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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethiopia – Church history'
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1
Miller, David B. "Law and Grace: The Seamless Faith of Ethiopian Orthodoxy." Russian History 44, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 505–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04404008.
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The Ethiopian Church, established in 330, is the second earliest “national” church created on the model of Emperor Constantine’s conversion of the Roman Empire. Today Christianity comes in numerous variants. But Ethiopia’s church alone privileges Mosaic tradition as the bedrock of its theology. The rational for this is “The Glory of Kings,” a book inspired by 1Kings10: 1–13. It tells how a Queen of Sheba (Ethiopia) visited King Solomon in Jerusalem, and that their son brought the Ark of the Covenant to her capital. The Ethiopian Church identifies this site as the Church of Mary of Zion in Aksum. To this day it maintains that the Ark (in Ethiopian, the tabot) remains there in an adjacent chapel. Most important of its Mosaic traditions is that a church is not a church without a copy of the tabot on its altar. But historical explanations of when and how these traditions, and even the “Book of Kings,” came into being are beset by controversy owing to the dearth of contemporary sources.
2
Hryćko, Katarzyna. "An Outline of the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia." Aethiopica 10 (June 18, 2012): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.10.1.195.
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Ethiopia is a country of a centuries-old tradition and history of writing. It possessed its own unique system for gathering materials of historical importance and a pecular library system. Throughout the years manuscripts were kept under the custody of Ethiopian Church monks. In the 20th century Ethiopia’s succesive rulers attached great importance to the building of a European style central repository of all written materials. They established and gradually developed the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia (NALE). The paper outlines the history of NALE from its beginnings up to now.
3
Kassaye, Nigusie Wolde Michae, and Yu N. Buzykina. "The Ethiopian Orthodox Church and its role in the State before 1974." Russian Journal of Church History 2, no. 3 (November 9, 2021): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2021-60.
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The aim of the study is to consider the role and place of the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church in preserving the ancient traditions and culture of the peoples of Ethiopia. The history of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is closely related to that of the Alexandrian Orthodox Church, but for a significant part of its history it fought for autocephaly, which was achieved only under Emperor Haile Selassie I. The most important function of the Church in Ethiopia was education and spread of literacy, the preservation and transfer of knowledge in the field of religion and public administration. The objective of the study is to analyze how this function was implemented during the first half of the XX century. The research is based on the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and of the Ethiopian Microfilm Laboratory EMML.
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Muehlbauer, Mikael. "An Italian Renaissance Face on a “New Eritrea”:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.3.312.
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A whitewashed neo-Renaissance façade set into a high rock escarpment above the village of Abreha wa-Atsbeha, in East Tigray, Ethiopia, stands in stark contrast to its sunbaked highland surroundings. Behind this façade is a relatively large rock-cut structure, one of the oldest medieval church buildings in Ethiopia. An Italian Renaissance Face on a “New Eritrea”: The 1939 Restoration of the Church of Abreha wa-Atsbeha addresses how the restoration of this church conducted by Italian Fascist authorities represents the appropriation of local history by both Fascist Italy and Ethiopia's own imperial rulers. As Mikael Muehlbauer describes, while the façade classicizes the building, evoking both the Italianita of the Renaissance and the Romanitas of imperial Rome, earlier murals inside claimed it for Yohannes IV, the nineteenth-century Tigrayan emperor of Ethiopia.
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Gusarova, Ekaterina V. "Joasaph II in an Unpublished List of the Metropolitans of the Ethiopian Church." Scrinium 12, no. 1 (November 17, 2016): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00121p05.
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This article introduces new information regarding the Metropolitan Joasaph II (III) (the years of his tenure were 1770–1803). Josaph II (III), the Coptic clergyman, was the head of the Ethiopian Church for 33 years. His service coincided with the initial stage of one of the most complicated period in the history of the Ethiopian Church. This period was marked by the almost complete collapse of the Christian kingdom on the Horn of Africa. The main source comprising these data is the hitherto unknown list of the Metropolitans of Ethiopia, which contains the unique data about Joasaph II. It was discovered in an unpublished manuscript of the monastery Däbrä Damo in the province of Tǝgray in northern Ethiopia and analyzed by the present author. The result of this analysis is obvious: a modern reader receives a trustworthy portrait of this ambitious person who, in spite of his efforts was not able to terminate the long-standing schism in the Ethiopian Church. His efforts, however, left fond memories of himself among his flock.
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Nigusie Kassae, V. Michael, and N. N. Morozova. "Interaction of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church with Christian communities in Egypt and Ethiopia in the second half of the 19<sup>th</sup> — early 20<sup>th</sup> century." Russian Journal of Church History 2, no. 4 (November 8, 2021): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2021-68.
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The article presents the history of the relationship of the Russian Orthodox Church with the Christian communities of Egypt and Ethiopia. The article is also concerned with the issue of contacts between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Coptic Church of Egypt in the second half of the 19th and early 20th century. The first almost informal contacts between representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Alexandria Patriarchate allowed Egyptian Christians to get acquainted with the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church, and representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church — with the real state of the religious, political and cultural situation in Egypt. The article also examines the attempts of representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church to establish ties with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, which was part of the Alexandria Patriarchate until 1959.
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Muehlbauer, Mikael. "From Stone to Dust: The Life of the Kufic-Inscribed Frieze of Wuqro Cherqos in Tigray, Ethiopia." Muqarnas Online 38, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00381p02.
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Abstract Until 2010 (when it was broken by a tourist), a curious Kufic-inscribed sandstone block greeted those who entered the narthex of the eleventh-century church of Wuqro Cherqos in East Tigray, Ethiopia. My paper identifies the origin of this misunderstood fragment and presents it in the longue durée, from its architectural placement as part of an inscribed arch in the great mosque of a Fatimid trading colony to its medieval spoliation and use as a chancel arch in the church of Wuqro Cherqos, after northern Ethiopia emerged as a centralized power under the Zagwe dynasty. As the chancel in Wuqro Cherqos, the stone took on new meaning as a luxurious liturgical threshold, complementing the Egyptian and Indian silks that hung alongside it. After the arch came apart in the late 1990s, I show how modern Ethiopian scholars promoted the remaining Arabic-inscribed fragment as an ancient Ethiopian inscription. The life story of this stone fragment reveals a larger picture of Islam’s changing reception in Ethiopia from the Middle Ages to the twenty-first century.
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Heldman, Marilyn E. "Creating Sacred Space: Orthodox Churches of the Ethiopian American Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (March 2011): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.285.
