many years, is trying to experiment with a seemingly federal arrangement, the equilibrium of diversity and unity should be maintained. If the political environment focuses primarily on diversity and ignores shared values and common identity, it leaves room for the elites to manipulate the differences and pursue their own parochial political interests, which would eventually serve against the public benefit. The pioneers of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism believe that the contemporary ethnolinguistic-based federal arrangement is a panacea for problems related to identity politics. However, the authors argue that, from a practical perspective, for the past two and half decades (probably in the future too, unless re-designed) ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has been highly politicized (manipulated by political dealers promoting their own selfish interests).
9
Larçon, Jean-Paul, and Corinne Vadcar. "Belt and Road in Ethiopia and China’s African Ambition." China and the World 04, no. 02 (May 17, 2021): 2150007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729321500073.
Full textAbstract:
China–Ethiopia economic cooperation in the period of 2000–2020 is marked by the convergence between the industrial policy of Ethiopia, the orientations of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the infrastructure development strategy which is the cornerstone of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China, the largest foreign investor in Ethiopia during this period, has had a major role in terms of investment and financing in the energy sector and the transportation infrastructure: Addis Ababa Airport, roads, railway, seaport terminal, and gas pipeline. The flagship project — the Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway — connecting Addis Ababa to Djibouti City and Djibouti’s Doraleh Container Terminal, inaugurated in 2018, provided landlocked Ethiopia with a good connection between the hinterland and the seaport: the economic corridor accounts for more than 95% of Ethiopia’s foreign trade. The development of Ethiopian Industrial Parks on the model of Chinese Special Economic Zones (SEZs) was the second pillar of the strategy of development of an export-oriented manufacturing sector. Chinese companies operating in Ethiopian Industrial Parks in the textile and leather industries have been pioneering this activity contributing to Ethiopia’s participation in the Global Value Chains (GVCs). Ethiopian government is also planning the development of agro-industrial parks specialized in added-value agricultural products such as coffee or cut flowers exported to Europe via Addis Ababa Airport and Ethiopian Airlines Cargo. Ethiopia’s main challenges in that direction are the necessity to go up the value chain to further penetrate European markets and, most likely, to identify the products or services which could be integrated into the African markets in the new context of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement that entered into force in January 2021.
10
Getahun, Solomon. "Brain Drain and Its Impact on Ethiopia's Higher Learning Institutions: Medical Establishments and the Military Academies Between 1970s and 2000." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 3 (2006): 257–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006778620052.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAfrica is beset with problems that range from natural calamities to civil wars and epidemics such as HIV-AIDS. Ironically, countries like Ethiopia, which badly need trained manpower, continued to lose highly skilled professionals, both military and civilian, to Western Europe and the United States. Ethiopia, for instance, loses more than a third of all its students who were sent for further education to Europe and the U.S. This is in addition to those who leave the country for various reasons but refuse to return home and those educated Ethiopians who became refugees in African countries. One of the consequences of the outflow of highly educated Ethiopians is that today there are more Ethiopian professionals, including MDs, working in the U.S. than in Ethiopia. However, not all Ethiopian professionals are successful in practicing their profession. Among these professionals, highly trained military officers constituted the largest group. They end up being taxi drivers and security guards; they represent the worst case of brain drain—brain hemorrhage. My paper will examine the causes and processes of migration of highly educated Ethiopians to the U.S. and its impact on higher education, both military and civilian, and health institutions in Ethiopia—a country with the least developed higher education establishments, even by African standards, and one of the worst HIV-AIDS affected areas in the world.
11
De Schutter, Helder. "Federalism as Fairness in Ethiopia." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 5 (October 28, 2021): 811–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10045.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In this contribution I apply the normative political theory of multinational federalism to the case of Ethiopia. Can the political philosophy of multinational federalism ground Ethiopian federalism, and does Ethiopia satisfy its moral demands? To do so, I examine the Ethiopian federal system from the perspective of four desiderata of multinational federalism: (1) national-cultural self-government, (2) solidarity, (3) central government, and (4) linguistic justice. While Ethiopia’s federal structure has scored well with respect to (1) national-cultural self-government and (2) solidarity, it does face problems of (3) federal togetherness and (4) recognition of internal linguistic minorities. In the article several ways to overcome the two last-mentioned problems are suggested, although the article places these problems in perspective, as they trouble many multinational federal states.
12
Magnet, Joseph Eliot. "Ethiopia-Eritrea Rapproachment." African Journal of Legal Studies 12, no. 1 (December 18, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340041.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract On July 9, 2018 Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship. On July 17, 2018 Ethiopia announced plans for landlocked Ethiopia to use Eritrea’s port of Assab. Ethiopia’s proposed use of Assab has implications for the indigenous Afar people who have lived in the port area for two thousand years. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Eritrea and the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea found that Eritrea engaged in widespread persecution of the Afar people, including evicting them from the port area of Assab without any compensation. Both UN entities found that this persecution amounted to crimes against humanity. This paper considers the legal consequences for Ethiopia and Ethiopian officials if they use the Assab port area taken from the Afar by criminal means: will they be involving themselves in Eritrea’s crimes? The paper then considers alternative arrangements from the perspective of where the interests of Ethiopia, Eritrea and the Afar are anticipated to converge. It concludes with proposals to resolve the present untenable situation.
13
Crummey, Donald. "Ethiopia, Europe and Modernity: A Preliminary Sketch." Aethiopica 3 (September 2, 2013): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.3.1.569.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores some of the issues of cultural epistemology which underlie the relations between Ethiopia and Europe. It briefly explores the origins of modern diplomatic contacts, arguing that the appropriation of modernity increasingly became a central concern of Ethiopia’s rulers in their relations with Europe. It then raises the question, if Europeanized modernity has increasingly marked Ethiopia in the twentieth century, how are we to discern Ethiopia’s contribution to this process? To what extent, in its modernization, has Ethiopia’s educated elite lost contact with an indigenous point of view? The paper argues that a critical appreciation of modernity in Ethiopia must be made against a background which historicizes the process whereby it came about, which takes fully into account the modes of reasoning embodied in Gǝʿǝz texts, and which privileges the views of those rural Ethiopians so lightly touched by modernity.
