Journal articles: 'Estonia – History – 20th century'

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Kõvamees, Anneli. "Literature Defined by Language? Some Remarks on the Definition of Estonian Literature." Interlitteraria 24, no. 1 (August 13, 2019): 236–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2019.24.1.17.

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In the era when multiculturalism is one of the key concepts and the relationship between foreign and own is shifting, the definition of national literature has been in the centre of discussions. In Estonia the issue has been raised most prominently in connection with the Estonian Russianlanguage writer Andrei Ivanov (born 1971) whose works have turned out to be difficult to classify. How to define Estonian literature? Is it a literature written in the Estonian language, literature written by Estonians, literature associated with Estonia or is it a literature written in Estonia? Especially small nations like Estonians tend to define one’s identity according to the language spoken and ethnicity, not the citizenship. There are various significant shifts in Estonian literary history, for example, when the beginning of Estonian literature is discussed, then Baltic German authors are included but when the Estonian literature made by Estonians is born in the 19th century, Baltic German literature disappears from Estonian literature, although Baltic German literature continued until the 20th century. The aspect of value plays a significant role, as what is included or excluded in the literary history is associated with ideological choices. It is only recently that the inclusion of Baltic German literature into Estonian literature is taking place. The position of Estonian Russian literature has also shifted from rejection and periphery in the spotlight and the works by Andrei Ivanov have played a crucial role in that process. Taking the Estonian Russian-language literature and Baltic German literature as examples, the article addresses the question of defining (national) literature.

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Kisłacz, Halina. "Polish Community in Estonia." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.3s.

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This article presents the history of Poles living in Estonia, dating back to the 16th century, when the territory of Livonia (today’s Estonia) was incorporated into the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. For centuries, Poles were important members of the local community, mainly at the University of Dorpat (Tartu). In the 19th and 20th centuries, they created many organisations; the article briefly describes the activities of some of them. The author also presents the current activity of Estonian Polonia in organising various events, meetings or stimulating economic ties between Poland and Estonia, as well as cooperation with Polish institutions.

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Jaago, Tiiu. "Discontinuity and Continuity in Representations of 20th Century Estonian History." Culture Unbound 6, no. 6 (December 15, 2014): 1071–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1461071.

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The theme of this article is how Estonians have described political changes in their autobiographical narratives. The discussion is based on the observation that the establishment of Soviet rule in Estonia in the 1940s is construed in the studies of life stories, on the one hand, as a discontinuity of ‘normal life’, and on the other hand, as continuity. It is remarkable that irrespective of the demarcation of state borders by political decisions, Estonian territory is still perceived as a single and eternal whole. To what extent is the perception of discontinuity or continuity related to experiencing political change and to what extent is it related to the method of narration, and to what extent does it depend on the choices made by the researcher? An analysis of the three life histories discussed in the article indicates that experiencing discontinuity or continuity in a specific historical context does not coincide with its depiction in life histories. The texts reflect both the diversity of narrative methods (coherent representation of different layers of recollections, the comparison and contrast of different situations, etc.), and the context of narratives – for example the interviewer’s effect on discussing a topic or the relation of a story to publicly discussed topics. Recollections are characterised by variability, however this may not become evident as studies focus on certain aspects of the narrative or interrelations of the topic and public discourses. The polysemic and ambivalent nature of the ‘border’ unfolds through the entangled interplay of territorial, political and cultural borders, their narrative articulation in life story telling as well as researchers’ choices.

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Mezhevich, Nikolay M. "How a Big Strategy Led to the Emergence of a Small State: the Example оf Estonia." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016558-2.

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Strategies for moving towards independence are always of scientific interest, which naturally increases in cases where we are talking about a whole sequence of gains and losses of independence. In relation to Estonia, the relevance is due to the fact that the Republic of Estonia is our neighbor, the quality of relations with which is far from ideal. From the beginning of the 20th century until the signing of the Tartu Peace Treaty in 1920, the most complex political processes took place on the territory of the future Estonia, with the participation of a significant number of actors, not one of whom was not interested in Estonian independence. Why, in the first two twenties, Estonia became independent quite unexpectedly, not only for Berlin and Petrograd, but also for Tallinn itself.

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Raun, T. U. "CULTURE WARS IN ESTONIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Acta Historica Tallinnensia 4, no. 1 (2000): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/hist.2000.1.03.

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McKenzie, Brent. "Remembrance Tourism: Maarjamäe Memorial Versus The Estonian Victims of Communism Memorial." International Conference on Tourism Research 15, no. 1 (May 13, 2022): 247–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/ictr.15.1.374.

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The people of the Republic of Estonia experienced severe oppression and terror during the latter half of the 20th century following their forced annexation into the Soviet Union. Additionally, the Soviet military can rightfully be credited with decisively driving Nazi Germany out of Estonia, during World War II. These related, but conflicting results, has resulted in two different memorials, and two radically different perspectives, located within 500 meters of each other, in the Estonian capital city of Tallinn. This research examines the impact of such confrontation in ideals and remembrance, through the promotion (or lack of), funding, and maintenance of history, through memorials in public space. This research addresses these questions through a comparison of two Memorials located within sight of each other, the Maarjamäe Memorial and the Estonian Victims of Communism Memorial, in Tallinn, Estonia. The comparison of the two Memorials highlights the challenges involved in the construct of remembrance, as well as the related construct of nostalgia, within markets such as Estonia that has two distinct ethnic groups, Estonian, and Russian, and how their respective views of the constructs shape the success or failure of such tourism attractions. The findings of this research will be of benefit to other regions with a similar past, when it comes to remembrance and reflection through tourism.

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Selart, Anti. "Lembitu: A medieval warlord in Estonian culture." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 29, no. 1 (2021): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2021.101.

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The 13th century was undoubtedly a period of upheaval in Baltic history. From the traditional «Estonian» point of view, between 1208 and 1227 ancient Estonians heroically defended their political and personal freedom and native religion, but unfortunately they had to surrender to German invaders and the Catholic Church. This interpretation was adopted by the Estonian audience by the end of the 19th century. However, there were not many individual historical heroes to find in medieval history who could fit the national narrative. The 13th-century sources mention very few Estonians by their names. There is one exception: Lembitu, the leader of Sakala province. In 1217 he was killed in battle; his head was cut off and taken away by crusaders. Numerous artistic presentations popularised the person of Lembitu in the 19th and 20th century and shaped the public image of Lembitu as a king-like leader of the resistance in the name of freedom and independence. At the same time, in the early 2000s parallelly an ironic or critical attitude towards traditional presentations of the medieval warlord developed. A new turn in the presentations of Lembitu in Estonian media happened in the 2010s. The topic then became connected to the question of the fate of the skull of the medieval warlord. In Estonia in the 1960s, a report began to circulate that somewhere in Poland the head of Lembitu still existed. The Estonian Ministry of Culture initiated in 2014 contact between the Estonian and Polish ministries of culture, which resulted in some investigations in Polish museums with the aim of locating the artefact. The initiative was renewed in 2017, and in 2018–2019 the Estonian Ministry of Culture funded the research of the sources of Estonian history in Poland. Although the aim of the research in Poland was defined broadly and had real scholarly results, for the media and public audience it was definitely the project «searching for the skull of Lembitu». The public need for a historical hero, local patriotism combined with tourism marketing, and at least during the last decades the playful handling of history or historical stereotypes shape in combination the presentations of Lembitu in Estonian media and culture today.

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Dmitrieva, N. V. "Sacred New Building: Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval and the Spread of Orthodoxy in the Governorate of Estonia at the End of the 19th — Beginning of the 20th Century." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 4 (2022): 906–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.406.

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The article analyzes the formation of the imperial policy to spread Orthodox Christianity using the example of the construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Revel in the Governorate of Estonia. Late 19th — early 20th century was marked by significant changes in the governance of the region, not only in the administrative and legal sphere, but also in the religious one. Estonia administration viewed strengthening the presence of the Orthodox Church through the mass construction of churches and the symbolic development of space as one of the most effective means of integrating the province and the empire. The construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval was associated with significant historical events, including the 200th anniversary since Estonia became a part of Russian Empire. It determined its central role in the representation of the empire on the outskirts. At the same time, the prevalence of the Lutheran population in the province, as well as the economic dominance of the German nobility, caused difficulties with the construction process. The search for funds and the choice of a place for the Cathedral were the main reasons why the implementation of such a large-scale project took so long. Cathedral was designed to visually emphasize that the region was a part of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the preparatory work, using unpublished office materials from various departments, made it possible to identify contradictions between central and local authorities on this issue, as well as to understand the mechanisms of their interaction within the framework of existing practices. The materials of personal and official correspondence of key political and religious actors involved show different understanding of the goals and means how to spread Orthodox Christianity in the region at the turn of the 19th — 20th century.

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Paert, Irina. "“Keep Your Mind in Hell and Despair Not”: Dealing with the Wounds and Complicities of 20th Century Orthodoxy in Estonia Through the Theology of St Sophrony (Sakharov) and Arvo Pärt." Mission Studies 38, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341776.

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Abstract The story of Estonian Orthodoxy, as often told through the narrative of collective trauma, is not homogeneous and uncontested. The co-existence of two Orthodox communities in present-day Estonia, each insisting on exclusive canonical legitimacy and holding different views of the past, the incomplete work of transitional justice, and the untold story of political collaboration appear as irreconcilable differences that challenge the ideals of Christian unity. In order to address these unresolved problems of a traumatic past, the paper will turn to the ascetic theology of twentieth-century Orthodox saints St Silouan (1866–1938) and St Sophrony Sakharov (1896–1993) and to the musical oeuvres of the Estonian composer Arvo Pärt (b. 1935). The approach of these Orthodox ascetics, the article argues, provides an important perspective on Christian mission in a wounded world.

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Põltsam-Jürjo, Inna. "Paganate kookidest seakõrvadeni. Transkultuuriline rännak ühe toidu jälgedes läbi sajandite ja kokaraamatute." Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat, no. 60 (October 12, 2017): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33302/ermar-2017-001.

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From “heathens’ cakes” to “pig’s ears”: tracing a food’s journey across cultures, centuries and cookbooks It is intriguing from the perspective of food history to find in 19th and 20th century Estonian recipe collections the same foods – that is, foods sharing the same names – found back in European cookbooks of the 14th and 15th centuries. It is noteworthy that they have survived this long, and invites a closer study of the phenomenon. For example, 16th century sources contain a record about the frying of heathen cakes, a kind of fritter, in Estonia. A dish by the same name is also found in 18th and 19th century recipe collections. It is a noteworthy phenomenon for a dish to have such a long history in Estonian cuisine, spanning centuries in recipe collections, and merits a closer look. Medieval European cookbooks listed two completely different foods under the name of heathen cakes and both were influenced from foods from the east. It is likely that the cakes made it to Tallinn and finer Estonian cuisine through Hanseatic merchants. It is not ultimately clear whether a single heathen cake recipe became domesticated in these parts already in the Middle Ages. In any case, heathen cakes would remain in Estonian cuisine for several centuries. As late as the early 19th century, the name in the local Baltic German cuisine referred to a delicacy made of egg-based batter fried in oil. Starting from the 18th century, the history of these fritters in Estonian cuisine can be traced through cookbooks. Old recipe collections document the changes and development in the tradition of making these cakes. The traditions of preparing these cakes were not passed on only in time, but circulated within society, crossing social and class lines. Earlier known from the elites’ culture, the dish reached the tables of ordinary people in the late 19th and early 20th century. In Estonian conditions, it meant the dish also crossed ethnic lines – from the German elite to the Estonian common folk’s menus. In the course of adaptation process, which was dictated and guided by cookbooks and cooking courses, the name of the dish changed several times (heydenssche koken, klenätid, Räderkuchen, rattakokid, seakõrvad), and changes also took place in the flavour nuances (a transition from spicier, more robust favours to milder ones) and even the appearance of the cakes. The story of the heathen cakes or pig’s ears in Estonian cuisine demonstrates how long and tortuous an originally elite dish can be as it makes its way to the tables of the common folk. The domestication and adaptation of such international recipes in the historical Estonian cuisine demonstrates the transregional cultural exchange, as well as culinary mobility and communication.