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This essay examines the creation of places of worship by Ethiopian Orthodox congregations in North America, focusing primarily on the District of Columbia and adjacent areas in the states of Maryland and Virginia. Following a discussion of the historical background and development of church architecture in Ethiopia, the essay demonstrates that the shaping of the interior space of Ethiopian Orthodox churches in North America follows a modern model developed in Addis Ababa during the early 1960s. The study concludes with a brief analysis of painted decoration, a necessary component of the sacred space of an Ethiopian Orthodox church. (3 February 2009)
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Kaplan, Steven. "Dominance and Diversity: Kingship, Ethnicity, and Christianity in Orthodox Ethiopia." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x407943.
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to survey the history of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church with an emphasis on several features which are of significance for comparison to Syriac Orthodox Christianity. Although it focuses primarily on the period from 1270 during which 'Ethiopian' was a national rather than ethnic identity, it shares several themes with other papers in this volume. After considering the manner in which Christianity reached Ethiopia and in particular the central role played by the royal court in the acceptance and consolidation of the Church, attention is given to the claims of successive Ethiopian rulers and ethnic groups to be 'Israelites', that is, descendants of biblical figures most notably King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. The paper next considers the manner in which monastic movements, which emerged in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were associated with ethnically based resistance to the expansion of the Christian kingdom. Other themes include the development of a tradition of biblical interpretation and Christological controversies. The paper concludes with a discussion of ongoing research concerning the Ethiopian diaspora which has developed in the period since the Marxist revolution of 1974.
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Kaplan, Steven. "Notes Towards a History of Aṣe Dawit I (1382–1413)." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.447.
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Dawit I has received far less attention than either his grandfather ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon I or his son Zärʾa Yaʿǝqob. This comparatively brief article attempts to partially redress the balance. During the more than three decades during which he reigned, Dawit strengthened the religious and political fabric of Ethiopia. By promoting devotion to both the Cross and the Virgin Mary, he provided the Church with two pan-Christian symbols which transcended local rivalries and regional loyalties. These were, moreover, symbols particularly suited to visual representation and hence comparatively easy to propagate among Ethiopia’s largely illiterate population. He did not, however, neglect the role of religious texts. His reign is remembered both for the important translations initiated, most notably Täʾammǝrä Maryam and for original works composed by his close associate Giyorgis of Sägla. Dawit also made great strides in solidifying Church state relations, particularly through his generous land grants, and although he did not succeed in resolving the Ewosṭatian controversy, in the last decade of his rule, he moved towards a pragmatic accommodation. All this would by itself, qualify Dawit as one of the outstanding leaders in Ethiopian history. His military successes, particularly against the Muslims of Adal, can only further cement his reputation.
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Quirin, James. "Oral Traditions as Historical Sources in Ethiopia: The Case of the Beta Israel (Falasha)." History in Africa 20 (1993): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171976.
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It is axiomatic that historians should use all available sources. African historiography has been on the cutting edge of methodological innovation for the last three decades, utilizing written sources, oral traditions, archeology, linguistics, ethnography, musicology, botany, and other techniques to bring respect and maturity to the field.But the use of such a diverse methodology has brought controversy as well, particularly regarding oral traditions. Substantial criticisms have been raised concerning the problems of chronology and limited time depth, variations in different versions of the same events, and the problem of feedback between oral and written sources. A “structuralist” critique deriving from Claude Levi-Strauss's study of Amerindian mythology has provided a useful corrective to an overly-literal acceptance of oral traditions, but often went too far in throwing out the historical baby with the mythological bathwater, leading some historians to reject totally the use of oral data. A more balanced view has shown that a modified structural approach can be a useful tool in historical analysis. In Ethiopian historiography some preliminary speculations were made along structuralist lines,5 although in another sense such an approach was always implicit since the analysis of Ethiopie written hagiographies and royal chronicles required an awareness of the mythological or folk elements they contain.Two more difficult problems to overcome have been the Ethiopie written documents' centrist and elitist focus on the royal monarchy and Orthodox church. The old Western view that “history” required the existence of written documents and a state led to the paradigm of Ethiopia as an “outpost of Semitic civilization” and its historical and historiographical separation from the rest of Africa. The comparatively plentiful corpus of written documentation for Ethiopian history allowed such an approach, and the thousands of manuscripts made available to scholars on microfilm in the last fifteen years have demonstrated the wealth still to be found in written sources. However, such sources, although a starting point for research on Ethiopian history, no longer seem adequate in themselves because they focus primarily on political-military and religious events concerning the monarchy and church.
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Salvadore, Matteo, and James De Lorenzi. "An Ethiopian Scholar in Tridentine Rome: Täsfa Ṣeyon and the Birth of Orientalism." Itinerario 45, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000157.
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AbstractThis article surveys the diasporic life and legacy of the Ethiopian ecclesiastic Täsfa Ṣeyon. After examining his origins in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia and the circumstances of his arrival in mid-sixteenth-century Rome, the article outlines his contributions to the evolving Latin Catholic understanding of Ethiopia. Täsfa Ṣeyon was a librarian, copyist, teacher, translator, author, and community leader, as well as a prominent adviser to European humanist scholars and Church authorities concerned with orientalist philologia sacra as it pertained to Ethiopian Orthodox (täwaḥedo) Christianity. As such, he was a key extra-European agent in the Tridentine project of Ethiopianist and Eastern Christian knowledge production. The article also surveys the complex modern legacy of Täsfa Ṣeyon's career, documenting his posthumous influence in the fields of Ethiopianist Semitic studies and Ethiopian vernacular historiography.
13
Lee, Ralph. "John Binns, The Orthodox Church of Ethiopia." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 2 (August 2018): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0221.
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Gusarova, Ekaterina V. "Little Known Aspects of Veneration of the Old Testament Sabbath in Medieval Ethiopia." Scrinium 13, no. 1 (November 28, 2017): 154–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00131p13.
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The Church of Ethiopia did observe both the Old Testament or the Jewish Sabbath and its Christian counterpart. This practice became one of the distinctive features of the Ethiopian Christianity. In various periods of its history the problem of veneration of the Jewish Sabbath provoked a lasting controversy among the country’s clergy. It was under the reign of the King Zär’a Ya‘ǝqob (1434-1468) that the observance of both Sabbaths became the officially accepted by the Ethiopian Church and the State. However, some evidences of this custom can be traced for many centuries before. Following the Confession of faith of the King Claudius (1540-1559), the priority was given to the celebration of Sunday. The author of the article was fortunate to discover several cases of the preferential veneration of Sunday during a military campaign of 1781, described in the chronicle of the King Täklä Giyorgis I.