14
Sigatu, Kaleab Tadesse. "From Security Provider to a Security Risk?" Hadtudományi Szemle 15, no. 4 (2022): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2022.4.5.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to offer an overview of a unique and decade-long Ethiopian peacekeeping deployment in Abyei, where Ethiopian contingents comprise almost the entire force, where the deployment ended in an ungraceful manner because of disapproval from the government of Sudan. The paper reveals that the Tigray conflict which resulted in the desertion of the Ethiopian peacekeepers and Egyptian pressure on Sudan because of the GERD have contributed to the withdrawal of Ethiopian peacekeepers and the Ethiopia–Sudan border dispute brought a dark shadow on their relations in addition to the disruption of the peacekeeping deployment. The paper concludes that unless Ethiopia makes a progress on internal stability and reboots its relations with its neighbours, Ethiopia’s role as a peace mediator and peacekeeper in the region becomes an ignominy.
15
Asrat, Asfawossen, Metasebia Demissie, and Aberra Mogessie. "Geoheritage conservation in Ethiopia: the case of the Simien Mountains." Quaestiones Geographicae 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10117-012-0001-0.
Full textAbstract:
Geoheritage conservation in Ethiopia: the case of the Simien Mountains Ethiopia constitutes one of the most significant environmental and cultural reserves on Earth. Ethiopia's natural and cultural tourist attractions are mostly associated with geological features: the active Ethiopian and Afar rifts as well as the Simien and Bale massifs are few examples. Ethiopia's cultural history, religious manifestations and civilization, like the rock-hewn churches of Lalibela and the stelae of Axum, are also imprinted in rock. Geomorphological and geological features, notably the isolation of the north-western highlands from the external world by the harsh Afar depression close to the sea, determined the route of Ethiopian history. Though tourism has been identified as a major sustainable development sector, systematic geoheritage evaluation and conservation strategies are lacking in the country. I this paper the Simien Mountains are presented as major geoheritages which should be prioritized for geoconservation in order to develop sustainable tourism (geotourism) in the area.
16
Charpentier, Émeline. "L’Éthiopie des Congolais, Burundais et Rwandais réfugiés." African Diaspora 8, no. 1 (2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00801003.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia as a land of asylum is still little known. Welcoming in 2014 about 400,000 people with refugee status, it represents one of the largest countries of asylum in the Horn of Africa. Among this population, is a tiny minority of Congolese, Burundians and Rwandese. In this article, I wish to analyze, through an anthropological approach, their integration in the host country. The relationship that this refugee population has with the Ethiopian space, with Ethiopia as a political and legal structure, and finally, with the Ethiopians will be questioned. It appears that the political and social relationships between Congolese, Burundians and Rwandans with Ethiopia are characterized by a kind of “mutual disinterest”. In conclusion, the “Ethiopia of the Congolese, Burundian and Rwandan refugees” will emerge, largely based on the sharing of a common origin (Great Lakes) and a common status (the refugee status).
17
Sigatu, Kaleab Tadesse. "Unveiling the Dynamics of Ethiopian Defence Diplomacy: A Focus on Peacekeeping Contributions." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 20, no. 2 (January 31, 2024): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2024.v20n2p19.
Full textAbstract:
This paper mainly addresses Ethiopia's defence diplomacy through its participation in peace support operations. This qualitative research study aims to analyze and synthesize the findings from relevant literature reviews to show to what extent Ethiopia has used peacekeeping participation as a tool of defence diplomacy in contributing to peace and security, especially in the Horn of Africa region. The paper finds that Ethiopian defence diplomacy is essential for Ethiopia to achieve its global foreign policy objectives, promote regional stability and cooperation, and seek regional influence.
18
Hryćko, Katarzyna. "An Outline of the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia." Aethiopica 10 (June 18, 2012): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.10.1.195.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia is a country of a centuries-old tradition and history of writing. It possessed its own unique system for gathering materials of historical importance and a pecular library system. Throughout the years manuscripts were kept under the custody of Ethiopian Church monks. In the 20th century Ethiopia’s succesive rulers attached great importance to the building of a European style central repository of all written materials. They established and gradually developed the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia (NALE). The paper outlines the history of NALE from its beginnings up to now.
19
Yahovkin, Anton. "TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN-ETHIOPIAN RELATIONS IN 1965-1967." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 33 (March 12, 2024): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2022.33.270472.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of American-Ethiopian relations in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the American-Ethiopian relations on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1965–1967, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Somalia and Eritrea. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only: due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the Northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
20
Bodansky, Daniel, and J. Romesh Weeramantry. "Diplomatic Claims (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea ' s Claim 20/Ethiopia ' s Claim 8, Partial Awards; Economic Loss Throughout Ethiopia (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia ' s Claim 7, Partial Award; Jus ad Bellum (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia ' s Claims 1-8, Partial Award; Loss of Property in Ethiopia Owned by Non-Residents (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea ' s Claim 24, Partial Award; Pensions (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea ' s Claims 15, 19 & 23, Final Award; Ports (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia ' s Claim 6, Final Award; Western & Eastern Fronts (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia ' s Claims 1 & 3, Partial Award; Western Front, Aerial Bombardment & Related Claims (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea ' s Claims 1, 3, 5, 9-13, 14, 21, 25 & 26, Partial Award." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 3 (July 2007): 616–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029833.
Full textAbstract:
Diplomatic Claims (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea's Claim 20/Ethiopia's Claim 8, Partial Awards. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Economic Loss Throughout Ethiopia (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia's Claim 7, Partial Award. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Jus ad Bellum (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia's Claims 1–8, Partial Award. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Loss of Property in Ethiopia Owned by Non-Residents (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea's Claim 24, Partial Award. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Pensions (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea's Claims 15, 19 & 23, Final Award. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Ports (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia's Claim 6, Final AwardS At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Western & Eastern Fronts (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Ethiopia's Claims 1 & 3, Partial Award. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.Western Front, Aerial Bombardment & Related Claims (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Eritrea's Claims 1, 3, 5, 9–13,14, 21, 25 & 26, Partial Award. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, December 19, 2005.On December 19, 2005, the Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission (Commission) issued seven partial awards and two final awards. These awards determined the respective international responsibility of Eritrea and Ethiopia arising out of the 1998–2000 armed conflict between those two states.