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Lõugas, Lembi, and Eve Rannamäe. "Investigating Animal Remains in Estonia." Archaeologia Lituana 21 (December 28, 2020): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/archlit.2019.21.8.

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In Estonia, faunal remains have been an important part of archaeological material since the 19th century. During the 20th century, the interest in faunal history was rather volatile, but gained some stability during the 1990s. Since then, zooarchaeology in Estonia has developed substantially, focusing on a variety of topics. Together with methods from traditional zooarchaeology, interdisciplinary methods like the studies of ancient DNA and stable isotopes are increasingly used. However, despite the growing understanding of the importance of faunal remains in archaeological and historical research, there are still problems with collecting animal remains during the fieldwork and documenting and organising them. On the other hand, interest in scientific methods and destructive sampling of the osseous remains have become increasingly popular in science projects and international collaboration. In order to use osteological collections reasonably and ethically, proper systemisation is essential.In Estonia, there are two research centres for zooarchaeology, where scientific collections are administered – Tallinn University and the University of Tartu. Tallinn collections comprise material mostly from the northern part of the country, plus an extensive reference collection for fish has been developed there. In Tartu, mostly material from southern Estonia is managed, together with continuously expanding reference collection of mammals and birds. To improve the gathering and management of the osteological material in Estonia and reduce the shortage for storage space, a new central repository for osteological collections (both human and animal) was established in 2019. Concurrently, a new central database for the osteological data was created.In this paper, we introduce the zooarchaeological collections and some of the latest research topics in Estonia with an aim to broaden the understanding and potential of zooarchaeology in the Baltic region.

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Bertash, Alexander V. "A. Poleshchuk: Creative Biography of the Russian-Estonian Architect and a Retrospective Direction in Russian Church Architecture of the Early 20th Century." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Arts 12, no. 4 (2022): 647–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu15.2022.405.

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This article is devoted to the creative biography of the largest Russian-Estonian architect at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries A. Poleshchuk and retrospectivism in Russian church architecture at the beginning of the twentieth century, which was his main creative method. The works and biography of the great master are still poorly studied, scientific publications are practically not devoted to him. At the same time, being a pupil of the St Petersburg Academy of Arts, the architect was awarded the title of architecture academic, the position of professor, proved himself in the capital as the author of such monumental structures as the Geological Committee and the Church of St Isidor with the house of the St Petersburg Orthodox Estonian brotherhood. He owns the project of the most monumental Orthodox church in the Baltics of the twentieth century — the Assumption Cathedral of the Pyukhtitsa Monastery, where he worked from his student years under the guidance of his teacher prof. M. Preobrazhensky. A native of Estonia and an Estonian himself on the maternal side, the architect made an invaluable contribution to the formation of a professional architectural school in the country. He was the chairman of the Estland Engineering Society and the Estland Technical Society in Petrograd, then was actively involved in teaching in Tallinn as professor of architecture at Tallinn Polytechnic College and chief architect and educational adviser to the Construction Board. A. Poleshchuk is known as an architectural theorist, a specialist in the theory of vaults, the author of the fundamental courses “Lectures on the art of building” in 10 volumes, and a two-volume guide to bridge construction. The article examines in detail the main milestones in the creative path of A. Poleshchuk in the context of the history of architecture at the beginning of the 20th century, mainly, church retrospectivism. The features of his work, diverse in typology and stylistics (Russian style, neoclassicism, neo-Renaissance, neo-baroque), are analyzed. In conclusion, a stylistic classification of the retrospective directions of church architecture of the late 19th — early 20th centuries with examples of relevant monuments is proposed. The article is based both on little-known published materials and, mainly, on newly discovered archival documents from the depositories of St Petersburg, Tartu, Tallinn.

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Racki, Grzegorz, Tõnu Viik, and Väino Puura. "Julius Kaljuvee, Ivan Reinwald, and Estonian pioneering ideas on meteorite impacts and cosmic neocatastrophism in the early 20th century." BSGF - Earth Sciences Bulletin 189, no. 3 (2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/bsgf/2018011.

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The article comprehensively presents little known Estonian contribution to the recognition of first meteorite impact structures in Europe, related to works of Julius Kaljuvee (Kalkun; 1869–1940) and Ivan Reinwald (Reinwaldt; 1878–1941). As an active educator specialized in geoscience, Kaljuvee was the first to hypothesize in 1922 that Kaali lake cirque in Saaremaa Island, Estonia, was created by meteorite impact. Thanks to mining engineer Reinwald, this assumption was accepted since 1928 due to the exhaustive field and borehole works of the latter (also as a result of exploration by several German scholars, including renowned Alfred Wegener). The impact origin of Kaali structure was proved finally in 1937 by finding of meteoritic iron splinters (as the first European site). Reinwald was not only outstanding investigator of meteorite cratering process, but also successful propagator of the Estonian discoveries in Anglophone mainstream science in 1930s. In addition, in his 1933 book, Kaljuvee first highlighted an impact explanation of enigmatic Ries structure in Bavaria, as well as probable magmatic activation in distant regions due to “the impulse of a giant meteorite”. He also outlined ideas of the inevitable periodic cosmic collisions in geological past (“rare event” theory nowadays), and resulting biotic crises. In a general conceptual context, the ideas of Kaljuvee were in noteworthy direct or indirect link with concepts of the great French naturalists – Laplace, Cuvier and Élie de Beaumont. However, some other Kaljuvee’s notions, albeit recurrent also later in geoscientific literature, are queer at the present time (e.g., the large-body impact as a driving force of continental drift and change the Earth axis, resulting in the Pleistocene glaciation). Thus, the Kaljuvee thought-provocative but premature dissertation is rather a record of distinguishing erudite activity, but not a real neocatastrophic landmark in geosciences history. Nevertheless, several concepts of Kaljuvee were revived as the key elements in the current geological paradigm.

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Raudsepp, Anu. "Vaimse vastupanu püüded okupatsioonivõimudele Hugo Raudsepa 1940. aastate komöödiates." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 172, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2020.2.02.

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In the 1940s, the totalitarian occupying regimes of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union implemented the strictest control and ideological guidance of intellectual and spiritual life of all time in Estonia. Essentially, the mechanisms and results of control are known. Cultural life was subjected to strict pre-censorship and post-publication censorship, and in the Soviet era also to thematic dictation. The intellectual and spiritual resistance of Estonians in those years, in other words their refusal to accept the ruling ideology, has been studied very little. The most widespread way of putting up intellectual and spiritual resistance was to remain silent, in other words to avoid creating works that were agreeable to the authorities. Selective silence, that is the selection of one’s points of emphasis, and splitting, in other words writing for oneself works that one keeps in one’s drawer while at the same time writing for publication in print, are also placed in this category. Recording actual history in diaries through the eyes of contemporaries of events, reading intellectually and spiritually enjoyable literature, and other such actions were ways of putting up intellectual and spiritual resistance. The main objective of this study is to ascertain in historical context the attempts to put up intellectual and spiritual resistance in the comedies from the 1940s by Hugo Raudsepp (1883–1952), one of the most outstanding Estonian playwrights of the 20th century. Ideologically speaking, dramatic literature was clearly one of the most vulnerable branches of literature. It was created for public presentation in theatres, after all, for which reason authors had to be particularly careful in their wording. On the other hand, plays provided both authors and directors with opportunities to conceal messages between the lines. For this reason, theatre became exceedingly popular in Estonia by the final decades of the Soviet era. The ridicule and mocking of the Soviet regime were especially enjoyed. The subjugation of Estonian intellectual and spiritual life to the ideological requirements of the occupying regime was launched at the time of pre-war Stalinism (1940–1941). Its aim was to rear Soviet-minded people who would help to justify, fortify and enhance the Soviet regime. The systematic control of the activities of creative persons and the working out of dictates and regulations were nevertheless not yet completed during the first year of Soviet rule. Many outstanding cultural figures remained silent or earned a living by translating texts. At that time, Hugo Raudsepp wrote the non-political novel Viimne eurooplane [The Last European], which is noteworthy to this day, while his plays from the period of independent Estonian statehood were not staged in theatres. Starting with the German occupation (1941–1944), the point of departure for Hugo Raudsepp was writing between the lines in his comedies in order to get both readers and theatregoers to think and to give them strength of soul. In 1943, he wrote the comedy Vaheliku vapustused [Interspatial Jolts], which has later been styled as a masterpiece. He concealed numerous signs between the lines of this play referring to the fate of a small people, in other words Estonia, between its great neighbouring powers the Soviet Union and Germany. Performances of this play were soon banned. Performances in theatres of all other plays by Hugo Raudsepp were similarly banned, with one exception. During post-war Stalinism in 1944–51, the sovietisation of Estonian cultural life resumed. Hugo Raudsepp did not initially write on topical Soviet themes, rather he sought subject matter from earlier times. His first play from that period entitled Rotid [Rats] (1946) was about the German occupation during the Second World War and it ridiculed the occupying Germans. Raudsepp also skilfully wove messages supporting Estonian cultural identity into the play. The play was staged in the Estonia Theatre but was soon banned. Raudsepp’s second play from that period, Tagatipu Tiisenoosen (1946), earned first prize at the state comedy competition in that same year. The action in the play was set in the period of Estonian National Awakening at the end of the 19th century. It ridiculed Baltic Germans and the behaviour of parvenu Estonians. Similarly to his previous play, he demonstrated nationalist mentality in this comedy by way of nationalist songs. It is noteworthy that by the summer of 1947, Tagatipu Tiisenoosen had also reached expatriate Estonians and it was staged with an altered title as the only Stalinist- era play from Soviet Estonia in Canada (1952), Australia (1954) and Sweden (1956). The thematic precepts imposed on Estonian writers and the mechanism for ensuring that those precepts were followed became even stricter starting in 1947. Raudsepp wrote his next 7 plays on required Soviet subject matter: post-war land reform (Tillereinu peremehed [The Owners of Tillereinu], 1947), monetary reform (Noorsulane Ilmar [Ilmar the Young Farmhand], 1948), kolkhozes (Küpsuseksam [Matriculation Exam] and Lasteaed [Kindergarten], 1949, Mineviku köidikuis [In the Fetters of the Past] (1950) and his so-called Viimane näidend [Last Play], 1950 or 1951), and the beginning of the Soviet regime in Estonia in 1940 (Pööripäevad Kikerpillis [Solstices in Kikerpill], 1949). Hugo Raudsepp skilfully wove words of wisdom for Estonians on surviving under foreign rule through the mouths of his characters, or discreetly laughed about Soviet reality in a way that the censors did not grasp. Post-war cultural policy culminated with the 8th Plenum of the Estonian Communist (Bolshevist) Party (EC(B)P) Central Committee on 21–26 March 1950, where among other things, the EC(B)P Central Committee Bureau was accused of allowing the exaltation of the superiority of Western European science and culture. Cultural figures were branded bourgeois nationalists and they faced serious ordeals. The fate of the great figure of Estonian dramatic literature was very harsh. Hugo Raudsepp was depicted as a ‘fascist henchman’ in 1950. He was expelled from the Estonian Writers’ Union and was deprived of his personal pension. He was arrested on 11 May 1951. Opposition to the Soviet regime was stressed in the charges presented to him. His play Vaheliku vapustused, which the German occupying regime had banned, and his only play that was allowed at that time, Lipud tormis [Flags in the Storm], were named as the primary evidence supporting the charges. Hugo Raudsepp was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment in the autumn of 1951. He hoped to the last possible moment that he would be allowed to serve his sentence in Estonia. Unfortunately, on 18 February 1952 he was sent by train from Tallinn to Narva and on 19 February on to Leningrad. From there his journey took him to Vjatka, Kirov and finally Irkutsk oblast. This great man’s health was poor, and he soon died on 15 September 1952. Very few new literary works appeared in the 1940s. The historical nadir is altogether seen in post-war book production in the era of Stalinism. Estonian theatre was similarly in a most difficult situation due to censorship, shortage of repertoire, scarcity of funding, and layoffs and sackings of theatre personnel. Nowadays the survival of theatre at the time, regardless of difficult times, is appreciated, and actors are recognised for preserving Estonian identity and uniting the people. Hugo Raudsepp’s role as a playwright in supporting intellectual and spiritual resistance to foreign authorities has to be recognised on the basis of his occupation-era comedies. Hugo Raudsepp was one of the most productive authors of his day, writing a total of 11 plays in 1943–51. According to the assessment of scholars of literature, he never once rose with these works to the leading-edge level of his previous works. It was impossible to create masterpieces that would become classics in that time of strict ideological precepts and the monitoring of their observance. Taking into consideration the extremely restricted creative conditions, his works were still masterpieces of their time. As Hugo Raudsepp’s oeuvre demonstrates, spirit still managed to cleverly trump power regardless of censorship and official precepts. The denunciation of Stalin’s personality cult in 1956 once again opened the door to the theatre for Hugo Raudsepp’s best comedies from Estonia’s era of independent statehood. The witticism and laughter of Hugo Raudsepp’s comedies gave people renewed strength of soul.