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Demisie, Dechasa Abebe. "Amharic Oral Poems and Songs as Sources for Reconstructing a History of Shewa, Ethiopia (1703–1889)." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/2519.
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The church and state institutions in the history of Ethiopia were considered literate. However, the majority of Ethiopians in general and Shewans in particular were non-literate. Moreover, peoples who were in the service of both the church and the state had no interest to record the day-to-day incidents in written form. These incidents were mainly maintained and transmitted from generation to generation orally by individuals who performed poems and songs. Thus, the main objective of this article is to explain how the daily political and socio-economic experiences of Shewa were preserved orally. It also attempts to analyse to what extent these experiences are reliable sources to reconstruct a history of the region (1703–1889). The oral poems and songs were collected from Amharic oral informants, books and manuscripts that were contributed by amateur historians.
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McCann, James C. "Literacy, Orality, and Property: Church Documents in Ethiopia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, no. 1 (July 2001): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00221950152103919.
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Manuscript documents produced by the Ethiopian church are valuable historical sources about the relations of property and politics. Historians, however, should consider them as part of a political culture in which orality and literacy operated jointly to convey meaning and political validity.
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Tepedelen, Kenan. "A Forgotten Diplomatic Front of World War I: Ethiopia." Belleten 71, no. 261 (August 1, 2007): 757–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2007.757.
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The First World War that caused the collapse of four Empires: the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, is being remembered today as a pitiless conflict that caused the death of 8.700.000 soldiers and civilians and the rendering destitute of at least quite as many. Those who study the WWI tend to focus their attention upon the large battles that took place during the 1914-18 period but few realise the enormous struggle for influence over Ethiopia - the then only independent country, other than Liberia, on the African Continent - that took place between the Entente and the Central Powers and the intensity of diplomatic efforts made to draw Ethiopia into one camp or the other. The appointment of Ahmed Mazhar Bey, a previous director of the Translation Department at the Bâb-ı Ali (Sublime Porte) as Consul General of the Ottoman Empire in the eastern Ethiopian city of Harar and the subsequent transfer of the Consulate General to the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa in 1914, led to important developments in the history of Ethiopia. Mazhar Bey who would demonstrate soon his skills of visionary in his position, was quick to realise the strategic advantages that would accrue from the alignment of Ethiopia to the ranks of the Central Empires. The Turkish Consul General's efforts towards this end were met favourably by Lidj Iyassou, the young de facto Emperor of Ethiopia, who, besides his sympathy for Islam, had developed a personal friendship with Mazhar Bey. The possible entry of Ethiopia to the war on the side of the Central Powers caused the Ambassadors of the Entente Powers (Great Britain, France and Italy) in Addis Ababa to take action and on September 10th 1916, the British, French and Italian Ministers made a joint "demarche" vis-avis the Ethiopian Government. The fruits of the Entente Powers' undertaking were soon to be harvested. The Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church Abouna Matheos would, on the 27th September 1916, declare Prince Lidj Iyassou both deposed and excommunicated. Thus, the Addis Ababa "Coup d'Etat" of 27th September 1916, was going to change the course of the history of modern Ethiopia.
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Wion, Anaïs. "Promulgation and Registration of Royal Ethiopian Acts in Behalf of Political and Religious Institutions (Northern Ethiopia, Sixteenth Century)." Northeast African Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2011): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41932052.
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Abstract The study scrutinizes a corpus of 34 royal charters given to religious institutions and private persons of the Northern regions of the Ethiopian kingdom during the 16th century. This study sheds light on the prosopography of the bureaucracy, first, as well as on the role of the Aksum Sdyon church as an interface between the monarchy and religious or political institutions in the north of the realm. We better understand the distnbution of roles between crown servants, officials from the Aksum Sdyon church where copies of the acts were made and kept, and the members of the clergy in the religious institutions concerned in the acts.
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Kaplan, Steven. "SEEING IS BELIEVING: THE POWER OF VISUAL CULTURE IN THE RELIGIOUS WORLD OF AŞE ZÄR'A YA'EQOB OF ETHIOPIA (1434-1468)." Journal of Religion in Africa 32, no. 4 (2002): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006602321107621.
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AbstractThe prevailing image of Zär'a Ya'eqob has tended to emphasize the intellectual at the expense of the experiential and political power at the expense of religious power. It is to these relatively neglected aspects of religious life that this article is devoted. It is our purpose here to emphasize the importance of the Cross, the image of the Virgin, the construction of churches and other visual aspects of religious life in Zär'a Ya'eqob's Ethiopia. No other Ethiopian ruler confronted the religious challenges presented by a divided Church and a largely unChristianized empire as systematically and as successfully as Zär'a Ya'eqob. Moreover, he was as sensitive to the daily unspoken truths of religious life as he was to great theological debates and controversies. He understood power in all its manifestations and sought to protect his state, his church, and his people with every means at his disposal. By promoting devotion to both the Cross and the Virgin Mary, he built on the foundations prepared by his parents, especially his father Dawit. He also mobilized Christian symbols which transcended local rivalries and regional loyalties. These symbols, as well as the churches he built, were also particularly suited to visual representation and hence comparatively easy to propagate among Ethiopia's largely illiterate population. They were, moreover, effective instruments of divine power, which brought home not only the message of Christianity's truth, but also its efficacy in the face of the numerous threats that Christians faced on a daily basis.
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Shenk, Calvin E. "Church and State in Ethiopia: From Monarchy To Marxism." Mission Studies 11, no. 1 (1994): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338394x00151.
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Gnamo, Abbas Haji. "Islam, the orthodox Church and Oromo nationalism (Ethiopia)." Cahiers d'études africaines 42, no. 165 (January 1, 2002): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.137.
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RUELLE, MORGAN L., KARIM-ALY KASSAM, and ZEMEDE ASFAW. "Human ecology of sacred space: Church forests in the highlands of northwestern Ethiopia." Environmental Conservation 45, no. 3 (November 21, 2017): 291–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892917000534.