21
Fikadu Tolossa Ayanie, Dagnachew T. Melese, Eyayew T. Beze, and Tihtina A. Fanta. "Trends in Contemporary International Migration of Ethiopia." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2020): 30–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2342.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia is found in the ‘Eastern Africa migration system’ known for turbulent population mobility due to a host of social, economic, and political factors. The migration problem of East Africa, in which, a substantial exploration of the complexity and intensity of the migration pattern of Ethiopia has become necessary in the context of social transformation and development processes. To this end, this study is designed to provide migratory change and developmental patterns of international migration of Ethiopia in regional and sub-regional perspectives based on long-term macro statistics. The data obtained from the Reports of the United Nations Department for Economic and Social Affairs and World Bank’s Development Indicators have been used to describe, analyze and explain long-term patterns of international migration of Ethiopia within the regional contexts. Results show the trend that Ethiopia experienced a continuous increase in its international migrant stock in the last five decades, from less than 400,000 in 1960 to over 1 million in 2015. Refugees and transit migrants constituted the largest number of immigrants, mostly from the neighboring countries, driven by continuous conflicts and political instability. Ethiopia, once dominant in refugee flows in the Horn of Africa due to political conflict, famine, and persecution, experienced a sharp decline in the share of refugees in the Horn of Africa in the last three decades. Economic motives have recently become the prime factors in migration decisions among the Ethiopians as observed with the fact that the USA and the Middle East are the major destinations. The findings revealed that Ethiopian emigration is characterized by the inter-continental flows unlike the Sub-Saharan migration pattern known to have an intra-continental migratory link. Feminization of Ethiopian migration is also evident particularly in core destination countries of the Global North, which indicates the increasing role of females in migration decisions but also disproves the widely held perception about Ethiopians emigration to the Arab World as female-specific. In the final analysis, Ethiopia could be regarded rather as a destination, with over 1.2 million migrants, than as an origin, with just over 800,000 as of 2017, which now make the country a regional migration hub in the Horn of Africa.
22
Wilcox, Hui, and Melaku Belay. "Dance in Ethiopia: Traditionality and Contemporariness." English in Africa 47, no. 3 (February 10, 2021): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/eia.v47i3.2s.
Full textAbstract:
Dance practices in Ethiopia remained vibrant, albeit transformed, as thecountry transitioned from feudalism to socialism (1974), and then to neoliberalcapitalism (1991). For centuries, a vast array of movement traditions has beenessential to religious and communal rituals in Ethiopia. Today, traditionalEthiopian dance is most visible in tourist restaurants or YouTube videos. Thetrajectory of dance from ritualised practices to commercialised performancespresents a seeming paradox: traditional Ethiopian dance as we know it today is,in fact, a modernised performance genre serving multiple functions: memorytransmission, ideological dissemination, and profit generation, among others.In the 1980s, the socialist state harvested dances from around the country toproduce “modernised” performances on the stages of government theatres,propagating the ideology of national unity amidst border wars and internaloppression. In the 1990s, as Ethiopia opened to the West, these dances continuedto be performed on restaurant stages, not so much to propagandise for thestate as to generate profit for the industry. The modernisation of traditionaldance continues in Ethiopia, under the auspices of neoliberal privatisation,which has also led to the westernisation of youth culture. Since the late 1990s,a group of young Ethiopians have devoted themselves to contemporarydance by adopting Western aesthetics and distinguishing their practice fromtraditional dance. Recently, they have grappled with the imperative to infuseEthiopian dance traditions in their work in order to be recognised in the globaldance field. Through dance ethnography, oral histories, and video archives,this paper illuminates both traditionality and contemporariness as historicalconstructs – categories of differential powers used to organise the currentdance field in Ethiopia.
Keywords: Ethiopian dance, contemporary dance, traditional dance, multiple modernities, decolonizing dance
23
Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "Nation-Building Predicament, Transition Fatigue, and Fear of State Collapse." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.3.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia, evolved from Tigray, is known by its history of having been an empire (e.g., the Axumite kingdom) and having been independent. The fundamental weakness of the Ethiopian state has been the lack of inclusive national consensus, hampered by national oppression and the dilemma of democratizing a feudal state. The post-1991 TPLF-EPRDF-led Ethiopia has been experimenting with federalist nation-building to address Ethiopia’s historical contradictions: national and class oppression. The 1995 FDRE Constitution established a federal system and subsequently recognized the right of nations to self-determination including secession, self-administration, and local development. The constitution also declared that the Ethiopian nations were the “sovereign owners” of the constitution. However, the coming of Abiy Ahmed to power and his policy reforms based on ‘neo-pan-Ethiopianism’ opened the box of Pandora of secessionist, irredentist, and federalist forces opposing his plan to recentralize the ethnic federation, as it happened similarly in the case of former Yugoslavia. PM Abiy’s reforms have been branded as those of the ‘Mikael Gorbachev of Ethiopia’ for his sweeping campaign against the 27 years of federalist control. The article investigates the nation-building aspirations, transition fatigue, the predicaments of secessionist, federalist, and assimilationist narratives, and the subsequent fear of ‘state collapse’ in the post-2018 crisis in Ethiopia.
24
Werkissa, Yali, and Begna Temesgen. "Sorghum breeding in Ethiopia: Progress, achievements and challenges." International Journal of Agricultural Science and Food Technology 8, no. 1 (January 20, 2022): 045–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17352/2455-815x.000144.
Full textAbstract:
Sorghum is a critical crop especially in semiarid areas where there is inadequate moisture.it is the fifth important crop among the cereals. Sorghum is a C4 plant which is originated and diversified in Ethiopia. It is used for feed, fuel, and consumed by human beings in the form of enjera, boiled porridge or gruel, malted beverages, beer, popped grain, and chips. In Ethiopia, biotic, socioeconomic, and abiotic restrictions limit sorghum production and productivity. Drought, Striga, disease, insect pests and etc are major problems Sorghum breeding program Melkassa Agricultural Research Center, which is part of the Ethiopian Agricultural Research Institute, is in charge of coordination in Ethiopia. National and regional sorghum improvement programs have released many open-pollinated and hybrid sorghum varieties for Ethiopia’s various agro-ecological zones. Nowadays to feed the world population the production and productivity of sorghum should be increased. As a result, the aim of this review is to evaluate the progress, successes, and challenges of sorghum production and productivity in Ethiopia.
25
Loshkariov, Ivan. "Diaspora policy in Ethiopia: institutional dimension." Asia and Africa Today, no. 12 (2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750029004-6.