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Kalmo, Hent. "Enesemääramise paleus ja pragmaatika: Tartu versus Pariis." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 173, no. 3/4 (October 18, 2021): 243–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2020.3-4.04.

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The Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920, signed between Estonia and Soviet Russia, has been credited with laying the foundation for stability in Eastern Europe in the interwar period. Ants Piip, a member of the Estonian delegation at Tartu, attributed this achievement to the equitable character of the agreement, comparing it favourably with the Treaty of Versailles, widely seen as a dictated peace already in the immediate aftermath of its signature. A similar view was expounded by the Soviet government, which portrayed the Tartu Peace Treaty as an expression of the principles underlying the November Revolution. It especially emphasised the self-determination of peoples, proclaimed repeatedly by the Soviet government as a sine qua non for a just peace. According to the Soviet narrative, the principle of selfdetermination had been hailed by the Entente only to be later betrayed at the Paris Peace Conference. The Tartu Peace Treaty, where the principle of self-determination figured prominently in Article II, thus became, in this telling, an ideological counter model to the results of the Paris Peace Conference. Despite their anti-Bolshevik outlook, Estonian diplomats and politicians inclined towards a comparable interpretation: they had accepted the Soviet peace proposal, with the offer to recognise their right to selfdetermination and independent statehood, only after the Allies had failed to live up to their promises at Paris. The refence to the principle of self-determination in the Tartu Peace Treaty has not received much attention from historians. As Lauri Mälksoo has noted, it remains a well-nigh forgotten chapter in the history of international law. Mälksoo argued that the reference is all the more noteworthy since the Soviet government gave the principle a remarkably wide scope, joining to it the right to secession, which was not yet enshrined in general international law at the time. Assuming that the principle of selfdetermination was mentioned in the Tartu Peace Treaty at the initiative of the Soviet side, Mälksoo suggested two motives that might have prompted it: the need to recognise the fait accompli of Estonian independence, and the wish to justify within Russia itself the decision to relinquish territories that had formerly belonged to the Tsarist Empire. This article shows that the Estonian side was also keen to refer to the principle of self-determination, quite independently of Soviet wishes, as demonstrated by a draft peace treaty drawn up two months prior to the start of the Tartu negotiations by a commission of experts convened by the Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs. This fact is indicative of the broader diplomatic significance that the Estonian delegation – and its head, Jaan Poska, in particular – attached to peace talks with the Bolsheviks. The article demonstrates that Poska did not start the negotiations in December of 1919 with the sõle aim of signing a peace treaty with Soviet Russia. Just as important, if not more so, was the prospect of using the talks to convince the Entente to recognise Estonian independence de jure. The Estonian government had founded its claim to international recognition on the principle of self-determination. Upon the outbreak of the Bolshevik revolution, the Estonian Provisional Assembly had availed itself of the Soviet decree proclaiming the right of all peoples of Russia to selfdetermination, including secession and the formation of a separate state. Without being confident in the resolve of the Soviet government to adhere to the letter of its public pronouncements, Estonian politicians nonetheless saw the usefulness of invoking the decree, since the latter could be seen as ratifying Estonia’s decision to secede from Russia. They were already positioning themselves vis-à-vis the Entente Powers, whose freedom to recognise the nascent republic was constrained by rules of international law regarding the validity of secession. The principle of self-determination had great value for a seceding state, especially in circumstances where the mother country did not have a lawful government and was thus unable to consent to any separation of territories (as Russia was regarded in the eyes of most governments at the end of 1917). The Estonian position was buttressed by a string of diplomatic statements made by the Entente Powers in 1918, assuring Estonia that its status would be determined at a forthcoming peace conference in accordance with the principle of self-determination. Such assurances filled Estonian diplomats with great optimism when they set out for the Paris Peace Conference at the beginning of 1919. The principle of self-determination was tantamount to independence in their mind. It was therefore with growing disappointment that they observed the unwillingness of France and Great Britain to recognise their independence at Paris, intent as the latter were to reconstitute their former eastern ally. This is not to say that Estonian claims were completely ignored. British politicians did not think that they were failing to honour their promises when offering Estonia internationally guaranteed autonomy, under the aegis of the League of Nations, instead of independence. Autonomy did not satisfy Estonians, however, who were canvassing all options at their disposal to arrive at their aim. The quest for ‘other ways’, beginning in earnest in the summer of 1919, has been mostly interpreted by scholars as a decision to reach a peace settlement with the Bolsheviks. The article shows that the Estonian strategy was more multi-faceted. International recognition remained their chief aim, and their receptiveness to Bolshevik peace feelers should be seen in this light. The emphasis placed on the principle of self-determination from the very start of negotiations with Soviet Russia in September of 1919 was a part of this Western-directed diplomatic approach. The Bolsheviks had their own aims in mind when foregrounding this principle. The consternation that the Treaty of Versailles had caused in Germany offered them an opportunity to depict the Paris Peace Conference as the latest manifestation of Great Power imperialism, to which the Soviet proposal of a ‘democratic peace’ (no annexations, no contributions, self-determination to all peoples) was allegedly the only viable alternative. The peace talks between Estonia and Soviet Russia were thus caught in an ideological struggle between the Soviet government and the Western Allies concerning ‘just peace’. But they also fitted in with the – apparently contrary – Soviet strategy of abandoning outright military aggression and preparing the ground for ‘peaceful coexistence’ with capitalist states, with a view to buttressing the Soviet regime economically. The reference to the principle of self-determination in the Tartu Peace Treaty can be explained by all the considerations mentioned above. The Estonians had their sights set on reinforcing their international status by tying it to the principle. The Bolsheviks were showcasing their adherence to ‘democratic peace’ and contrasting their favourable attitude to small peoples with the hypocrisy of the Great Powers (the fact that it was Soviet Russia that had initiated the war with unprovoked military aggression in 1918 was conveniently ignored). Moreover, on a less public level, Soviet Russia was signalling that it was willing to consent to self-determination in the Russian borderlands in order to reach an agreement with its Western foes, and that it would rely on the long-term superiority of the Bolshevik system in lieu of head-to-head collision with capitalist states. In this last sense, the Treaty of Tartu marks a strategic turn for the Soviet government that became so consequential for the 20th century that the treaty with Estonia acquires truly foundational significance.

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Labi, Kanni. "Muuseumikogudes ja suulises ajaloos säilib ajalik looming / Transient treasures are kept in museums and memories." Studia Vernacula 13 (November 18, 2021): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2021.13.198-209.

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Vanda Juhansoo. Artist or Eccentric Woman?Estonian Museum of Applied Art and Design18.01.–01.03.2020, Tartu City Museum 19.06.–26.09.2021.Exhibition curated by: Andreas Kalkun (Estonian Literary Museum)and Rebeka Põldsam, graphic design: Stuudio Stuudio. Vanda Juhansoo (1889–1966) was by education a porcelain painter and furniture designer; she was, however, known as a textile and craft artist, traveller, polyglot, notable art teacher, interior decorator, advocate of women’s craft, soroptimist and gardener. Sometimes she was also known as the ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’. She graduated from the Central School of Applied Arts Ateneum in Finland, which makes her one of the first Estonian women artists with a higher education at the beginning of the 20th century. Even though Vanda Juhansoo specialised in ceramics and furniture design, as a student she received the most recognition (as well as travel grants) for her embroidery. From then on, Vanda spent her next thirty summers travelling in Europe. Between 1912 and 1945, she exhibited her ceramics, embroidered doilies and curtains in various places, including the first ever Estonian women artists’ show in 1939. Vanda Juhansoo worked with the Kodukäsitöö limited company, that had been established in 1927 with the aim of reducing unemployment among women. Alongside craft and women’s magazines, the Kodukäsitöö was the most significant promoter of women’s craft in Estonia, regularly organising exhibition-sales and taking Estonian craft to international shows. Unfortunately, most of Vanda Juhansoo’s oeuvre was so ephemeral that there is very little trace of it now. The Karilatsi Open Air Museum near Vanda’s home in Valgemetsa and the collection of the Estonian National Museum hold items given to the museum by Vanda’s cousin’s family, which Vanda herself most likely wore – these are made to fit her petite size and there are photos of Vanda wearing these garments. Her signature style used floral motifs embroidered onto the thin textiles she wove herself. Like a painter, she spent hours embroidering, casting ethnographic patterns aside when creating her original designs. Even though the Estonian National Museum has exhibited Vanda Juhansoo’s embroidered cardigans as examples of Estonian folk art, these are, in fact, clearly original artistic designs. After World War II, Vanda stopped exhibiting and publishing her patterns in craft magazines. Instead, she committed herself to teaching drawing and supervised a number of children’s art classes in Tartu that produced many wellknown artists. The memory of Vanda has largely been kept alive by her students, who remember her as a particularly bright and optimistic person. In addition to her embroidery, Vanda’s original style remained visible as she expressed it in her memorable multicoloured hair nets and abundant jewellery, as well as in the striking Valgemetsa summer house and garden. The curators tried to trace back and recreate some of the wonderful world that Vanda created all around herself with her designs, handicraft, paintings, photos and memories from museums, archives, and from people who knew her. Looking at the life, work and legacy of Vanda Juhansoo, the exhibition asked: What were the choices for women artists in Estonia at the beginning of the 20th century? Why are Vanda’s works found mainly in the collections of ethnographic memory institutions rather than in art museums? Why did Vanda become the so-called ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’ and not a recognised applied artist? In the present review, the reception of the exhibition is summarised and juxtaposed with the few studies on Vanda Juhansoo’s textile work from the perspective of craft studies and the history of applied art.

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Labi, Kanni. "Muuseumikogudes ja suulises ajaloos säilib ajalik looming / Transient treasures are kept in museums and memories." Studia Vernacula 13 (November 18, 2021): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2021.13.198-209.