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SUMMARYIn the highlands of northwestern Ethiopia, Orthodox Christian churches provide habitats for plants that have become rare in the surrounding agricultural landscapes. The objective of this paper is to investigate why and how the local clergy and laypeople protect and promote woody plants within their sacred spaces. Interviews at 11 churches in the Debark District of North Gonder generated a list of 47 woody species, of which most are rare in the rest of the landscape. Three tree species (indigenous cedar, Juniperus procera; indigenous olive, Olea europaea subsp. cuspidata; and exotic Eucalyptus globulus) were identified as most important. While cedar and olive are symbols of tradition and witnesses to church history, eucalyptus is a source of income and alternative material for church construction and repair. A significant proportion of indigenous species within Debark's church forests were said to have been planted, including cedars and olives. Knowledge that these species are cultivated enhances the conservation value of these forests by inspiring local people to continue planting trees and shrubs. In addition to serving as refugia for rare species, Ethiopia's church forests nurture the knowledge necessary to promote plant diversity in the rest of the landscape and serve as archetypes for community-driven conservation.
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Dejene, Solomon. "Ethiopian Traditional Values versus the Social Teaching of the Church." Exchange 37, no. 2 (2008): 124–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254308x278558.
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AbstractEven if the Roman Catholic Church does not have a very long history in Ethiopia and constitutes a small minority of the society, her social significance is great in part due to the structural development programs she runs through out the country. The main aim of this paper is to identify how much the Church has made use of traditional systems and values in reflecting and communicating pastorally particularly in regard the Social of the Church (henceforth CST). By analyzing four selected pastoral letters, this article tries to spell out the strengths and shortcomings of the Church in employing traditional systems and values in giving form to the CST.
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Ancel, Stéphane. "The Centralization Process of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. An Ecclesiastical History of Ethiopia during the 20th Century." Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 106, no. 3-4 (January 2011): 497–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rhe.1.102466.
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Crummey, Donald, and Oyvind M. Eide. "Revolution and Religion in Ethiopia. A Study of Church and Politics with Special Reference to the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus 1974-1985." Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 4 (November 1999): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581781.
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Ngetich, Elias Kiptoo. "CATHOLIC COUNTER-REFORMATION: A HISTORY OF THE JESUITS’ MISSION TO ETHIOPIA 1557-1635." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (November 17, 2016): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1148.
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The Jesuits or ‘The Society of Jesus’ holds a significant place in the wide area of church history. Mark Noll cites John Olin notes that the founding of the Jesuits was ‘the most powerful instrument of Catholic revival and resurgence in this era of religious crisis’.[1] In histories of Europe to the Reformation of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits appear with notable frequency. The Jesuits were the finest expression of the Catholic Reformation shortly after the Protestant reform began. The Society is attributed to its founder, Ignatius of Loyola. As a layman, Ignatius viewed Christendom in his context as a society under siege. It was Christian duty to therefore defend it. The Society was formed at a time that nationalism was growing and papal prestige was falling. As Christopher Hollis observed: ‘Long before the outbreak of the great Reformation there were signs that the unity of the Catholic Christendom was breaking up.’[2] The Jesuits, as a missionary movement at a critical period in the Roman Catholic Church, used creative strategies that later symbolised the strength of what would become the traditional Roman Catholic Church for a long time in history. The strategies involved included, but were not limited to: reviving and nurturing faith among Catholics, winning back those who had become Protestants, converting those who had not been baptised, training of the members for social service and missionary work and also establishing educational institutions.[1] Mark A. Noll. Turning points: Decisive moments in the history of Christianity. (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1997), 201.[2] Christopher Hollis. The Jesuits: A history. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1968), 6.
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Ayenachew, Deresse. "The Southern Interests of the Royal Court of Ethiopia in the Light of Bərbər Maryam’s Ge’ez and Amharic Manuscripts." Northeast African Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2011): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41932051.
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Abstract Oral traditions recount a long period of interaction between the Ethiopian royal court and the country’s southwestern peoples. The traditions served as the basis for a late-nineteenth-century account written in Amharic, which we can compare with medieval documents in Ge’ez dating back to the fifteenth/sixteenth centuries. These documents from the Bərbər Maryam church attest the economic and political interests that the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia had in the southwest. They can be used to identify medieval chiefs in this area. Most of the small territories named in the Ge’ez documents can still be identified: Wağ, Qogga, and Wälamo; but a few cannot: Gäda, Kwäm Dahar, Qwaṣä, and Bäräza. The present article shows how written sources are related to oral traditions and can be used to reconstruct local history.
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Клюев, С. А. "THE CHURCH OF MARYAM DEBRA-TSION IN THE HISTORY OF ETHIOPIAN ROCK-HEWN ARCHITECTURE." ВОПРОСЫ ВСЕОБЩЕЙ ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ, no. 1(12) (February 17, 2020): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25995/niitiag.2019.12.1.006.
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Скальная церковь Марьям Дебре Цион в районе Геральта региона Тыграй - это просторный светлый храм с высокими сводами, сохранивший красочные росписи двух периодов (последней трети XIV и середины XV в.). Памятник примечателен по ряду признаков. Храм отделен от скального массива с юга, запада и востока широким туннелем обходной галереи. Северный фасад, декорированный имитацией аксумской кладки, является частью скального склона. Этот трехалтарный храм принадлежит к позднесредневековому «открытому типу», где зона макдаса (алтарная часть) не отделена от кеддеста (наоса) стеной. В этой церкви, помимо богатых росписей, выполнен выразительный резной декор - нетипично многочисленные арочные ниши, размещенные в три ряда одна над другой как в зоне макдаса, так и на северной и южной стенах. Подобный декор известен лишь в двух эфиопских храмах. В статье рассматриваются вопросы генезиса плана храма Марьям Дебре Цион, проблема происхождения нетипичного декора интерьера памятника. Другой целью работы является попытка проследить влияние форм этого, во многом «новаторского» для скального зодчества Тыграй храма на ряд других скальных церквей региона. The rock-hewn church of Maryam Debra Tsion is located in the Garalta rocks in the Tigray region (Ethiopia). It is a well-lit church, with high arches, where there are preserved colorful paintings in two cycles (the last third of the XIVand middle of the XV centuries). The monument is remarkable for a number of features. The church is separated from the main-rock by a tunnel of ambulatory from the south, west and east sides. The northern facade, decorated with imitation Aksumite masonry, is part of the scarp of the rock. This three-altar church belongs to the late medieval "open type", where the maqdas (sanctuary) is not separated from the qeddest by a wall. In addition to the rich murals, this church has an expressive carved decoration - numerous arched niches atypically placed in three rows, both in the Maqdas and on the north and south walls. This type of decoration is known only in two Ethiopian churches. The article deals with the genesis of the plan of the church of Maryam Debra Tsion and the problem of the origin of the atypical decoration of the interior of this monument. Another goal of the work is to detect the influence of the forms of this, in many aspects “innovative” church, on a number of other rock-hewn churches of the Tigray region.