Full textAbstract:
The article touches upon the new branch of Ethiopian public policy – diaspora politics. This sphere is considered through the prism of the evolution of key state institutions designed to regulate the contacts of Ethiopian citizens and state with compatriots living abroad. The modern Ethiopian diaspora is a complex phenomenon given its multi-ethnic and multi-religious, geographically unevenly distributed composition. Moreover, its representatives do not always have legal status in a receiving country. Despite this, in recent decades, the Ethiopian authorities have done a lot to establish a dialogue with the diaspora and attract its resources for the social and economic development of the country. The study examines the main objectives of Ethiopia’s diaspora policy, the development of a system of state institutions in this field, the influence of different Ethiopian identities on the contacts of the Ethiopian government with the diaspora, the role of the diaspora in the inflow of foreign investment into the country, the main problems and difficulties hampering the effective interaction between the Government and the Ethiopian diaspora abroad. Conclusions on possible prospects of diaspora policy of Ethiopia at the present stage have been drawn.
26
Kelly, Samantha. "The Curious Case of Ethiopic Chaldean: Fraud, Philology, and Cultural (Mis)Understanding in European Conceptions of Ethiopia." Renaissance Quarterly 68, no. 4 (2015): 1227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/685125.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAn intriguing mystery in early modern intellectual history is how and why European scholars came to designate Ethiopic, the sacred language of Ethiopia, as Chaldean. This article locates the designation’s origins in a deduction made by Vatican library personnel, partially inspired by a hoax perpetrated a quarter-century earlier. It then traces the influence of this designation on the progress of historical linguistics, where theories defending the appellation of Ethiopic as Chaldean, although often erroneous, nevertheless contributed to the accurate categorization of Ethiopic as a Semitic language, and on attitudes to Ethiopian Christianity that played a role in Catholic-Protestant polemic.
27
Yahovkin, Anton. "Ethiopia and the Egyptian-Ethiopian conflict in the context of American-Ethiopian relations (1955 – 1957)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.5.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of Egyptian-Ethiopian relations during the Suez Crisis in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Suez Crisis on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1955–1957, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Egypt and Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Egypt. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only:1. due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency; 2. due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
28
Fedaa Mohamed. "Comparative sentiment analysis of grand renaissance dam controversy in Egyptian and Ethiopian newspapers." ijpmonline 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/ijpm.2.13.
Full textAbstract:
Through a 3-year period of content analysis, this study compares predominant sentiments, stakeholder portrayal, framing techniques, and prevailing tone in Egyptian ‘Ahram Online’ and ‘The Reporter’ Ethiopian newspaper coverage of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) controversy. Despite the relatively extended, ongoing nature of GERD negotiations, throughout the last 3 years, 2020 – 2023, representing the time frame of the current study, the news coverage of both the Ethiopian and Egyptian media has portrayed the sentimental pillars of controversy in a contemporary manner.The results revealed that Ahram Online, the Egyptian newspaper, predominantly conveys a positive sentiment, echoing Egypt's focus on diplomacy and negotiation to resolve the Grand Renaissance Dam dispute, fostering an optimistic and cooperative tone. Conversely, 'The Reporter,' an Ethiopian newspaper, exhibits varying sentiments over time, with positive portrayals of Ethiopia's perspective on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and negative sentiments concerning external actors and evolving Egypt-Ethiopia tensions.Ahram Online portrays Egypt as advocating for its water rights and comprehensive agreements, emphasizing diplomacy and casting Egypt positively. 'The Reporter' presents Ethiopia as dedicated to its development, emphasizing the GERD's importance while critically covering external stakeholders.Both newspapers employ framing techniques. Ahram Online emphasizes cooperation, regional stability, and responsible water use, framing the GERD issue positively. 'The Reporter' highlights Ethiopia's historical challenges and the urgency of the GERD project while critically framing external actors.Al-Ahram's tone remains optimistic and cooperative, emphasizing diplomatic solutions. 'The Reporter' exhibits varying tones, including optimism, urgency, skepticism, and negativity, reflecting Ethiopia's perspective and concerns about external actors and evolving tensions.
29
Andersen, Knud Tage. "The Queen of the Habasha in Ethiopian history, tradition and chronology." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 1 (January 2000): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00006443.
Full textAbstract:
It is well known from relatively recent Ethiopic tradition that Ethiopia was once ruled by a queen called Gudit, Yodit, Isat or Gaՙwa, with both positive and negative characteristics. On the one hand she was a beautiful woman of the Ethiopian royal family, much like the Queen of Sheba, and on the other she was a despicable prostitute who, at a time of political weakness, killed the Ethiopian king, captured the throne, and as a cruel ruler destroyed Aksum, the capital, persecuted the priests, and closed the churches.
30
Markuš, Petar. "Neki aspekti političkih i ekonomskih odnosa Jugoslavije i Etiopije od 1975. do 1990." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 191–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.15.
Full textAbstract:
The Non-Aligned Movement formed the backbone of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia sought to maintain, as much as possible, a balance within the Movement, which encompassed countries with differing political affiliations and systems, some of which had close relations with the opposing blocs led by the USA or USSR. After the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, which overthrew Emperor Haile Sellasie, the country was led by the Derg, a junta officially known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council, which was in 1977 taken over by a Marxist-ideological current led by Mengistu Haile Meriam, who openly showed sympathy for the Soviet bloc. The Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia in 1977-1978 would prove to be a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, which moved toward closer political and economic cooperation with the USSR and Cuba. Closer ties to Cuba was a particular concern for Yugoslavia, due to Cuba’s desire to impose itself as the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement and thus turn the balance of political forces within the Movement to its advantage. In this paper we want to explore political and economic relations between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, including economic relations between the Socialist Republic of Croatia and Ethiopia, from 1975, when a new revolutionary Ethiopian diplomatic delegation came to Yugoslavia to continue Ethiopian-Yugoslavian relations, and ending in 1990, with the disintegration of Yugoslavia and socialist systems in general, when the Yugoslav role in the Non-Aligned Movement slowly eroded. The paper will also present the joint Yugoslav-Ethiopian project Nekemte, which was implemented during the 1980s and aimed at showcasing methods to increase agricultural production in Ethiopia.
31
Abebe, Zekarias Beshah. "Developmental State and Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia:." Leadership and Developing Societies 3, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 95–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.47697/lds.3436103.