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Vanda Juhansoo. Artist or Eccentric Woman?Estonian Museum of Applied Art and Design18.01.–01.03.2020, Tartu City Museum 19.06.–26.09.2021.Exhibition curated by: Andreas Kalkun (Estonian Literary Museum)and Rebeka Põldsam, graphic design: Stuudio Stuudio. Vanda Juhansoo (1889–1966) was by education a porcelain painter and furniture designer; she was, however, known as a textile and craft artist, traveller, polyglot, notable art teacher, interior decorator, advocate of women’s craft, soroptimist and gardener. Sometimes she was also known as the ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’. She graduated from the Central School of Applied Arts Ateneum in Finland, which makes her one of the first Estonian women artists with a higher education at the beginning of the 20th century. Even though Vanda Juhansoo specialised in ceramics and furniture design, as a student she received the most recognition (as well as travel grants) for her embroidery. From then on, Vanda spent her next thirty summers travelling in Europe. Between 1912 and 1945, she exhibited her ceramics, embroidered doilies and curtains in various places, including the first ever Estonian women artists’ show in 1939. Vanda Juhansoo worked with the Kodukäsitöö limited company, that had been established in 1927 with the aim of reducing unemployment among women. Alongside craft and women’s magazines, the Kodukäsitöö was the most significant promoter of women’s craft in Estonia, regularly organising exhibition-sales and taking Estonian craft to international shows. Unfortunately, most of Vanda Juhansoo’s oeuvre was so ephemeral that there is very little trace of it now. The Karilatsi Open Air Museum near Vanda’s home in Valgemetsa and the collection of the Estonian National Museum hold items given to the museum by Vanda’s cousin’s family, which Vanda herself most likely wore – these are made to fit her petite size and there are photos of Vanda wearing these garments. Her signature style used floral motifs embroidered onto the thin textiles she wove herself. Like a painter, she spent hours embroidering, casting ethnographic patterns aside when creating her original designs. Even though the Estonian National Museum has exhibited Vanda Juhansoo’s embroidered cardigans as examples of Estonian folk art, these are, in fact, clearly original artistic designs. After World War II, Vanda stopped exhibiting and publishing her patterns in craft magazines. Instead, she committed herself to teaching drawing and supervised a number of children’s art classes in Tartu that produced many wellknown artists. The memory of Vanda has largely been kept alive by her students, who remember her as a particularly bright and optimistic person. In addition to her embroidery, Vanda’s original style remained visible as she expressed it in her memorable multicoloured hair nets and abundant jewellery, as well as in the striking Valgemetsa summer house and garden. The curators tried to trace back and recreate some of the wonderful world that Vanda created all around herself with her designs, handicraft, paintings, photos and memories from museums, archives, and from people who knew her. Looking at the life, work and legacy of Vanda Juhansoo, the exhibition asked: What were the choices for women artists in Estonia at the beginning of the 20th century? Why are Vanda’s works found mainly in the collections of ethnographic memory institutions rather than in art museums? Why did Vanda become the so-called ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’ and not a recognised applied artist? In the present review, the reception of the exhibition is summarised and juxtaposed with the few studies on Vanda Juhansoo’s textile work from the perspective of craft studies and the history of applied art.

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Särg, Taive. "Elava rahvalaulu juurde jõudmine: Herbert Tampere teadlaseisiksuse kujunemine." Mäetagused 82 (April 2022): 81–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2022.82.sarg.

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The article analyses the life and activity of Estonian ethnomusicologist and folklorist Herbert Tampere (1909-1975), as well as the research history of Estonian folk songs until 1945, also paying attention to the influence of the Estonian Folklore Archives and its head Oskar Loorits. The historical background to Tampere’s activity is the establishment of independent statehood in Estonia (1919) after Estonians had existed as an ethic minority group subjected to the ruling classes of other nationalities for hundreds of years. The scientific and cultural background is constituted by the development of European folkloristics and ethnomusicology and the increasing prestige of folk music and non-western music in Europe, which contributed to the rise of the cultural self-awareness of Estonians as a nation with oral lore different from Indo-European culture. The approach is framed with the metaphor of life and death, which in Herderian way of thinking corresponded to the growth and fading of a nation and its creation. In the 1930s, Tampere brought into the discourse of the Estonian folk song, seemingly in opposition with the gradual fading of the living lore and complaining thereabout, a turn in writing about it, unexpectedly confirming that the folk song was alive. The older folk song started to disappear from public use in the 19th century, when people lost interest in its performance and the newer European folk music style spread more widely. At the same time, they tried to overcome the national inferiority complex that had developed due to existence as a lower class, as well as the oral culture considered as a sign of backwardness, creating on the basis of folklore a new national-language and valuable European literary culture. To accomplish this, the old, evolutionally lower traditional culture had to be abandoned. Writings about the dying folk song helped to encourage people to collect folklore and create distance with the past. In the 20th century, with the development of Estonian national self-awareness and literary culture and the rise of the nation’s self-esteem, and on the other hand the recession of Eurocentric and evolutionist way of thinking in the world of science, a new interest appeared in the structure and performance of the folk song, and it started to be increasingly appreciated and considered as living. Such changes in rhetoric indicate how reality is reflected subjectively, according to standpoints and circumstances. Considering the fact that in the 19th-century social evolution theory folklore and literary culture were attributed to different development stages of a nation, the nation with low self-esteem, striving for literary culture in the 19th century, could be satisfied with the dead folk song, yet in the 20th century, in the light of new culture concepts, it could be declared alive again. In summary it can be said that the following factors helped Tampere achieve a novel approach to folk songs in his research. 1. Tampere came from a talented and educated rural home, in which music and literature were appreciated and in whose neighbourhood different music styles were practised. His interests and skills were shaped by good education at schools with remarkable music teachers and an early contact with folklore collection at the Estonian Students’ Society. 2. Good philological education from the University of Tartu and work at the Estonian Folklore Archives, becoming familiar with folklore collections as well as other young folklorists and linguists, especially cooperation with Oskar Loorits, Karl Leichter, and Paul Ariste, added knowledge of newer research trends, such as ethnology and experimental phonetics. Maybe, paradoxically, the absence of higher music education, which would have directed the young man towards other music ideals, was positive in this respect. 3. The knowledge acquired of the methods and way of thinking in comparative music science provided a theoretical basis for understanding, valuing, and studying non-western music. Professional work was also supported by the development of sound recording and -analysis. 4. The immediate contact with living folk music already in his childhood and later on, when collecting folklore, elaboration of folk songs in the archives and compiling voluminous publications made this manner of expression more familiar. Tampere must have enjoyed the performance of at least some of the regilaul songs as he mentioned nice impressions and the need to delve deeper; also he recorded, studied, and introduced these songs to the public. 5. The heyday of national sciences and national ideals in the Republic of Estonia valued engagement in folklore as the basis of cultural identity. The first folk music reproductions appeared, such as folk dance movement and runic verse recitals at schools, which was why the issues of performance started to be noticed and studied. Oskar Loorits supervised the study and publication of the most Estonian-like (in his own opinion) folklore – folk songs – and it was probably also his influence that made Tampere study the problem of scansion, to systematize and study folk songs, and compile publications.

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Bowring, Bill. "Twentieth Century Totalitarian Regimes, Lustration, and Guilt for Crimes of the Past: Challenges and Dangers for the Strasbourg Court." Review of Central and East European Law 44, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-04401004.

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This article addresses a key contemporary problem confronting the Strasbourg Court. While it is well established that seeking the historical truth is an integral part of the right to freedom of expression, it cannot be the role of the Strasbourg Court to arbitrate underlying historical issues (Dzhugashvili v. Russia, 2014). Still less can it be for the Court to decide on individual or collective guilt for crimes of the past, rather than on violations of Convention rights. For example, the Court has found many violations of human rights in the more recent armed conflicts in Northern Ireland, South-East Turkey, Chechnya, or the Basque Country, but has never sought to pronounce on the legal or moral issues underlying these conflicts, or on their deep historical roots. However, the existence of the ussr for more than 70 years, and 12 years of Nazism in Germany, leading to wwii, dominated the 20th century in Europe. These have both been described as totalitarian regimes. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 followed by the collapse of the ussr in 1991 led to dramatic changes not only in statehood and political systems, but also a strong desire for states emerging from the ussr or Soviet domination to purge the past, and to identify and punish wrongdoers. Various forms of lustration have been a product of this desire, with the exception of the Russian Federation, where the characterization and proper evaluation of its Soviet past are questions still unresolved. Increasingly the Strasbourg Court has been called on to decide highly controversial cases, for example Ždanoka v. Latvia (2006), Vajnai v. Hungary (2008), Kononov v. Latvia (2010), Korobov v. Estonia (2013), Soro v. Estonia (2015). The author was counsel for the applicants in some of these cases. I ask: what are the dangers and challenges for the Strasbourg Court in adjudicating such cases, and how can it avoid the appearance of taking sides in bitter and intractable arguments?

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Kodres, Krista. "Toward a New Concept of Progressive Art: Art History in the Service of Modernisation in the Late Socialist Period. An Estonian Case." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.10.

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The paper deals with renewal of socialist art history in the Post-Stalinist period in Soviet Union. The modernisation of art history is discussed based on the example of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic (Estonian SSR), where art historians were forced to accept the Soviets’ centrally constructed Marxist-Leninist aesthetic and approach to art and art history. In the art context, the idea of progressiveness began to be reconsidered. In previous discourse, progress was linked with the “realist” artistic method that sprang from a progressive social order. Now, however, art historians found new arguments for accepting different cultures of form, both historical and contemporary, and often these arguments were “discovered” in Marxism itself. As a result, from the middle of 1950’s Soviet art historians fell into two camps in interpreting Realism: the dogmatic and revisionist, and the latter was embraced in Estonia. In 1967, a work was published by the accomplished artist Ott Kangilaski and his nephew, the art historian Jaak Kangilaski: the Kunsti kukeaabits – Basic Art Primer – subtitled “Fundamental Knowledge of Art and Art History.” In its 200 pages, Jaak Kangilaski’s Primer laid out the art history of the world. Kangilaski also chimed in, publishing an article in 1965 entitled “Disputes in Marxist Aesthetics” in the leading Estonian SSR literary journal Looming (Creation). In this paper the Art Primer is under scrutiny and the deviations and shifts in Kangilaski’s approach from the existing socialist art history canon are introduced. For Kangilaski the defining element of art was not the economic base but the “Zeitgeist,” the spirit of the era, which, as he wrote, “does not mean anything mysterious or supernatural but is simply the sum of the social views that objectively existed and exist in each phase of the development of humankind.” Thus, he openly united the “hostile classes” of the social formations and laid a foundation for the rise of common art characteristics, denoted by the term “style.” As is evidenced by various passages in the text, art transforms pursuant to the “will-to-art” (Kunstwollen) characteristic of the entire human society. Thus, under conditions of a fragile discursive pluralism in Soviet Union, quite symbolic concepts and values from formalist Western art history were “smuggled in”: concepts and values that the professional reader certainly recognised, although no names of “bourgeois” authors were mentioned. Kangilaski relied on assistance in interpretation from two grand masters of the Vienna school of art history: Alois Riegl’s term Kunstwollen and the Zeitgeist concept from Max Dvořák (Zeitgeist, Geistesgeschichte). In particular, the declaration of art’s linear, teleological “self-development” can be considered to be inspiration from the two. But Kangilaski’s reading list obviously also included Principles of Art History by Heinrich Wölfflin, who was declared an exemplary formalist art historian in earlier official Soviet historiography. Thaw-era discursive cocktail in art historiography sometimes led Kangilaski to logical contradictions. In spite of it, the Primer was an attempt to modernise the Stalinist approach to art history. In the Primer, the litmus test of the engagement with change was the new narrative of 20th century art history and the illustrative material that depicted “formalist bourgeois” artworks; 150 of the 279 plates are reproductions of Modernist avant-garde works from the early 20th century on. Put into the wider context, one can claim that art history writing in the Estonian SSR was deeply engaged with the ambivalent aims of Late Socialist Soviet politics, politics that was feared and despised but that, beginning in the late 1950s, nevertheless had shown the desire to move on and change.