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Eshete, Tibebe. "Persecution and Social Resilience: The Case of the Ethiopian Pentecostals." Mission Studies 34, no. 3 (October 9, 2017): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341521.
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Abstract Persecution has long constituted part of the spiritual repertoire of evangelical Christians in Ethiopia. Ever since its introduction by Western missionaries, the new Christian faith has provided an alternative model to the one that pre-existed it in the form of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (eoc). The new dimension of Christianity that is anchored in the doctrine of personal salvation and sanctification provided a somewhat different template of what it means to be a Christian by choice rather than belonging to a preset culture. This was antithetical to the conventional mode of culturally and historically situated Christianity, which strongly lays emphasis on adherence to certain prescribed rituals like fasting, the observances of saintly days, and devotions to saints. Its introduction by foreigners is often contrasted with an indigenous faith tradition which is considered to have a long history dating back to the apostolic times. The tendency of evangelical Christians to disassociate themselves from the local culture, as emblematic of holiness and separation from the world, viewed from the other optic, lent it the label mete, literally “imported” or “of foreign extraction”. The state support the established church had garnered for a long time, plus its massive influences, also accorded the eoc a privileged position to exercise a dominant role in the social, political, and cultural life of the country. This article explores the theme of persecution of Evangelical Christians in light of the above framework. It crucially examines the persecution of Pentecostals prior to the Ethiopian Revolution of 1974 and afterwards. Two reasons justify my choice. First, it lends the article a clear focus and secondly, Pentecostalism has been one of the potent vehicles for the expansion of evangelical Christianity in Ethiopia. I argue that the pre-revolutionary persecution stems from the fact that the Pentecostals presented some kind of spiritual shock waves to the familiar terrains of Christianity and that the main reason for their persecutions during the revolution was the fact that they countered hegemonic narratives that presented themselves in the form of Marxism, which became the doctrine of the state under the banner of “scientific socialism.”
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Гусарова, Екатерина Валентиновна. "Bibliographic Overview of Scientific Works of Boris A. Turaev on Ethiopistics." Библия и христианская древность, no. 1(13) (July 2, 2022): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/bca.2022.13.1.006.
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Тураев Борис Александрович как историк и филолог существенно расширил источниковую базу мировой эфиопистики, выступив на рубеже XIX-XX вв. новатором в этой весьма консервативной сфере гуманитарного знания. Он продолжил заложенную Б. А. Дорном традицию преподавания языка геэз на историко-филологическом факультете Санкт-Петербургского университета. Б. А. Тураев слыл знатоком литургики и глубоко верующим человеком. Эфиопия привлекала его, в первую очередь, как одно из древнейших христианских государств, сохранившее на протяжении всей своей задокументированной истории веру во Христа. Учёный сфокусировал внимание на богослужебной и житийной литературе Эфиопской Церкви. Ниже приведён обзор его работ, полностью или частично затрагивающих тему Эфиопии и её изучения, большинство из них по сей день не потеряли своей актуальности. Boris A. Turaev as a historian and philologist significantly expanded the source base of Ethiopian studies all over the world. At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries he became an innovator in this highly conservative field of humanitarian knowledge. He continued the tradition of teaching the Geez language established by B. A. Dorn at the Faculty of History and Philology of St. Petersburg University. Boris A. Turaev was known as a connoisseur of liturgy and a deeply religious person. Ethiopia attracted him, first of all, as one of the most ancient Christian countries, which preserved the faith in Christ throughout all its documented history. The scientist focused his research on the liturgical and hagiographic literature of the Ethiopian Church. An overview of his works, in whole or in part touching on the topic of Ethiopia and its studies is here presented. The most part of these works are still relevant.
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Nicolas, Andrea. "To Whom to Pray?" Numen 69, no. 2-3 (April 1, 2022): 287–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341656.
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Abstract The article discusses Booranticha, a sacrificial ritual among Oromo and some Amhara for the well-being of the family, its herds, and possessions, which is performed once a year by husband and wife in many farming households of central Ethiopia. During the ritual, food offerings are made and a higher spiritual being, also called Booranticha, is addressed in prayer. Contestation through monotheism, particularly by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, however, has led to some major linguistic and performative shifts concerning which divinity is being addressed in the offering, and how the ritual is performed. The article suggests that competition in religiously pluralist settings may constitute a major initializing and catalyzing factor for new exegetical propositions about the nature of the divine. Such conceptualization of contestation as a “trigger” for change invites a closer look at the relationship between religiously pluralist settings, the shaping of moral discourses and the evolvement of new hermeneutic interpretations in sacrificial performances.
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Клюев, С. А. "THE CHURCH OF MADHANE ALEM IN ADI QASHO AND THE DIFFICULTIES OF DATING OF TIGRAY (ETHIOPIA) ROCK-HEWN MONUMENTS." ВОПРОСЫ ВСЕОБЩЕЙ ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ, no. 2(11) (February 17, 2020): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.25995/niitiag.2019.11.2.006.