Full textAbstract:
The ethnic federalization of the post-1991 Ethiopia and the subsequent adoption of developmental state paradigm are the two most important pillars for the country’s political and economic restructuring. An interventionist developmental state model is opted for against the dominant narrative of the non-interventionist neo-liberal approach as the right path to conquer poverty: a source of national humiliation. On the other hand, ethnically federated Ethiopia is considered as an antidote to the historical pervasive mismanagement of the ethno-linguistic and cultural diversity of the polity. The presence of these seemingly paradoxical state models in Ethiopia makes it a captivating case study for analysis. Ethiopia’s experiment of pursuing a developmental state in a decentralized form of governance not only deviates from the prevalent pattern but also is perceived to be inherently incompatible due to the competing approaches that characterize the two systems. This article argues that the way in which the developmental state is being practiced in Ethiopia is eroding the values and the very purposes of ethnic federalism. Its centralized, elitist and authoritarian nature, which are the hallmark of the Ethiopian developmental state, defeats the positive strides that ethnic federalism aspires to achieve, thereby causing discontent and disenfranchisement among a swathe of the society. The article posits that the developmental state can and should be reinvented in a manner that goes in harmony with the ideals of ethnic federalism. The notion of process-based leadership remains one way of reinventing the Ethiopian developmental state model.
32
Korecha, Diriba, and Anthony G. Barnston. "Predictability of June–September Rainfall in Ethiopia." Monthly Weather Review 135, no. 2 (February 1, 2007): 628–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/mwr3304.1.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In much of Ethiopia, similar to the Sahelian countries to its west, rainfall from June to September contributes the majority of the annual total, and is crucial to Ethiopia’s water resource and agriculture operations. Drought-related disasters could be mitigated by warnings if skillful summer rainfall predictions were possible with sufficient lead time. This study examines the predictive potential for June–September rainfall in Ethiopia using mainly statistical approaches. The skill of a dynamical approach to predicting the El Niño–Southern Oscillation (ENSO), which impacts Ethiopian rainfall, is assessed. The study attempts to identify global and more regional processes affecting the large-scale summer climate patterns that govern rainfall anomalies. Multivariate statistical techniques are applied to diagnose and predict seasonal rainfall patterns using historical monthly mean global sea surface temperatures and other physically relevant predictor data. Monthly rainfall data come from a newly assembled dense network of stations from the National Meteorological Agency of Ethiopia. Results show that Ethiopia’s June–September rainy season is governed primarily by ENSO, and secondarily reinforced by more local climate indicators near Africa and the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Rainfall anomaly patterns can be predicted with some skill within a short lead time of the summer season, based on emerging ENSO developments. The ENSO predictability barrier in the Northern Hemisphere spring poses a major challenge to providing seasonal rainfall forecasts two or more months in advance. Prospects for future breakthroughs in ENSO prediction are thus critical to future improvements to Ethiopia’s summer rainfall prediction.
33
Ademe, Solomon Molla. "Uncovering the Role of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church in the War between the Tigrian Forces and the Federal Government." Journal of Africana Religions 11, no. 2 (July 2023): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrireli.11.2.0228.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) has a long and glorious history in the Ethiopian polity. It was an institution deeply engaged in Ethiopian politics and has long served as a unifying political force. For example, when foreign enemies invaded Ethiopia, the EOTC was tasked with uniting Ethiopians to fight against aggressors. However, in times of internal political crisis, particularly in contemporary Ethiopia, the EOTC’s role is relatively insignificant. Previous studies have not focused on this issue. Through a qualitative research approach, this study takes the post-2020 conflict between Tigrian forces and the federal government as a litmus test for showing the EOTC’s insignificant role in cases of internal political crisis. It shows that, as an institution, the EOTC played an insignificant role in reconciling, condemning, or trying to manage the conflict. Indeed, two challenges prevented the EOTC from doing what it was supposed to do in this conflict: ethnic politics and the EOTC’s top authorities’ submissiveness to the ruling regimes. This article recommends further studies aimed at assessing the invisible role of the EOTC in the Ethiopian polity and its counter-relationships. Conducting additional studies is significant for policymakers in general and the EOTC in particular.
34
Smith, Megan L., Brice P. Noonan, and Timothy J. Colston. "The role of climatic and geological events in generating diversity in Ethiopian grass frogs (genus Ptychadena )." Royal Society Open Science 4, no. 8 (August 2017): 170021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.170021.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia is a world biodiversity hotspot and harbours levels of biotic endemism unmatched in the Horn of Africa, largely due to topographic—and thus habitat—complexity, which results from a very active geological and climatic history. Among Ethiopian vertebrate fauna, amphibians harbour the highest levels of endemism, making amphibians a compelling system for the exploration of the impacts of Ethiopia's complex abiotic history on biotic diversification. Grass frogs of the genus Ptychadena are notably diverse in Ethiopia, where they have undergone an evolutionary radiation. We used molecular data and expanded taxon sampling to test for cryptic diversity and to explore diversification patterns in both the highland radiation and two widespread lowland Ptychadena . Species delimitation results support the presence of nine highland species and four lowland species in our dataset, and divergence dating suggests that both geologic events and climatic fluctuations played a complex and confounded role in the diversification of Ptychadena in Ethiopia. We rectify the taxonomy of the endemic P. neumanni species complex, elevating one formally synonymized name and describing three novel taxa. Finally, we describe two novel lowland Ptychadena species that occur in Ethiopia and may be more broadly distributed.
35
Jon Abbink. "Revolution as Warfare in the Horn of Africa." Africa Review of Books 5, no. 2 (September 7, 2009): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/arb.v5i2.4834.
Full textAbstract:
The Ethiopian Revolution. War in the Horn of Africa by Gebru Tareke. Yale University Press, 2009, xx + 437 pp., ISBN 978-0-300-14163-4. Hb, U$ 45.00 This study on war and revolution in Ethiopia and Eritrea is the magnum opus of historian Gebru Tareke and presents a wide-ranging and detailed overview of the emergence of revolution, insurgency and war in Eritrea and Ethiopia over the past four decades. These are familiar themes, studied in many books and papers, but the merit of this book is its comprehensive character, its sustained focus on the military engagements resulting from the revolutionary turmoil in the Horn, its solid basis in new archival materials unearthed from the Ethiopian Ministries of National Defence and of Internal Affairs, and its bold but often controversial interpretations of Ethiopia’s recent political history. The author has also augmented his research with many interviews held with eye-witnesses and protagonists...
36
Weeramantry, J. Romesh. "Eritrea’s Damages Claims (Eritrea v. Ethiopia), Final Award. Ethiopia’s Damages Claims (Ethiopia v. Eritrea), Final Award." American Journal of International Law 104, no. 3 (July 2010): 480–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.104.3.0480.
Full textAbstract:
ERITREA'S DAMAGES CLAIMS (ERITREA V. ETHIOPIA), FINAL AWARD. Athttp://www.pca-cpa.org.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, August 17, 2009.ETHIOPIA'S DAMAGES CLAIMS (ETHIOPIA V. ERITREA), FINAL AWARD. Athttp://www.pca-cpa.org.Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission, August 17, 2009.