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Kurg, Andres. "Introduction to Leonhard Lapin's “Objective Art”." ARTMargins 2, no. 2 (June 2013): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00052.

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Leonhard Lapin's “Objective Art” was written for “Event Harku '75. Objects, Concepts” – an exhibtion and an accompanying symposium on the premises of the Institute of Experimental Biology in Harku, near Tallinn, Estonia, in December 1975. Objective art, in the artist's mind, answered to the industrialization and urbanization of the late 20th century, to the growing significance of not only mechanical but also electronic machines in everyday life, and to the emergence of the so-called artificial environment. Rather than representing this environment, new art had to intervene in it or even produce it. Lapin's call was quite different from other reactions to the changing postindustrial environment in the mid 1970s in the Soviet Union in that instead of active intervention many of them proposed withdrawal as the most appropriate tactics to resist the grim surrounding reality.

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Lapin, Leonhard. "Objective Art." ARTMargins 2, no. 2 (June 2013): 172–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00053.

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Leonhard Lapin's “Objective Art” was written for “Event Harku '75. Objects, Concepts” – an exhibtion and an accompanying symposium on the premises of the Institute of Experimental Biology in Harku, near Tallinn, Estonia, in December 1975. Objective art, in the artist's mind, answered to the industrialization and urbanization of the late 20th century, to the growing significance of not only mechanical but also electronic machines in everyday life, and to the emergence of the so-called artificial environment. Rather than representing this environment, new art had to intervene in it or even produce it. Lapin's call was quite different from other reactions to the changing postindustrial environment in the mid 1970s in the Soviet Union in that instead of active intervention many of them proposed withdrawal as the most appropriate tactics to resist the grim surrounding reality.

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Joala, Liisi. "Kodukootud kangaid väärindades. Robert Natuse auruwärwimise wabrik Viljandis aastatel 1883-1941 / Increasing the value of homespun fabrics. Robert Natus’s dye house in Viljandi between 1883 and 1941." Studia Vernacula 8 (November 13, 2017): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2017.8.94-108.

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Many good sources for the history of textile printing can be found among the international scholarly literature. The authors who have compiled them have made use of woodblocks, richly printed fabrics and fabric samples, notes taken by dye craftsmen, and other sources. Unfortunately, such material is rarely to be found in Estonian museums. More complete research into the technologies used in Estonian dye houses in the 19th and 20th centuries is therefore an ongoing process of discovery. This article draws on the remaining woodblocks of Natus’s dye house in Viljandi as well as on the information written by the craftsmen who specialised in dyeing and printing processes. Texts and advertisements published in the press and in the dye house’s calendars proved to be especially valuable sources. The article gives an overview of the services provided at Natus’s dye house by explaining which fabrics were typical and which fabric and printing dyes were used. The study is placed within a broader historical context: an overview is also given of the development of a field of activity and of the competitors of the dye house. During the first half of the 19th century, handicraft was one of the main areas of activity and chief modes of production in Estonia. By the latter part of the century, textile companies were being established in larger towns and massproduced fabrics emerged as a competitor to homespun fabrics. Craftsmen could refine and increase the value of handmade textiles at dye houses. The emergence of such establishments played a key role in the development of handicraft, since it provided the craftsmen with an opportunity to offer higher quality fabrics than mass-produced ones. In the nineteenth century, dye houses operated in numerous Estonian boroughs, towns, and even villages. In fact, several dye craftsmen lived in Viljandi. The most prominent dye house located in Viljandi is likely to beNatus’s dye house, which was active between 1883 and 1941. Robert Natus from Brandenburg purchased the plant from the heirs of August Valenius. In addition to the processing and dyeing of fabrics, he also offered woodblock printing as an additional service, which helped him stand out from the competition. No fabrics originating from Natus’ dye house have survived, and only 31 woodblocks that are preserved at the Viljandi Museum. Since few printed fabrics in Estonia have survived, the remaining woodblocks in museums are almost the sole evidence of the technologies used in textile printing at that time. Synthetic fabric dyes were mentioned in the advertisements of Natus’s dye house. Both the dyes and machines were imported from Germany. Continuous technological development and upgrades to the machinery were needed to keep up with the competition. Thus, for the sake of survival, all sorts of services were provided and the clients received extremely flexible treatment. The quality of the products was held in high regard, since tough competition already existed in the fabric dyeing business in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The network of co-operation partners was relevant too. In his heyday, Natus had 46 reception points throughout Estonia. But over the course of time, small dye houses could not keep up with large factories; eventually, many became washhouses. Keywords: dye house, woodblock printing, printed textiles, Indanthren synthetic vat dye

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Joala, Liisi. "Kodukootud kangaid väärindades. Robert Natuse auruwärwimise wabrik Viljandis aastatel 1883-1941 / Increasing the value of homespun fabrics. Robert Natus’s dye house in Viljandi between 1883 and 1941." Studia Vernacula 8 (November 13, 2017): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2017.8.94-108.

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Many good sources for the history of textile printing can be found among the international scholarly literature. The authors who have compiled them have made use of woodblocks, richly printed fabrics and fabric samples, notes taken by dye craftsmen, and other sources. Unfortunately, such material is rarely to be found in Estonian museums. More complete research into the technologies used in Estonian dye houses in the 19th and 20th centuries is therefore an ongoing process of discovery. This article draws on the remaining woodblocks of Natus’s dye house in Viljandi as well as on the information written by the craftsmen who specialised in dyeing and printing processes. Texts and advertisements published in the press and in the dye house’s calendars proved to be especially valuable sources. The article gives an overview of the services provided at Natus’s dye house by explaining which fabrics were typical and which fabric and printing dyes were used. The study is placed within a broader historical context: an overview is also given of the development of a field of activity and of the competitors of the dye house. During the first half of the 19th century, handicraft was one of the main areas of activity and chief modes of production in Estonia. By the latter part of the century, textile companies were being established in larger towns and massproduced fabrics emerged as a competitor to homespun fabrics. Craftsmen could refine and increase the value of handmade textiles at dye houses. The emergence of such establishments played a key role in the development of handicraft, since it provided the craftsmen with an opportunity to offer higher quality fabrics than mass-produced ones. In the nineteenth century, dye houses operated in numerous Estonian boroughs, towns, and even villages. In fact, several dye craftsmen lived in Viljandi. The most prominent dye house located in Viljandi is likely to beNatus’s dye house, which was active between 1883 and 1941. Robert Natus from Brandenburg purchased the plant from the heirs of August Valenius. In addition to the processing and dyeing of fabrics, he also offered woodblock printing as an additional service, which helped him stand out from the competition. No fabrics originating from Natus’ dye house have survived, and only 31 woodblocks that are preserved at the Viljandi Museum. Since few printed fabrics in Estonia have survived, the remaining woodblocks in museums are almost the sole evidence of the technologies used in textile printing at that time. Synthetic fabric dyes were mentioned in the advertisements of Natus’s dye house. Both the dyes and machines were imported from Germany. Continuous technological development and upgrades to the machinery were needed to keep up with the competition. Thus, for the sake of survival, all sorts of services were provided and the clients received extremely flexible treatment. The quality of the products was held in high regard, since tough competition already existed in the fabric dyeing business in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The network of co-operation partners was relevant too. In his heyday, Natus had 46 reception points throughout Estonia. But over the course of time, small dye houses could not keep up with large factories; eventually, many became washhouses. Keywords: dye house, woodblock printing, printed textiles, Indanthren synthetic vat dye

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Korjus, Hannes. "From Sementovskij to the 20th century. Notes on the Lutsis in the Latvian press." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 12, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2021.12.2.10.

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The Lutsis, a historically South Estonian-speaking language island community located near the town of Ludza in southeastern Latvia, have come increasingly into public awareness in Latvia over the last decade with the release of books on Lutsi history and language suitable for both professional and lay audiences as well as other new works relating to Lutsi folk culture. However, even before this recent burst of activity, the Lutsis have been mentioned in the Latvian and Estonian press and have also appeared in the field notes of researchers whose work was connected with the Lutsis. This article traces the descriptions of the Lutsis in a variety of sources from the first descriptions in the mid-19th century, through the interwar independence of Latvia, and as late as the 1970s when important expeditions by Latvian researchers documented the impressions of the last Lutsi speakers on the state of their language and culture. Kokkuvõte. Hannes Korjus: Sementovskijst 20. sajandisse. Märkmeid lutsidest Läti ajakirjanduses. Kunagine lõunaeestikeelne lutside kogukond elas Kagu-Lätis Ludza linna ümbruses. Lätis on nad saanud suurema avaliku tähelepanu osalisteks alles viimastel kümnenditel, kui on ilmunud raamatuid nende ajaloo ja keele kohta nii asjatundjatele kui ka laiemale huvirühmale ning on hakatud elavdama lutsi rahvakultuuri. Siiski ka enne seda viimast aktiivsuse tõusu on lutsidest kirjutatud Läti ja Eesti ajakirjanduses ja on ilmunud välitööde märkmeid lutsidega seotud uurimuste tegijatelt. Antud artikkel jälgib lutside kirjeldusi erinevates allikates alates varastest mainimistest 19. sajandi keskel, jätkates maailmasõdadevahelise perioodiga ning jõudes viimaks 1970. aastateni, kui Läti uurijad dokumenteerisid oma ekspeditsioonidel viimaste lutsi kõnelejate keelelist ja kultuurilist olukorda.

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Gortfelder, Mark. "Maltusliku ehk Lääne-Euroopa abiellumustüübi kõrgaeg Eestis." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 177, no. 3/4 (June 20, 2022): 133–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2021.3-4.01.