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Датировка скальных памятников - один из наиболее сложных и дискуссионных вопросов, возникающих перед исследователями в процессе изучения истории архитектуры Эфиопии. Основываясь на различных концепциях и подходах, ученые расходятся в датировке отдельных памятников более чем на 300 лет. Так, один и тот же памятник может быть воспринят как относящийся ко времени упадка Аксумского царства VIII- IX вв., угасания культуры или же, напротив, укрепления династии Соломонидов XIV-XV вв., времени создания множества новых храмов с богатым декором. Одним из памятников, датировка которого остается спорной, является скальная церковь Медхане Алем в Ади Кешо (Тыграй). Автор статьи, сопоставляя различные факты, прежде всего обращаясь к особенностям резного декора и архитектурного плана церкви, предлагает свое обоснование датировки храма второй половиной XIV - первой половиной XV в. The dating of rock-hewn churches is one of the most complicated and controversial issues facing researchers in the process of studying the history of Ethiopian architecture. Based on various concepts and approaches, scientists differ in the dating of monuments for more than 300 years. Thus, D. R. Buxton dated the rock-hewn church of Madhane Alem in Adi Qasho to the end of the 10-11centuries, D. Phillipson determines the time of its creation to the period up to the 10th century, and M. Gervers and E. Fritsch note that the structure of the maqdas of the church indicates a later date of creation, but do not specify it. The purpose of this article is to determine the dating of the rock-hewn church of Madhane Alem in Adi Qasho. Legendary information reports that the church of Adi Qasho, like some others (Mikael Baraka, Maryam Hibiito) in Tigray, was founded by Abuna Abreham, a saint who lived in 1350-1425. The layout of the church combines the principles of both traditional basilicas with two aisles, which became widespread in Ethiopia during the time of the Aksum kingdom, and some signs of the "open-type" basilicas that appeared in Ethiopia, probably in the period from the 14 century. In accordance with the traditions of the architecture of early Ethiopian basilicas, the church at Adi Qasho has the following features: - the vault of the nave is elevated relative to the aisles (in this case, slightly); - an Aksumite frieze runs along the upper part of the nave (with the exception of the east wall); - the maqdas is separated from the naos by a wall with a triumphal arch resting on pilasters; - the vault and the eastern wall of the maqdas form the apse with semi-dome. However, in the maqdas there are no pastophoria which are characteristic of early Ethiopian basilicas. Gervers and Fritsch draw parallels between the Adi Qasho church and the famous cruciform church of Beta Giyorgis at Lalibela (according to their dating from the 15 century), which also does not have pastophoria in the maqdas area. The church of Adi Qasho has some features of the decoration and the layout in common with the basilicas of "opentype", especially the rock-hewn church of Maryam Dabra Tsion. The U-shaped narthex presumably derives from the churches of the Lasta region: in the churches with an ambulatory (Abba Libanos at Lalibela and Zoz Amba Giyorgis), and the later "open-type" basilicas in Tigray: Yesus Archnao and Maryam Dabra Tsion. The facade solution of a four-pillar portico at the church also finds possible prototypes in the Lasta region in churches with colonnades: Madhane Alem at Lalibela, Gannata Maryam, Kankanet Mikael. Exploring the carved decoration of the Adi Qasho church, one can find a characteristic resemblance to the decoration of the church of Maryam Dabra Tsion (the paintings are stylistically dated to the turn of the 14th-15th centuries), and in particular, to the richly decorated ornamental carving of Abuna Abreham’s cell, which is connected to the church by the ambulatory. The Cupola and walls of this cell have the following decorations: diamond-shaped caissons (in Madhane Alem, they are located in the vault of the central bay in the northern aisle); a cross with four accented squares between its bars (in Madhane Alem - in the vault of the nave); multifaceted cross with ornamental filling; another geometric compositions consisting of squares. Carved crosses in the interior of the church are also stylistically dated to the 14th-15th centuries. Two crosses on high shafts are carved on pilasters in the span of the triumphal arch. Paired crosses are also known in earlier churches, but their location in the maqdas area finds parallels with the church of Maryam Dabra Tsion. Is it possible that the image of paired crosses flanking the triumphal arch may be related to the rejection at the middle of the 14th century of the previously used wooden altar barriers with columns decorated with paired crosses. Shallow triple niches (in the western parts of the southern and northern walls) and six niches in the western wall are carved in the naos of the church. Similar niches with images of saints decorated the walls of the church Maryam Dabra Tsion and of the church Yesus Archnao, probably a little earlier. The upper limit of the dating of the monument can be determined by the presence of abundant traces of soot, which can be evidence of the destructive invasion of Ahmad Gran’s jihadists, which destroyed many churches and church relics in Ethiopia in the thirties of the 16th century; likewise, the style of the corner beams of perspective frames of doorways leading from the narthex to the naos. Their form from the second half of the 15th century changes from cubic to round-headed. These factors make it possible to designate the upper limit of dating to the middle of the 15th century, i.e. approximately until 1450. Probably, the creators of the church tried to unite in the monument both the local traditions of the basilica architecture and the new trends that came from the political center of the country. The features of the layout of the church, particular qualities of its maqdas demonstrate close creation date of the Adi Qasho church and the basilica of Maryam Dabra Tsion. Thus, the most plausible dating is close to the legendary information, namely 1370-1450.
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Crummey, Donald. "Gondär Land Documents: Multiple Copies, Multiple Recensions." Northeast African Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2011): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41932050.
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Abstract A comparison of two eighteenth-century land grants to churches in Gondär town are the point of departure for reflections on the creation of the documents themselves. Both grants are recorded in multiple copies—5 in one case; 9 in the other. A close reading of the documents reveals that the copies represent different stages in the development of the grant. This is particularly the case with the grant to the Church of Qwesqwam Däbrä Ṣäḥay, which, made in the 1730s and 1740s, unfolded over a period of more than ten years. The evidence concerning the Church of Bä’ata Däbrä Ṭebäb is less striking, but still suggestive. After an indication of the wealth of social and geographic information, which the grants contain, the paper explores similanties and differences between contemporary practices of granting of land in Ethiopia and in the riverine Sudan.
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Ambelu, Ayele Addis. "African Form of Indigenous Mass Communication in the Case of Ethiopia." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MASS MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS 7, no. 3 (March 17, 2021): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.7-3-3.
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The purpose of this article is to explore African form of indigenous mass communication with emphasis on Ethiopian indigenous form mass communication institutions, tools, manuscripts, and regulatory bodies. The method employed for this study is qualitative. First hand documents, tools and observation were considered as sources of primary data. Furthermore, pertinent literature was reviewed. The data was analyzed qualitatively where description of the responses on the bases of themes was given emphasis. The finding of this study argued that drum beating, horn blowing and town crying are a form of mass communications in the ancient time. In ancient time news in Africa was first made public from the tower in the center, squares of the city, palace main stairs, market and church. Town Criers, Azmari and shepherds were the journalists and the essential news presenters in ancient times. In the same manner, Afe Negus (mouth of the King) and Tsehafe Tezaze (Minister of Pen) were originally indigenous information regulatory bodies of the empire regime. This research discovered the oldest African newspaper in Ethiopia, a news sheet entitled Zenamewale (Daily News) and the first written newspaper and inscriptions of king Ezana are the first types of African form of news, which dates back to 320 A.D. Zena mewale is believed to be the first handmade press so far known in Africa for 700 years. This confirmed that Ethiopia has 3,000 years of indigenous forms of oral mass communication and handmade press history in Africa. Keywords: indigenous mass communication institutions, tools of traditional mass communication, manuscripts, regulatory bodies, Ethiopia
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Sari, Oktavia Kristika. "Penerimaan Gereja Orthodox Tewahedo Terhadap 81 Kitab." Journal Kerusso 6, no. 2 (August 23, 2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33856/kerusso.v6i2.199.