37
Venkataraman, Manickam, and Solomon M. Gofie. "The dynamics of China-Ethiopia trade relations: economic capacity, balance of trade & trade regimes." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (February 5, 2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-014-0007-1.
Full textAbstract:
China’s trade with Ethiopia currently at 1.3 billion USD annually is expected to rise to US$3 billion by 2015. This not only informs the level of bilateral trade ties that Ethiopia has had with China as compared to any other country in the region but also signifies the highest and the closest level of bilateral relations that Ethiopia has built upwith China over the past decade since the new government under Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took over power in 1991. There have been extensive debates on China’s role in Africa - whether it could be viewed as a constructive partner or otherwise. This essay puts forward the argument that while trade ties as one important channel of bilateral relations that China has embarked with the outside world and particularly with Africa is uneven and lop-sided. This is true of the Ethiopian context as well particularly when we look at the economic capacity, balance of trade and at the two countries relations with international trade regimes. While China is a full member of WTO for over a decade Ethiopia on the other hand has been aspiring to become a member for some time now and hence one of the important aspect of Ethio-China trade relations is the heavy reliance on bilateral/international trade regimes. Therefore, this research is aimed at unraveling the dynamics in Sino-Ethiopia trade relations with emphasis on the economic capacity of the two countries, balance of trade and explore whether Ethiopia’s attempts to join WTO would lead to a more predictable trade relations between the two countries. In this attempt the research would largely rely on the analysis of relevant archival resources and literatures directly relating to the themes in this paper.
38
Besada, Hany. "Ethiopia: Natural Resource Exploitation and Emerging Investors1." Revue Gouvernance 14, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040637ar.
Full textAbstract:
Natural resource governance accelerates development. Ethiopia, a low-income country, passed land legislation in the 1990s and subsequently exhibited exceptional economic growth and human development improvements. From 2004 to 2014, Ethiopia’s average annual GDP growth rate was about nine per cent. Nevertheless, over 80% of the population remain food insecure. Using a literature review and interviews, this case study examines Ethiopia’s economic and social development through a land governance lens. It aims to document the flaws in Ethiopia’s regulatory framework that hinder vulnerable communities from leveraging the benefits of greater foreign direct investments (FDI) and resultant economic growth. The case analyzes Ethiopia’s agricultural governance framework and the impact of FDI-driven large-scale farming on smallholder communities, and concludes with suggestions for alternative investment approaches. The case study reveals that Ethiopian government legislation and resultant macroeconomic growth has yet to deliver inclusive and stable economic gains for many of the vulnerable smallholder communities. There is a need to advance further regulation and policies that not only protect these vulnerable communities, but also enhance economic and trade incentives for potential foreign investors.
39
Brietzke, Paul H. "Ethiopia's “Leap in the Dark”: Federalism and Self-Determination in the New constitution." Journal of African Law 39, no. 1 (1995): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300005866.
Full textAbstract:
Benjamin Disraeli took a calculated “leap in the dark” in 1867, when he extended the right to vote to almost all British men. With hindsight, his leap can be seen to have been a necessary (but not sufficient) means of defusing discontent and promoting democratization. Ethiopia seems poised for an even bigger constitutional leap into a murkier realm, into an ethnicized attempt at democratization. To gain acceptance, a new constitution like Ethiopia's must seem to be all things to all people and, in Ethiopia and elsewhere, the end of the Cold War has seen an explosion of ethnic nationalisms similar to the one occurring in Europe late in the 19th century. Without benefit of hindsight one can only make informed guesses about the effects of a new Ethiopian “constitutionalism” on events which are largely beyond the drafters’ control. I will argue that there are grounds for a guarded optimism over Ethiopia's leap.
40
Desalegn, Ambaw. "Infrastructure equity issues of airports and universities across regional states in Ethiopia: A preliminary overview." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 6, no. 1 (May 27, 2022): 1319. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v6i1.1319.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this article is to determine the equitability of airport and university allocations throughout Ethiopian regional states based on the number of airports and institutions per 1 million people. According to the sample, the majority of respondents believed that university allocation in Ethiopia is equitable. In contrast, the majority of respondents who were asked about airports stated that there is an uneven distribution of airports across Ethiopia’s regional states. Hence, both interviewees and focus group discussants stated that there is a lack of equitable distribution of universities and airports across Ethiopia’s regional states. This paper contributes a lesson on how to create a comprehensive set of determining factors for equitable infrastructure allocation. It also provides a methodological improvement for assessing infrastructure equity and other broader implications across Ethiopian regional states.
41
Barinov, A. K. "Transport Infrastructure in Ethiopia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-105-118.
Full textAbstract:
The development of transport infrastructure is a priority objective for many African countries. This process has significant impact on the efficiency of continental and world trade corridors, and also influence on the costs of economic activity. In this case, the transformation in the transport sector of Ethiopia must be noted. The government of the country has taken a decision to create national railway network and develop aviation and road lines of communication. After The Eritrean War of Independence Eritrean separation was announced and Ethiopia lost its maritime infrastructure and became a landlocked country. This situation provides great difficulties in process of international trade and economic activity for the region. Now the development of transport corridors which connect economic centers with large ports of the region is a priority task for Ethiopian government. In this case Ethiopia is actively attracting foreign investors and world financial organizations to create stable, efficient and economically profitable ways of transport communication with the port infrastructure of neighboring countries. This year, Chinese companies finished to rebuilt the railway line Addis Ababa-Djibouti, in the coming years, governments of Kenya and Ethiopia, will launch new Mombasa-Nairobi-Addis Ababa motorway. This infrastructure projects are essential for enhancing Ethiopian competitiveness and economic activity and provide opportunity to reduce transport costs. Moreover, the Ethiopian authorities are making great progress in developing the internal transport infrastructure, first of all, in terms of increased paved road and development of railway infrastructure, which promotes more efficient use of natural,economic and human resources. Foreign companies are actively involved in realization of this transport projects and it can be a perspective area for cooperation between Russian Federation and Ethiopia. The article provides a detailed overview of Ethiopian transport sector and describes the key infrastructureprojects which can be interesting for Russian companies.