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This article analyses the trends and spatial patterns of i) the mean age at first marriage and ii) the proportion of people who remained single by the age of 45 for Estonian men and women born in the latter half of the 19th century. First, trends in these two indicators and for the two sexes are analysed for people born in 1850–99. Second, spatial patterns for both indicators and both genders are investigated at the municipality level for the cohorts of 1875–94. Third, this spatial data is linked to other socio-economic and cultural variables derived mostly from the censuses in order to explain the causes of the spatial clustering of marriage indicators. The theoretical reasoning for this article rests on the work of Thomas Robert Malthus and John Hajnal. Malthus is famous for explaining the demographic-economic dynamics of a traditional agrarian society in which periodic increases in mortality occur, lowering population numbers that have reached the carrying capacity (limit of available food) of an agrarian society. But Malthus (1798) was also the first to describe a phenomenon that was present in the upper and middle classes of his contemporary Britons, which also resulted in containing population growth. To be more precise, Malthus observed that people got married in their late twenties (thus postponing the start of their childbearing period); and that a considerable proportion of people remained single (thus they did not bear any children at all). Thomas Hajnal (1965) used considerable census material from the late 19th and early 20th centuries to place these observations on a sounder foundation. He claimed that a unique marriage system was prevalent in the countries of Western Europe. Namely, people married late (women around the age of 25, men around the age of 29) and 10 or more percent of the population remained single. Hajnal hypothesised that European uniqueness in this regard could in fact be linked to a higher standard of living in Europe from the Early Modern period onwards. Several economic historians have recently claimed that this was in fact the case, and that the Western European marriage pattern was one of the causes of European economic headway compared to other regions of the world (for example van Zanden, de Moor and Carmichel 2019). In the case of Estonia, little research has been conducted on the prevailing marriage system. Heldur Palli (1984, 1988) has studied the demographic situation in a few parishes during the 18th century and has shown that the Western European marriage pattern was present in the Estonian countryside in the late 18th century, if it can be assumed that these parishes constitute a representative sample of the country. Later researchers have cited Palli and early 20th century census and population statistics material to make the same claim. Here a novel data set, the Estonian Family Register, is used to analyse marital dynamics during the time of general societal modernisation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Gortfelder (2020) has previously used and described the Family Register. Its main advantage is that cohort analysis can be used, which makes it possible to precisely pinpoint the values of mean age at people first married and the proportion of persons remaining unmarried by the age of 45. There are also disadvantages, the greatest of which is the issue that the data for some municipalities is wholly or partially missing due to the ravages of the Second World War. The analysis shows that for men and women born in 1850–1899, the mean age at first birth was stable. For men it was at 29–30 and for women at 25–26 years of age. Regarding persons who remained unmarried, change was slightly more pronounced. The proportion of women rose from 15 to 18 percent, while that of men rose from 9 to 13 percent. Spatial patterns of mean age at first marriage are mostly the same for both men and women. Namely, marital age is higher in urban areas and in the counties of Viljandi, Valga, Tartu, and Võru. The greatest sex differences are found in the West Estonian islands. From the perspective of women, marriage occurred relatively late in these areas; for men the situation is the opposite. The youngest marital ages are evident in Petseri County. The picture is mostly the same regarding the proportion of persons who were not married by the age of 45. In the studied cohorts, there are more single people (by the age of 45) in urban areas and the counties of Viljandi, Valga, and Tartu. Regarding women, Lääne County also had high values. Once again, the western islands have a very different rank by sex. A sizeable proportion of women remained single by the age of 45, while only a small percentage of men remained bachelors. Finally, a number of variables can explain the spatial patterns of mean age at first marriage and the proportion of persons remaining single by the age of 45. For example, the sex ratio of young adults is a crucial factor. If there were relatively few men in an area, more women remained single and married late. Also, variables related to economics are important. Agrarian areas with a more market-oriented economic structure featured later marriage and a larger percentage of single men.

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Talve, Ilmar. "Eestlaste, liivlaste ja lätlaste 19. sajandi II poole saunadest / Sauna in Estonia, Livonia and Latvia." Studia Vernacula 12 (November 5, 2020): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2020.12.106-123.

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Here we present a translation of paragraphs concerning the saunas of the Estonians, Livonians and Latvians, as described in the Doctoral thesis “Bastu och torkhus i Nordeuropa” (“Saun ja kuivati Põhja-Euroopas”, 1960) written by the ethnographer and writer llmar Talve, who studied the culture and history of various nations. The Doctoral thesis summarises ethnographical sources describing saunas assembled mainly during the time of the Republic of Estonia (1918–1940), providing also a comprehensible overview for the Swedes. Ilmar Talve (17.01.1919–21.04.2007) studied ethnography, folklore and literature in Tartu University, graduating cum laude in 1942 after his Master’s studies with a research paper on burning tar and coal in Estonia. While studying he also worked in the Estonian National Museum from 1940 on. After the war he worked in the Stockholm Ethnography Institute and continued his studies at the University of Stockholm. After defending his Doctoral thesis in 1960, he applied for the position of the ethnography professor in University of Turku. He conducted thorough ethnographic research in Finland, Sweden and Estonia. In Sweden, Talve mainly worked with local ethnographical materials, integrating it with his interest in Estonian ethnography. It may be assumed that the central barnhouse theme in Estonian farm architecture encouraged Talve to study heated ancillary buildings in rural areas in Sweden and neighbouring countries more thoroughly. In 1960, a thorough research paper containing two parts was completed, of which one part (his Doctoral thesis of 1960) focused on the saunas and driers of Northern Europe, while the other part focused on threshing barns in North-East Europe (“Den nordost-europeiska rian: en etnologisk undersökning”, published in 1961). In both parts, references to Estonian vernacular architecture can be found. In his Doctoral thesis, Talve explained that he focused on ethnographic auxiliary buildings of Sweden and other northern countries (primarily in Norway and Finland) used for drying and washing like bastu (‘drier’ or also a ‘washing house’) and kölna (‘grain drier’). He wanted to study their historical development, their various types, layout solutions, constructions, heating appliances, functions and other ethnological data. Buildings constructed during the period of 1850–1900 were the ones observed. He used comparative examples of architectural heritage in several other European and nearby areas in order to make conclusions about different aspects of the construction and the usage history of saunas and driers. The main source for the ethnographical study is material collected from country people during the first decades of the 20th century. The author used archive materials from Norway and Finland (data from fieldwork, questionnaire sheets) and his own field work materials. For other regions, he used the existing and available literature. In case of the Doctoral thesis concerning mainly Sweden, Finland and Norway, it is important for us to trace the difference between the words denoting the sauna. While the Finnish word sauna means a washing sauna familiar to us, then the Swedish bastu may historically mean a building for drying agricultural products as well as the washing sauna. The latter was rather rare in Sweden. To distinguish the function of washing one’s body in the auxiliary building, in his Doctoral thesis Talve used the term badbastu – washing sauna. The situation was similar with the threshing barns: for Swedes, rian denotes a threshing barn, not the multifunctional barnhouse as we know it. In Sweden village life was conducted differently. In addition to the name of the building, he also gathered information about its position in the farm yard, the material of its walls, saunas dug in the ground, anteroom or its absence, building a sauna together with auxiliary buildings, the shape and the covering material of the roof, the most widespread solutions of ceilings and floors, the method of letting smoke out, the location of the bathhouse platform and the pile of stones on top of the stove, the location of the hearth opening, and the details of piling the stones. An overview of sauna usage then follows: when was the sauna used (by days of the week and according to holidays), family traditions: did men and women go to sauna separately or all together, the sauna as a place for ritual washing, healing and giving birth. Smoking meat, using the sauna as a dwelling and a shed for animals, one sauna used by several families and a place where young people came together (kildsann, istjad). An overview is given of the information in earlier written sources, comprising very interesting information about older saunas located in towns. The same plan is followed in the overview of Livonian and Latvian saunas, depending naturally on the reference sources available to the author at that time. If you are interested to know more of Ilmar Talve’s work dedicated to the Estonian sauna, you may read his book “Virolainen sauna” (“Estonian sauna”), which was published in 1960 – the same year as his Doctoral thesis – in the University of Turku.

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Talve, Ilmar. "Eestlaste, liivlaste ja lätlaste 19. sajandi II poole saunadest / Sauna in Estonia, Livonia and Latvia." Studia Vernacula 12 (November 5, 2020): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2020.12.106-123.

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Here we present a translation of paragraphs concerning the saunas of the Estonians, Livonians and Latvians, as described in the Doctoral thesis “Bastu och torkhus i Nordeuropa” (“Saun ja kuivati Põhja-Euroopas”, 1960) written by the ethnographer and writer llmar Talve, who studied the culture and history of various nations. The Doctoral thesis summarises ethnographical sources describing saunas assembled mainly during the time of the Republic of Estonia (1918–1940), providing also a comprehensible overview for the Swedes. Ilmar Talve (17.01.1919–21.04.2007) studied ethnography, folklore and literature in Tartu University, graduating cum laude in 1942 after his Master’s studies with a research paper on burning tar and coal in Estonia. While studying he also worked in the Estonian National Museum from 1940 on. After the war he worked in the Stockholm Ethnography Institute and continued his studies at the University of Stockholm. After defending his Doctoral thesis in 1960, he applied for the position of the ethnography professor in University of Turku. He conducted thorough ethnographic research in Finland, Sweden and Estonia. In Sweden, Talve mainly worked with local ethnographical materials, integrating it with his interest in Estonian ethnography. It may be assumed that the central barnhouse theme in Estonian farm architecture encouraged Talve to study heated ancillary buildings in rural areas in Sweden and neighbouring countries more thoroughly. In 1960, a thorough research paper containing two parts was completed, of which one part (his Doctoral thesis of 1960) focused on the saunas and driers of Northern Europe, while the other part focused on threshing barns in North-East Europe (“Den nordost-europeiska rian: en etnologisk undersökning”, published in 1961). In both parts, references to Estonian vernacular architecture can be found. In his Doctoral thesis, Talve explained that he focused on ethnographic auxiliary buildings of Sweden and other northern countries (primarily in Norway and Finland) used for drying and washing like bastu (‘drier’ or also a ‘washing house’) and kölna (‘grain drier’). He wanted to study their historical development, their various types, layout solutions, constructions, heating appliances, functions and other ethnological data. Buildings constructed during the period of 1850–1900 were the ones observed. He used comparative examples of architectural heritage in several other European and nearby areas in order to make conclusions about different aspects of the construction and the usage history of saunas and driers. The main source for the ethnographical study is material collected from country people during the first decades of the 20th century. The author used archive materials from Norway and Finland (data from fieldwork, questionnaire sheets) and his own field work materials. For other regions, he used the existing and available literature. In case of the Doctoral thesis concerning mainly Sweden, Finland and Norway, it is important for us to trace the difference between the words denoting the sauna. While the Finnish word sauna means a washing sauna familiar to us, then the Swedish bastu may historically mean a building for drying agricultural products as well as the washing sauna. The latter was rather rare in Sweden. To distinguish the function of washing one’s body in the auxiliary building, in his Doctoral thesis Talve used the term badbastu – washing sauna. The situation was similar with the threshing barns: for Swedes, rian denotes a threshing barn, not the multifunctional barnhouse as we know it. In Sweden village life was conducted differently. In addition to the name of the building, he also gathered information about its position in the farm yard, the material of its walls, saunas dug in the ground, anteroom or its absence, building a sauna together with auxiliary buildings, the shape and the covering material of the roof, the most widespread solutions of ceilings and floors, the method of letting smoke out, the location of the bathhouse platform and the pile of stones on top of the stove, the location of the hearth opening, and the details of piling the stones. An overview of sauna usage then follows: when was the sauna used (by days of the week and according to holidays), family traditions: did men and women go to sauna separately or all together, the sauna as a place for ritual washing, healing and giving birth. Smoking meat, using the sauna as a dwelling and a shed for animals, one sauna used by several families and a place where young people came together (kildsann, istjad). An overview is given of the information in earlier written sources, comprising very interesting information about older saunas located in towns. The same plan is followed in the overview of Livonian and Latvian saunas, depending naturally on the reference sources available to the author at that time. If you are interested to know more of Ilmar Talve’s work dedicated to the Estonian sauna, you may read his book “Virolainen sauna” (“Estonian sauna”), which was published in 1960 – the same year as his Doctoral thesis – in the University of Turku.

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Bardone, Ester, Maarja Kaaristo, Kristi Jõesalu, and Ene Kõresaar. "Mõtestades materiaalset kultuuri / Making sense of the material culture." Studia Vernacula 10 (November 5, 2019): 12–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2019.10.12-45.