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When the Church recognizes the quantity of books as part of God's Word, it uses various standards for book collection. The Tewahedo Orthodox Church, which has 81 books, is one of the churches that got so many. The question of why this Church accepts so many books in its canon and how this Church interprets these books adds to the intricacy of the problem of the number of books in the Tewahedo Orthodox Church tradition. This research employs a content analysis to conduct a literature review. This research demonstrates the Tewahedo Orthodox Church's devotion to the works in its canon. Both in terms of apostles' and Church Fathers' traditions, the lengthy history of Social Culture, Councils and Synods, and the impact of ancient literature in Ethiopia.Although it is well known that writings outside the Hebrew protocanon are employed for ceremonial theology and people's education rather than construction, the Orthodox Tewahedo also believes these works to be vital as books worth reading and historical bridges.
Abstrak indonesia
Standar pengumpulan kitab yang digunakan oleh Gereja ketika menerima jumlah kitab-kitab sebagai bagian dari Alkitab yang dipegang menggunakan standar yang berbeda-beda. Salah satu gereja yang menerima begitu banyak kitab adalah Gereja Tewahedo Orthodox yang memiliki 81 kitab. Kompleksnya masalah jumlah kitab di dalam tradisi Gereja Tewahedo Orthodox ini, menjadi pertanyaan apa yang menyebabkan Gereja ini menerima begitu banyak kitab dalam kanonnya dan bagaimana Gereja ini memandang kitab-kitab tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan Kajian Kepustakaan berupa kajian isi. Dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan kompleksitas penerimaan Gereja Tewahedo Orthodox terhadap kitab-kitab dalam kanonnya. Baik karena pengaruh tradisi rasul-rasul dan Bapa Gereja, sejarah panjang dalam Social Budaya dan Konsili serta Sinode, maupun juga pengaruh dari Literatur kuno di Ethiopia. Dan diketahui bahwa kitab-kitab diluar protokanon Ibrani tidak digunakan dalam membangun doktrin namun digunakan untuk ritual-ritual dan pengajaran umat, Tewahedo Orthodox juga meganggap penting kitab-kitab ini sebagai kitab-kitab yang layak dibaca dan digunakan sebagai jembatan sejarah.
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ZINK, JESSE. "Lost Boys, Found Church: Dinka Refugees and Religious Change in Sudan's Second Civil War." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 2 (January 9, 2017): 340–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916000683.
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The experience of young male Dinka refugees during Sudan's second civil war (1983–2005) illustrates the connections between religious change, violence and displacement. Many of the ‘unaccompanied minors’ who fled to camps in Ethiopia and then Kenya moved decisively towards Christianity in the years during which they were displaced. Key variables were the connection between education and Christianity, the need for new structures of community, and the way in which the Church offered a way to make sense of the destruction of civil war. As the war ended, many former refugees returned to their home regions as Christian evangelists, leading to further religious change. Their case parallels other mass conversion movements in African Christian history but takes place in a post-colonial context of civil war.
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Paterson, Andrew. "Education and Segregation in a South African Mission Church: The Merger of the Anglican Church and the Order of Ethiopia, 1900-1908." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 3 (2003): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559435.
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Wagner, Ewald. "Ein amharischer Atlas aus Malta." Aethiopica 13 (July 7, 2011): 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.13.1.52.
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In August 2008 Professor Dr. Hans H. Kaminsky of the Institute of History of the University of Giessen, gave me an Amharic atlas, printed in Malta, which he had bought several years ago, at the Giessen flee-market. The atlas is now in the possession of the Hiob Ludolf Zentrum für Äthiopistik of the Asien-Afrika-Institut, Universität Hamburg. The article places the atlas into the historical context of the educational efforts of German protestant missionaries who worked under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society in Ethiopia, during the first half of the 19th century. It also sheds light on the Society’s printing activities in Malta.
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Gebissa, Ezekiel, and Oyvind M. Eide. "Revolution and Religion in Ethiopia: The Growth and Persecution of the Mekane Yesus Church, 1974-85." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097536.
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Endeg Mihretie, Kindeneh. "“The Eighteen Million Täwaḥǝdo Victims of Martyr-Saint Adyam Sägäd Iyasu”: Towards a Better Understanding of Lasta–Tǝgray Defiance of the Royal Centre of Gondärine Ethiopia (1630s–1760s)." Aethiopica 16 (March 9, 2014): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.16.1.699.
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Two gädls, briefly examined in this study, portray Iyasu I as a Ṣägga Lǝǧ partisan. Ṣägga Lǝǧ is one of two views dismissed as heresy at the 1878 Boru Meda synod. This synod settled the Christological controversy that beset the Ethiopian Church for two and a half centuries, by declaring Karra, the polemical name for Täwaḥǝdo, as official orthodoxy. What is strange about the accounts of the two gädls is that they seem to contradict oneof the doxas of Ethiopian historiography, which is that Iyasu I was a diehard Täwaḥǝdo. This study resolves this enigma by showing that during the Gondärine period the Täwaḥǝdo teaching, which enjoyed the recognition of the royal centre as orthodoxy, was Ṣägga Lǝǧ. Such revision of the historiography of the doctrinal controversy in turn paves the way for a better understanding of the rebellion of Lasta and southern Tǝgray, against the monarchial centre of Gondärine Ethiopia. So far, the history of this rebellionis poorly understood due to the wrong assumption that the Karra teaching championed by the Lasta–Tǝgray group at the time was the same Täwaḥǝdo of the monarchial centre. No historian could thus entertain the possibility of a long lasting rebellion in the name of Karra. This study shows that throughout much of the Gondarine period, Karra was rather the doctrine of a third party that defied the centre using Lasta and southernTǝgray as safe-heavens.
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Crummey, Donald. "EIDE, Oyvind M., Revolution and Religion in Ethiopia. A Study of Church and Politics with Special Reference to the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus 1974-1985. Uppsala, Uppsala University, 1996, xv, 345 pp., ISBN 91 85424 46 3." Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 4 (1999): 510–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006699x00133.
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Haile, Getatchew. "The Orthodox Church of Ethiopia: A History. By John Binns. London: I. B. Tauris, 2017. xx + 297 pp. $115.00 hardcover." Church History 87, no. 1 (March 2018): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718000148.