42
Wodajo, Mengesha Robso. "Women and Land Rights in Western Shoa: In Case of Dano Woreda, 1941-1991." Education Research International 2022 (March 19, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/9980725.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to examine Ethiopian women land ownership rights, particularly, Western Shoa Oromo of Dano Districts in different regimes of Ethiopia, and women’s place in the society in reference to their indigenous Gada system. It is known that Ethiopian women were alienated from land holding and ownership rights under the feudal system, Derg regime, and EPDRF times of Ethiopia. Likewise, the paper also reduces the customary rights of Dano Oromo women in their plural and egalitarian Gada Democratic system, of Siqee culture and Qallu institutions of the Oromo people of Ethiopia; the role and places that Gada system kept and assured for women are so appreciable and could be taken as role model and best example for other communities of Ethiopia in particular and Africa at large. It is known that, for long periods, Ethiopia was led by feudal system of Monarchial and Kingship governance that promotes patriarchy rule and rights both at home and outside of it even on position places through depriving women’s all rounded rights supported with decree and proclamation, like Ethiopia’s pillar of economy is agriculture, which is associated with land, and every sources of income of the people is driven from it; so, this resource should be distributed fairly without any sexual, religion, and color biases. However, at different times and regimes, “land in Ethiopia” was seen as a sole property of men, which means that more than 85% rural settler Ethiopian agrarian women household and maids were dependent on either their husbands, families, or good wills of local chiefs. This was the most exploitative and harsh system that stood against to human and democratic rights. But post of 1991, encouraging works has been started to treat women and men equally on every issue at any place and time; even as a form of affirmative action, Ethiopian women are now encouraging to get all advantage-related activities before their men counterparts. The paper employed descriptive research method with qualitative data of purposive sampling techniques from the study area through consulting primary and secondary sources. Of course, since the topic is new or not previously studied and absence of previously studied documents on the issue, I was challenged by searching of written documents and key informants. The findings exhibit that, for long years, “women do not have a right to land,” but, in some extent, post of 1995, the government confirmed to assure all women to get access as to their men counter parts. But even if it is encouraging, still, more works should be done to empower them.
43
Negasa Gelana Debisa. "The Utilization of Nile Water among the Riparian States: Tensions and Controversies on the Filling and Annual Operation of the GERD." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2909.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the fear entertained by the downstream countries of the Nile basin, little attention was paid to the right of Ethiopia to utilize the Blue Nile waters. The purpose of this study is to explain the tension between upper riparian Ethiopia and downstream Sudan and Egypt on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) filling and controversies on its annual operation. A descriptive qualitative research method was employed to describe the tension concerning the filling and controversies on the annual operation of the GERD. The investigation relied on secondary sources of data obtained from YouTube videos of international broadcast media such as CGTN, Aljazeera, and TRT World. In addition, national broadcast media of Ethiopia (Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation and Ahadu Television), Sudan (Sudan Tribune), and Egypt (Daily News Egypt) accessed to make data balance. Moreover, letters from these countries sent to the UNSC have been reviewed. Besides, published and unpublished secondary sources on the Nile basin hydro-politics and the GERD were reviewed. The finding of the study reveals that the filling of the dam does not constitute significant harm as it can be seen from the first phase filling given the hydrological condition in the Eastern Nile Basin. The controversy regarding the annual operation of the GERD arises from the fear that their historical and current water use will be threatened. They wanted to conclude the binding agreement in their favor at the expense of Ethiopia’s future utilization of Blue Nile water. Their fear is Ethiopia would not remain faithful to its promises that the dam and its filling do not affect their water security. Rather than basing their claim on invalid colonial treaties, Egypt and Sudan should acknowledge Ethiopia’s right to utilize the Blue Nile water resource and fill the dam without causing significant harm. It is suggested to clear distrust and discuss issues of common concern by tolerating short-term risk for the long-term collective prosperity.
44
Moreda, Tefera Assefa. "The Imperial Regimes as a Root of Current Ethnic Based Conflicts in Ethiopia." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 9, no. 1 (January 12, 2022): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/919.
Full textAbstract:
Current ethnic conflict in Ethiopia is not a simple byproduct of Multinational federalism and politicization of ethnicity since 1991. Regardless of the contradictions and debates over the core causes of ethnic conflict in Ethiopia, it is impossible to fully comprehend it without a thorough and honest examination of the pre-1991 country's history in terms of ethnicity and ethnic conflict. The article analyzed the historical root causes of ethnic conflict in Ethiopia by taking Minilik’s II and HaileSelassie’s I regimes into account. Hence, a Dialectical approach and historical method were employed to conduct a critical investigation of the core causes of ethnic conflict. The article found that the country's current ethnic politics and ethnic warfare sowed during the imperial regime. Minilik II and his successor conquered, confiscated, subjugated, enslaved, and dehumanized the southern nations, nationalities, and people in the consecration of Ethiopia's current territory. During imperial administrations, Ethiopia was seen as a prison-house of people. Ethnic identity has been taboo during the imperial regimes of Ethiopia. The article found that the imperial regimes of Ethiopia were the precursor to both immediate and potential ethnic-based detestation, animosity, and violence that resulted in the country's lengthy and deadly civil wars. Based on a dialectical method, this article discovered that the process of Ethiopian state creation resulted in sustainable and predictable cyclical rotation of contradiction and contestation between thesis and antithesis, without creating strong syntheses. Moreover, the misappropriation of concepts of nationalism and nation-building has been common in the country's political history
45
Nesterova, T. P. "Ethiopia and Great Powers in Final Stage of Italo-Ethiopian War (March — May 1936)." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 8 (October 30, 2023): 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-438-454.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the political situation that emerged in international relations after Germany’s remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, and the impact this event had on the development of the Italo-Ethiopian War in both political and military spheres. Published diplomatic documents from Italy, France, the Soviet Union, and the League of Nations are studied. It is argued that the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland significantly diminished the interest of major powers in the Italo-Ethiopian War and brought to the forefront their desire for “Italy’s return to Europe,” as both France and Britain were interested in involving Italy in countering Germany and protecting Austria’s independence. Based on the examined documents, it is concluded that France and Britain sought to resolve the conflict through concessions from Ethiopia, as a realistic approach to international relations led to the belief that Ethiopia could not achieve a military victory, especially after its attempt to strike at Italy’s armed forces resulted in defeat at the Battle of Maychew. The capture of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and the exile of Emperor Haile Selassie I effectively destroyed any prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, despite Ethiopia’s attempts to act through the structures of the League of Nations.
46
Hafkin, Nancy J. "“Whatsupoch” on the Net: The Role of Information and Communication Technology in the Shaping of Transnational Ethiopian Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (March 2011): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.221.