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People live amidst objects, things, articles, items, artefacts, materials, substances, and stuff – described in social sciences and humanities as material culture, which denotes both natural and human-made entities, which form our physical environment. We, humans, relate to this environment by using, depicting, interacting with or thinking about various material objects or their representations. In other words, material culture is never just about things in themselves, it is also about various ideas, representations, experiences, practices and relations. In contemporary theorising about material culture, the watershed between the tangible and intangible has started to disappear as all the objects have multiple meanings. This paper theorises objects mostly in terms of contemporary socio-cultural anthropology and ethnology by first giving an overview of the development of the material culture studies and then focusing upon consumption studies, material agency, practice theory and the methods for studying material culture. Both anthropology and ethnology in the beginning of the 20th century were dealing mostly with ‘saving’; that is, collecting the ethnographical objects from various cultures for future preservation as societies modernised. The collecting of the everyday items of rural Estonians, which had begun in the 19th century during the period of national awakening, gained its full momentum after the establishment of the Estonian National Museum in 1909. During the museum’s first ten years, 20,000 objects were collected (Õunapuu 2007). First, the focus was on the identification of the historical-geographical typologies of the collected artefacts. In 1919, the first Estonian with a degree in ethnology, Helmi Reiman-Neggo (2013) stressed the need for ethnographical descriptions of the collected items and the theoretical planning of the museum collections. The resulting vast ethnographical collection of the Estonian National Museum (currently about 140,000 items) has also largely influenced ethnology and anthropology as academic disciplines in Estonia (Pärdi 1993). Even though in the first half of the 20th century the focus lay in the systematic collection and comparative analysis of everyday items and folk art, there were studies that centred on meaning already at the end of 19th century. Austrianethnologist Rudolf Meringer suggested in 1891 that a house should be studied as a cultural individual and analysed within the context of its functions and in relation to its inhabitants. Similarly, the 1920s and 1930s saw studies on the roles of artefacts that were not influenced by Anglo-American functionalism: Mathilde Hain (1936) studied how folk costumes contribute to the harmonious functioning of a ‘small community’, and Petr Bogatyrev (1971) published his study on Moravian costumes in 1937. This study, determining the three main functions – instrumental, aesthetic and symbolic – of the folk costume, and translated into English 30 years after first publication, had a substantial influence on the development of material culture studies. The 1970s saw the focus of material culture studies in Western and Northern Europe shifting mainly from the examination of (historical) rural artefacts to the topics surrounding contemporary culture, such as consumption. In Soviet Estonian ethnology, however, the focus on the 19th century ethnographic items was prevalent until the 1980s as the topic was also partially perceived as a protest against the direction of Soviet academia (see Annist and Kaaristo 2013 for a thorough overview). There were, of course, exceptions, as for instance Arved Luts’s (1962) studies on everyday life on collective farms. Meanwhile, however, the communicative and semiotic turn of the 1970s turned European ethnology’s focus to the idea of representation and objects as markers of identity as well as means of materialising the otherwise intangible and immaterial relationships and relations. The theory of cultural communication was established in Scandinavian ethnology and numerous studies on clothing, housing and everyday items as material expressions of social structures, hierarchies, values and ideologies emerged (Lönnqvist 1979, Gustavsson 1991). The Scandinavian influences on Estonia are also reflected in Ants Viires’s (1990) suggestion that ethnologists should study clothing (including contemporary clothing) in general and not just folk costumes, by using a semiotic approach. Löfgren’s (1997) clarion call to bring more ‘flesh and blood’ to the study of material culture was a certain reaction to the above focus. Researchers had for too long focused exclusively upon the meaning and, as Löfgren brought forth, they still did not have enough understanding of what exactly it was that people were actually and practically doing with their things. Ingold’s (2013) criticism on the studies focusing on symbolism, and the lack of studies on the tangible materiality of the materials and their properties, takes a similar position. In the 1990s, there was a turn toward the examination of material-cultural and those studies that were written within the framework of ‘new materialism’ (Hicks 2010, Coole and Frost 2010) started to pay attention to objects as embodied and agentive (Latour 1999, Tilley et al 2006). Nevertheless, as Olsen (2017) notes, all materialities are not created equal in contemporary academic research: while items like prostheses, Boyle’s air pumps or virtual realities enjoy increased attention, objects such as wooden houses, fireplaces, rakes and simple wooden chairs are still largely unexamined. The traditional material culture therefore needs new studying in the light of these post-humanist theories. Where does this leave Estonian ethnology? In the light of the theoretical developments discussed above, we could ask, whether and how has the material Making sense of the material culture turn affected research in Estonia? Here we must first note that for a significant part of the 20th century, Estonian ethnology (or ethnography as the discipline was called before 1990s) has mostly been centred on the material culture (see the overview of the main topics from vehicles to folk costumes in Viires and Vunder 2008). Partly because of this aspect of the discipline’s history, many researchers actually felt the need to somewhat distance themselves from these topics in the 1990s (Pärdi 1998). Compared to topics like religion, identity, memory, oral history and intangible heritage, study of material culture has largely stayed in the background. There are of course notable exceptions such as Vunder’s (1992) study on the history of style, which includes analysis of theirsymbolic aspects. It is also interesting to note that in the 1990s Estonian ethnology, the term ‘material culture’ (‘materiaalne kultuur’) – then seen as incorporating the dualism between material and immaterial – was actually replaced with the Estonian translation of German ‘Sachkultur’ (‘esemekultuur’, literally ‘artefact culture’). Nevertheless, it was soon realised that this was actually a too narrow term (with its exclusion of natural objects and phenomena as well as the intangible and social aspects of culture), slowly fell out of general usage, and was replaced with ‘material culture’ once again. Within the past three decades, studies dealing with material culture have discussed a wide variety of topics from the vernacular interior design (Kannike 2000, 2002, 2012), everyday commodities (Kõresaar 1999b) and spiritual objects (Teidearu 2019), traditional rural architecture (Pärdi 2012, Kask 2012, 2015), museum artefacts (Leete 1996), clothing, textiles and jewellery (Kõresaar 1999a; Järs 2004; Summatavet 2005; Jõeste 2012; Araste and Ventsel 2015), food culture (Piiri 2006; Bardone 2016; Kannike and Bardone 2017), to soviet consumer culture (Ruusmann 2006, Rattus 2013) and its implications in life histories (Kõresaar 1998, Jõesalu and Nugin 2017). All of these these studies deal with how people interpret, remember and use objects. The main keywords of the studies of European material culture have been home, identity and consumption (but also museology and tangible heritage, which have not been covered in this article). Material culture studies are an important part of the studies of everyday life and here social and cultural histories are still important (even though they have been criticised for focusing too much on symbols and representation). Therefore, those studies focusing on physical materials and materialites, sensory experiences, embodiment, and material agency have recently become more and more important. This article has given an overview of the three most prevalent thematic and theoretical strands of the study of material culture: objects as symbols especially in the consumer culture, material agency and practice theory as well as discussing some methodological suggestions for the material culture studies. To conclude, even though on the one hand we could argue that when it comes to the study of material culture there indeed exists a certain hierarchy of „old“ topics that relate to museums or traditional crafts and „new“ and modern materialities, such as smart phones or genetically modified organisms. However, dichotomies like this are often artificial and do not show the whole picture: contemporary children are often as proficient in playing cat’s cradle as they are with video games (Jackson 2016). Thus, studying various (everyday) material objects and entities is still topical and the various theories discussed in this article can help to build both theoretical and empirical bridge between different approaches. Therefore, there is still a lot to do in this regard and we invite researchers to study objects form all branches of material culture, be they 19th century beer mugs in the collections of the Estonian National Museum that can help us to better give meaning to our past, or the digital and virtual design solutions that can give our academic research an applied direction. Keywords: material culture, artefacts, consumption, practice, agency, research methods

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Plath, Ulrike, Elle-Mari Talivee, Kadri Tüür, and Aet Annist. "Loodusmõttest aktivismini: saateks keskkondluse erinumbrile / From Nature Contemplation to Activism: A Special Issue on Environmentalism." Methis. Studia humaniora Estonica 24, no. 30 (December 13, 2022): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/methis.v24i30.22100.

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The introduction to the special issue of Methis on Estonian environmentalism provides an overview of the phenomenon of environmentalism and its spread across political periods, economic formations, and regions. The essay starts by contextualising the central concepts of the issue, ‘environmentalism’ and its possible translation into Estonian as ‘keskkondlus’, and its relationship with the concept of ‘nature’. At the end of the 1980s, amidst a deepening awareness of environmental crisis, some authors announced ‘nature’ to have met its end. While this end has become widely accepted within environmental discourse, the approach clashes with the traditional thinking about the beauty of nature and its strong bonds with national identities. To foster discussion and to bridge the discursive and ideological gap between the two perceptions, the authors of the articles use the concept as an umbrella term for both paradigms. The second part of the introductory article discusses East European environmentalism, drawing attention to the research into erroneous assumptions regarding the lack of environmental activism within the Soviet Union. Before its brief heyday in the 1980s, East European environmentalism was hidden within economy, policy, society and culture. However, its roots went deeper, reaching back to 18th- and 19th-century thought, to Baltic German – and later Estonian – early voluntary associations and the value seen in the homeland and its natural objects. The founding of animal and nature protection societies in the late 19th century was an early practical outcome, and similar thought became pronounced in print culture. In early 20th century, several nature protection areas were established, and people became avid consumers of popular science journals – an interest that would continue throughout the Soviet period. The 1970s saw an environmental movement to protect the wetlands of Estonia which were in danger of being drained. Throughout the 20th century, also fiction reflected the prevailing views of nature and emerging concerns about the environment. The issue’s opening article by Ulrike Plath and Kaarel Vanamölder takes us back to the 17th century to demonstrate the possibility of climate movements more than three centuries ago. This is followed by Karl Hein’s case study that depicts in detail the emergence of animal protection in Estonia a hundred years ago in the context of local and regional history. The next four articles focus on different aspects of environmental movements in the Soviet period. Elle-Mari Talivee retells the story of the peculiar character of Atom-Boy created by the childrens’ author Vladimir Beekman who depicts in this form the various developments in the Soviet nuclear industry. This example from children’s literature is paralleled by similar environmental concerns expressed in visual arts, as outlined in Linda Kaljundi’s article. In a more theoretical take on liberal and autocratic environmental protection, Viktor Pál discusses the Soviet propagandistic use of environmental issues. Olev Liivik contextualises the protests against phosphorite mining in the 1970–80s within the wider trends in the Soviet Union, including the practice of sending letters of complaint to the media, and the various waves of environmental dissent. The discussion of a more compact case of the so-called Green Cycling Tours by Tambet Muide demonstrates the same increasingly oppositional stance that took hold in the 1980s. Regarding the post-Soviet era, Tõnno Jonuks, Lona Päll, Atko Remmel and Ulla Kadakas analyse the various conflicts that have emerged around natural and cultural objects protected by law since the 1990s. In the freestanding article of the issue, Raili Lass writes on interlinguistic and intersemiotic procedures of translation in the theatre but, as our introductory essay suggests, points of convergence may be found here with the discussion of staging of conflicts in environmental protection. In the “Theory in Translation” section Timothy Morton’s classic discussion of environmentalism is published in Ene-Reet Soovik’s translation, accompanied by introductory remarks from the translator and Kadri Tüür. The final part of the issue’s introduction offers a comparative and interdisciplinary take on the themes discussed. The revelatory nature of historical events of any era, especially natural disasters or the conditions of their unfolding, uncovers the socio-environmental relations that push people to respond. Whether or not such responses become environmental movements depends on the context that either recognises or ignores human embeddedness in the environment. Searching for such parallels connects 21st century climate activism and 17th century upheavals, animal protection in the 1920s and a hundred years later. The Soviet period allows a simultaneous scrutiny of both the limited and ideological take on the apparent lack of Soviet environmentalism as well as the methodological challenges of finding the footprints of hidden awareness and activism. Unearthing this from literature, art and the restrained presence of expert voices also provides an explanation to the sudden explosion of activism in the 1980s. The silence of the next decades further proves that there is nothing obvious in the ways in which environmentalism can take hold of society, which demands precise and detailed inquiry such as provided by the authors of this special issue.

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Roasto, Margo. "Marksismi retseptsioon ja dogmaatilise marksismi kriitika Eesti alal aastatel 1905–16." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 177, no. 3/4 (June 20, 2022): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2021.3-4.02.