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Munro-Hay, Stuart. "The British Museum Excavations at Adulis, 1868." Antiquaries Journal 69, no. 1 (March 1989): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500043407.
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In 1868, during the British military expedition to Magdala in Abyssinia (Ethiopia), an archaeological excavation was undertaken, under the auspices of R. Holmes, a representative of the British Museum, at the ancient port-city of Adulis a few kilometres from the Red Sea coast. The excavation, of which some details were reported in a War Office Publication of 1870, was one of the earliest undertaken in Africa south of the Sahara. As a result an ancient church was discovered and cleared. Among the finds were a number of items of ecclesiastical furniture, some apparently imported in a prefabricated state from the Roman eastern Mediterranean. Some of these pieces, now lodged in the British Museum, are here published for the first time.
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HASTINGS, ADRIAN. "ETHIOPIAN CHURCH HISTORY The Missionary Factor in Ethiopia. Edited by Getatchew Haile, Aasulv Lande and Samuel Rubenson. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1998. Pp. 215. £24, paperback (ISBN 3-631-33259-9)." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 475–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799287609.
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Zewde, Bahru. "The Fall of Tsähafé Teʾezaz Wäldä-Giyorgis: Reminiscences of the Victim." Aethiopica 7 (October 22, 2012): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.7.1.279.
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The fall in 1955 of Tsähafé Teʾezaz Wäldä-Giyorgis Wäldä-Yohannes was an event of special importance in the political history of imperial Ethiopia. For nearly a decade and a half after 1941, Wäldä-Giyorgis had exercised power and influence second only to that of Emperor Haylä-Sellasé. Yet, this very power and influence seems to have contributed to his undoing. Those who were shunted aside or feared his growing powers joined forces to estrange him from the emperor and bring about his downfall. The document printed here provides a personal account of the central character, Wäldä-Giyorgis himself, on the buildup to the final moment in May 1955, when he was removed from his powerful position to that of a provincial governor. It underscores the central role played in that downfall by his erstwhile ally, Mäkonnen Habtä-Wäld, as well as the attempt of Church authorities to mediate between the emperor and the powerful minister. Above all, the document gives us a rare insight into the relationship between emperor and minister and the trauma that the breach represented to both. Further, the outward decorum and civility that pervaded the entire proceedings of what must have been a grave political crisis provides a striking contrast to the brusqueness, not to say brutality, with which political opponents – real or imagined – were disposed of in post-1974 Ethiopia.
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CRUMMEY, DONALD. "CHURCH AND STATE IN ‘MEDIEVAL’ ETHIOPIA Le domaine des rois éthiopiens (1270–1527): espace, pouvoir et monachisme. By MARIE-LAURE DERAT. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2003. Pp. 383. €25 (ISBN 2-85944-480-7)." Journal of African History 45, no. 2 (July 2004): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704239445.
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Iitti, Vesa. "The Fourth Way in Finland." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 20 (January 1, 2008): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67328.
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This article focuses on the general history of the Fourth Way in Finland. The Fourth Way, or simply ‘the Work’, began as a Greco-Armenian man named Georges Ivanovich Gurdjieff (1866?–1949) gathered groups of pupils in St Petersburg and Moscow in 1912. To these groups, Gurdjieff started to teach what he had learned and synthesized between ca 1896 and 1912 during his travels on spiritual search of Egypt, Crete, Sumeria, Assyria, the Holy Land, Mecca, Ethiopia, Sudan, India, Afghanistan, the northern valleys of Siberia, and Tibet. Neither Gurdjieff nor any of his disciples called themselves a church, a sect, or anything alike, but referred to themselves simply as ‘the Work’, or as ‘the Fourth Way’. The name ‘the Fourth Way’ originates in a Gurdjieffian view that there are essentially three traditional ways of spiritual work: those of a monk, a fakir, and a yogi. These ways do not literally refer to the activities of a monk, a fakir, and a yogi, but to similar types of spiritual work emphasizing exercise of emotion, body, or mind. Gurdjieff’s teaching is a blend of various influences that include Sufism, orthodox Christianity, Buddhism, Kabbalah, and general elements of various occult teachings of both the East and the West. Gurdjieff’s teaching is a blend of various influences that include Sufism, orthodox Christianity, Buddhism, Kabbalah, and general elements of various occult teachings of both the East and the West. It is a unique combination of cosmology, psychology, theory of evolution, and overall theory and practise aiming to help individuals in their efforts towards what is called ‘self-remembering’.
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Kaplan, Steven. "The Orthodox Church of Ethiopia. A history. By John Binns. Pp. xxii + 297 incl. 42 figs, 3 maps and 2 tables. London–New York: I.B.Tauris, 2017. £62. 978 1 7453 695 4." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 3 (July 2018): 607–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046918000088.
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Keon-Sang, An. "Ethiopian Contextualization: The Tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church." Mission Studies 33, no. 2 (May 11, 2016): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341445.
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Our study of contextualization must be basically descriptive, that is, to observe and describe how the gospel is understood and shapes practices in the context of a people. Especially we have to take into consideration different global church traditions in our discussion of contextualization. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (eotc) provides a compelling historical example of contextualization. It has developed its own unique tradition by weaving together elements from different sources of both internal and external traditions through dynamic interaction with other traditions. These include Ethiopian primal, Hebraic-Jewish, apostolic, Syriac and Egyptian Coptic. Ethiopian nationalism has functioned as the guiding principle underlying Ethiopian contextualization. The eotc will continue to display how a church with a long history and tradition copes with new challenging situations and establishes its distinctive tradition in a dynamic interaction of its local and global orientations.
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Persoon, Joachim. "The Planting of the Tabot on European Soil: The Trajectory of Ethiopian Orthodox Involvement with the European Continent." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 3 (December 2010): 320–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0107.
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This article relates the concept of the tabot, the central symbol of divine presence in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church to the European Diaspora experience. The tabot represents the arc of the covenant in Solomon's Temple, and is likewise associated with Noah's arc. Thus the Church is conceptualised as facilitating the traversing of the ‘ocean of troubles’ to reach the ‘safe haven’ of the divine presence. This is experienced in an especially intense way in the diaspora context. Beginning with the concept of diaspora the article gives an overview of the history of the establishment of Ethiopian Orthodox churches in Europe and explores related trajectories. The Church is experienced as a place of memories, and is also a place where the sojourner can feel at home and belong. It facilitates preserving identity and culture, re-creating morals and values, and through aesthetics creates a hermeneutic frame of experience, satisfying the ‘fourth hunger’.