Full textAbstract:
The Ethiopian diaspora is using the Internet increasingly to reflect on its identity, to forge new communities, and to promote cultural innovation. This essay tracks the close association of information and communication technologies (ICTs) with the emergence of the Ethiopian diaspora since 1980, setting forth a series of brief case studies illustrating the role of ICTs among different Ethiopian ethnic communities. It documents the manner in which ICTs shape socialization and address questions of return to homeland; it also explores the way in which Ethiopians have exploited new media and their technical innovations. The essay concludes with an account of ways in which freedom of expression and access to technology enable diaspora Ethiopians to have public discussions and circulate critiques of Ethiopian politics and culture that could not have taken place in Ethiopia, which is not only at the bottom of the digital divide but has exercised censorship over a number of homeland Ethiopian Web sites and blogs. (16 January 2009)
47
Eshetu, Fassil, and Degye Goshu. "Determinants of Ethiopian Coffee Exports to Its Major Trade Partners: A Dynamic Gravity Model Approach." Foreign Trade Review 56, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732520976301.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to examine export determinants of Ethiopian coffee to 31 trade partner countries using a dynamic gravity model and system generalised moment method of estimation (GMM) for the period 1998–2016. Descriptive results showed that Ethiopia was exporting only 39% of its total coffee production, and 53.5% and 34.13% of Ethiopian coffee exports were directed to European and Asian countries, respectively, over the period 1998–2016. Regression results revealed that trade openness, population size of Ethiopia, foreign direct investment and institutional quality index of Ethiopia are positively and significantly affecting volume of Ethiopian coffee export. But population of partner countries, weighted distance, lagged export volume and real exchange rate are negatively and significantly influencing export volume of Ethiopian coffee. Hence, Ethiopia needs to diversify its export destinations and export items a way from primary agricultural exports to secondary industrial exports in order to secure dependable source of foreign currency. Also, controlling corruption, increasing government effectiveness, ensuring political stability promotion of foreign direct investment and encouraging trade liberalisation would help to boost the volume of Ethiopian coffee export. JEL Codes: F12, F13, F14
48
Whittington, Dale, John Waterbury, and Marc Jeuland. "The Grand Renaissance Dam and prospects for cooperation on the Eastern Nile." Water Policy 16, no. 4 (March 8, 2014): 595–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2014.011b.
Full textAbstract:
The escalation of tensions between Ethiopia and Egypt over the construction of the Grand Renaissance is at least partly based on a misunderstanding of the nature of the risks this dam poses to Egypt. There is a two-part, win–win deal that can defuse tensions between Egypt and Ethiopia. First, Ethiopia needs to agree with Egypt and Sudan on rules for filling the Grand Renaissance Dam (GRD) reservoir and on operating rules during periods of drought. Second, Egypt needs to acknowledge that Ethiopia has a right to develop its water resources infrastructure for the benefit of its people based on the principle of equitable use, and agree not to block the power trade agreements that Ethiopia needs with Sudan to make the GRD financially viable. Sudan has a big stake in Egyptian–Ethiopian reconciliation over the use of the Nile. Although Sudan's agricultural and hydropower interests now align with those of Ethiopia, there does not seem to be a formal agreement between Ethiopia and Sudan for the sale of hydropower from the GRD. Because the economic feasibility of the GRD and other Ethiopian hydropower projects will depend on such agreements, Sudan has leverage with both Ethiopia and Egypt to encourage this win–win deal.
49
Abera, Communist G. "English-Ethiopian Relations: from the Establishment of the First Consulate to the War between the Two Countries (1848-1868)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (218) (June 23, 2023): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-44-50.
Full textAbstract:
Ethiopia's international relations with Great Britain obtained their modern form under Tewodros II. It happened during his reign when the British representative office and its diplomatic mission in Ethiopia were opened. The United Kingdom was the first country to open its consulate in Ethiopia in 1848. For the British, Palmerston's opening of the consulate in Ethiopia in 1848 was a very important undertaking. However, this event was doomed to failure, as the political situation in the UK and Ethiopia made the effec-tive trade relations between them impossible. The English-Ethiopian policy of 1848-1868 can be considered as a kind of triumph of Foreign Ministers Palmerston, Russell and Prime Minister Stanley. At the same time, Emperor Tewodros of Ethiopia was very wary of the true motives of the British. The absence of an immediate response from Queen Victoria to his letter in 1862, which contained a request for military supplies, and Britain's general preference for Ethiopian neighbors did not contribute to the warm attitude of the Emperor of Ethiopia to the British consulate. Subsequently, this led to an open conflict between the two countries.
50
Dessie, Nahom Tadelle, Genet Kifle Alemu, Tinsae Abera Werku, Lazaro Gilberto Martinez, Leilina Abate Ayalew, and Maraki Mehari Metselo. "Establishing an Emergency Medical Team in LMIC Setup; Experience from Ethiopia’s Challenges and Opportunity." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 37, S2 (November 2022): s67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x22001662.
Full textAbstract:
Background/Introduction:Natural and man-made catastrophes have caused significant destruction and loss of lives throughout human history. Disasters accompany various events with multiple causes and consequences, often leading to a cascade of health-related events. Ethiopia, amongst the developing countries in the horn of Africa, is vulnerable to natural and man-made disasters. Over the last few years, Ethiopia learned the hardest way to transform its disaster management from a mere apparatus of response and recovery to preparedness and mitigation.Objectives:Review the challenges and opportunities for establishing the Ethiopian EMT and its disaster response experience.Method/Description:This was a mixed-methods, cross-sectional Intra-Action Review of activities of country EMT. It included a review of documents and key informant interviews. All data were analyzed thematically.Results/Outcomes:In May 2022, the Ethiopian Federal MOH, in collaboration with WHO, adapted the WHO EMT initiative to tackle the identified challenges. Ethiopia’s EMT implementation plan was created, which included ten steps and 50 detailed activities. This initiative aims to have a classified Type I fixed EMT in the coming six months. Based on the objective evaluation of the last four months’ performance toward plan implementation, activities show that 65% of the overall plan has been completed.Conclusion:Implementing the EMT initiative in Ethiopia has positively impacted the clinical quality of care, enhanced coordination, and improved health outcomes for the population served at times of great need. However, the implementation requires collaboration in support, guidance, and experience sharing from stakeholders and partners, including twinning with other organizations.Tables and Figures (optional)Table 1.Ethiopian EMT Ten Steps Implementation