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In Estonian historiography, the revolutionary year of 1905 has been described as a starting point for subsequent political changes in 1917 and 1918. Hence many authors have highlighted the importance of political development that led to the foundation of the first Estonian political parties in 1905. However, the ideological differentiation of Estonian political thought between the revolutionary years of 1905 and 1917 has been studied less. The aim of this article is to analyse the political debates on Marxist theory that took place in the Estonian area of the Baltic provinces from 1905 to 1916. The leaders of the Estonian socialist movement first became acquainted with Marxist theory through German and Russian socialist literature. Since 1905, various texts by socialist authors were also available to a wider audience in Estonian. First and foremost, the works of German social democrats were published in Estonian. During 1910–14, the first volume of Karl Marx’s Capital was translated into Estonian. While it had often previously been argued that socialism benefits all oppressed people, Marxist ideology was now presented as a scientific theory that explained economic development and protected the interests of industrial workers in a class society. The article claims that during the period from 1905 to 1916, recognised experts on Marxist ideology emerged among Estonian socialists. In addition to Marxist tactics, Estonian socialist authors discussed theoretical issues such as the material conception of history. In these discussions, the personal conflicts between Estonian socialists as well as their ideological disagreements became evident. More broadly, these discussions were shaped by earlier ideological debates among European socialists at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The article also argues that during the period considered, several Estonian left-wing thinkers questioned the validity of Marxism. Influenced by Bernstein’s revisionist ideas, these thinkers criticised Marxism as a one-sided and dogmatic ideology. They claimed that Marxism was just another theory with both strengths and weaknesses. However, Estonian social democrats who embraced Marxism as a scientific theory responded to such criticism and defended the materialist view of society. The debates on Marxist theory considered here provide evidence of the ideological differentiation of Estonian left-wing political thought. From 1905 to 1916, numerous socialist texts in Estonian presented various approaches for understanding Marxist ideology. Thus, one can witness an intensified reception of Marxism in the Estonian area during that period. More specifically, these ideological debates reveal new facets of the political views of Estonian socialists who later affected the course of Estonian history as communist revolutionaries or as members of the Estonian Constituent Assembly.

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Veisbergs, Andrejs. "TRANSLATORS’ TOOLS: LATVIAN AND LITHUANIAN BILINGUAL LEXICOGRAPHICAL TRADITION COMPARED." Vertimo studijos 3, no. 3 (April 6, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/vertstud.2010.3.10595.

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Translation needs tools, the oldest and most widespread of which are (bilingual) dictionaries. In the absence of the necessary language pair dictionary, translators seek advice in foreign language dictionaries. Translators have frequently been the authors of dictionaries themselves. Latvian and Lithuanian nations and languages, though kindred, have had a rather different history. Both historically and politically, developments in Latvian have been more parallel to Estonian than Lithuanian as both fell under German and Lutheran influence while Lithuanian had a Polish-bound Catholic history. Yet the development of their writing, translation and lexicography has followed a remarkably similar process and testifies to the common space of knowledge (Wissensraum). As with their lexicography, their bilingual dictionaries grew out of a connection between translation and religion. Both countries underwent a national awakening/awareness in the 19th century that led to a greater variety of translations and dictionaries. Notably, monolingual Latvian and Lithuanian dictionaries appeared only in the 20th century, testifying to the importance of bilingual lexicography in ensuring language contact. Bilingual dictionaries have dominated the lexicography scene of Latvia and Lithuania from the start until the present day. The twentieth century, with its expanding translation needs, produced an even greater variety of translations and bilingual dictionaries in both countries.

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STALAŽS, ARTURS. "Biruta Rasiņa’s collection of scale insects (Hemiptera: Sternorrhyncha: Coccomorpha) at the Latvian National Museum of Natural History, including type material of several species." Zootaxa 5039, no. 4 (September 17, 2021): 451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.5039.4.1.

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Information about the scale insect (Hemiptera: Coccomorpha) fauna of Latvia was first published in the second half of the 18th century, but the most serious and purposeful research on it was carried out between the 1920s and the early 1970s. Biruta Rasiņa, in collaboration with her colleagues, conducted the most extensive research on the scale insect fauna in Latvia in the 20th century. She was active in science from the 1940s until the early 1970s, and described eight new species between 1966 and 1971. According to modern taxonomy, seven names of the taxa she described are now synonyms of the names of other species, but one of her species names is still considered to be valid. Previously it was believed that the type material of the taxa she described, and all the other scale insect material she collected, had been lost. For an indefinite period of time the Latvian National Museum of Natural History had stored a collection of unaudited and still unregistered material, thought to be a collection of plant damages collected by Alfrēds Rasiņš. However, inspection of the material showed that it was in fact Biruta Rasiņa’s collection of scale insects, which contained both dry and ethanol-preserved material as well as microscope slides. The material has now been audited and registered in the museum’s collection. Most of the material was collected in Latvia, but the material also includes samples from other countries (Armenia, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Poland, Russian Federation and Ukraine). The collection includes samples of 75 species from eight families, of which 50 species were collected in the wild, 20 in greenhouses and indoors, and 5 species were found on imported fruits. Biruta Rasiņa’s collection of scale insects is the only known important collection of scale insects in Latvia, and is of national significance. A catalogue of the collection is therefore provided in this paper.

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Gielen, Katiliina, and Klaarika Kaldjärv. "Method and Theory: On the Compilation of a Collection of Texts in Estonian Translation History." Interlitteraria 21, no. 1 (July 4, 2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2016.21.1.4.

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Translation history is a part of cultural history and a necessary component of any literary history, but documenting it may prove to be a challenge. The present article is an attempt to describe and exemplify an ongoing project of mapping Estonian translation history through metatexts on translational issues based on the writings of translators, editors and other figures close to translation throughout Estonian literary history. The reason for collecting translational thought into one compilation lies in the importance of translation for Estonian culture both retrospectively as well as keeping in mind the future of translation and language policies and practices.The article is thematically divided into two parts. The first part is concerned with the analysis of already existing methodologies for compiling translation histories. Still, in order to get a comprehensive picture, different angles have to be considered and different methodologies applied on the material that has come down to us. Thus, what follows is the description of the ongoing project and its slightly different, empirics driven methodology.The second part of the paper gives an insight into one of the seven major topics that have emerged from the work with the texts in Estonian translation history. It is based on the discussions whether practitioners need theory, or more generally, what is translation theory and who needs it? The examples are taken from the articles and interviews with Estonian practicing translators and people close to translation such as literary critics, editors, etc. and cover the second half of the 20th century up to the contemporary times. Our aim was to show practitioners as theorists and thus narrow the gap between theory and practice of translation which has proved to be a general problem also in other cultural settings, end even currently when translation studies has established itself as a discipline. The issue has been discussed by many prominent translation studies scholars and the present article will take the opportunity to introduce their points of view.

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Buholce, Sarmīte. "Igaunijas un Somijas kultūrtelpu dialogs Ādolfa Ersa publicistikā." Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā: rakstu krājums, no. 25 (March 4, 2020): 236–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2020.25.236.

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Ādolfs Erss (1885–1945) is a journalist in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century. He works and publishes in several newspapers “Līdums”, “Latvijas Sargs”, “Kopdarbība”, “Latvis”, “Jaunākās Ziņas”. As the special representative of the newspaper “Pēdējē Brīdī”, he travels to the Baltic States, gets acquainted with the countries and allows the reader to use the publicity material as a mental map to distance travel. In order to enrich the creative impressions, the intellectuals use the opportunity to travel during this period. The broadness of the vision, the extension of the geographical space, the inclusion of literary influences and impressions in their texts create innovations in the works of many writers. Erss is also experimenting with his texts: he is looking for new forms to compile the quality of cognition in history, geography, economy, and culture of different nations with his impressions and experiences. The emotional background symbiosis with factual material in Erss’ publications represents the cultural space of the era. It is important to look at a set of publications for each topos, for Estonia and Finland, to track their reception in the literary space of the modernist artistic system. The author puts the spotlight on writing as a priority, of different cultural space. The strategy of texts includes the parallelism of cultures of different countries, including Latvia, which is revealed through the various narrative patterns typical for Erss: travel descriptions and notes, letters from a “special correspondent”. The topicalities of national history, geography, economic life, literature and art are permeated by the possible paths of cultural parallels, rapprochement and cooperation. In his publications, Erss created the testimony of the era, justifying the idea of cooperation and rapprochement between cultures of different nations.

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Gribincea, Alexandru. "An Overview of the Further Demographic Situation and Economy in 2035." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 12, 2018): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.80-87.

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The study of the situation in Europe and other countries in the context of demographic evolution, the forecast of economic development has shown that the population, structural migration and economies are closely correlated. The population and economy in the EU in the near future will undergo dramatic changes. In some developed, industrialized countries, the population grows slowly or stagnates, while in economically poor economies, birth rates are accelerating, and as healthcare increases, it will lead to a demographic explosion. In recent years, the EU population has grown by 507 million, with a projected increase of 5% by 2050, reaching a maximum of 526 million, after which it will decrease to 523 million in 2060 yr. In about half of the EU countries, despite the population growth trend, the total population will diminish. This trend refers to Bulgaria, Germany, Estonia, Greece, Spain, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia and Slovakia. In total, decline of population in Eastern European countries is linked to a number of factors. First is the reduction of the socio-economic level of the population, increasing labor migration to countries with advanced living standards. In these countries, as a rule, the standard of living, social and medical assistance, social protection is reduced. At the same time, world community is going through a difficult time. A deep and prolonged recession that followed the global financial crisis has changed with the slow recovery of employment. Never in the history of mankind, the growth rate of the world population was not as large as in the second half of the 20th and early 21st century. Between 1960 and 1999, the population of the planet doubled (from 3 to 6 billion people), and in 2007 - 6.6 billion people. Although the average annual growth rate of the world's population declined from 2.2% in the early 1960s to 1.5% in the early 2000's absolute annual growth increased from 53 million to 80 million people. Demographic changes from traditional (high fertility - high mortality - low natural growth) to the modern reproductive population (low fertility - low mortality - low population growth) ended in developed countries in the first decade of the 20th century, and most of the transition economies - in middle of last century. At the same time, in the 1950s and 1960s, the demographic transition began in several countries and regions of the rest of the world and begin to the end only in Latin America, East Asia and Southeast Asia and continuing in East Asia, Africa Sub-Saharan Africa from the Sahara to the Middle East. Rapid population growth compared with the indicators of socio-economic development in these regions leads to aggravation of problems related to employment, poverty, food, land, low education and health risks. Keywords: workforce, aging population, birth rate, living standards and life expectancy, inflation, unemployment and technical and scientific progress

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Stoyanova, V. I. "International Dialogue on Preservation of The Cultural Heritage of Russia (Surgut, 2021)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-203-206.

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On May 4, 2021, an international scientific and practical conference Preservation of the cultural heritage of Russia was held in Surgut. Masters and young scientists from Russia, the USA, Northern Ireland, Spain, Italy, Estonia and Moldova took part in the conference to gain new experience and share findings of their research on the topic. The main theme stated in the name of the conference determined its theoretical and practical focus. The conference comprised two major sections — Topical issues of preserving Russian culture and Implementation of projects for the preservation of Russian cultural heritage in Russia and abroad. N. K. Murnova opened the plenary meeting with a talk about Doctor of History Tatiana Vyacheslavovna Tobolina and her contribution to the study of Russian emigration of the 20th century. Orthodox Archpriest G. A. Zavershinskiy presented his books on history and religion. One of the key ideas of his report is that the common dichotomy of East and West is no longer viable and should be rejected in favor of antinomy and analogy of cognition. K. A. Frolova representing the Department of international relations of the Orthodox Church spoke about the problem of anti-Russia prejudice and integrity of Russian culture. Delegates representing MGIMO University (Moscow, Russia) presented their reports on periodicals published by Russian emigrants, identity as a general phenomenon, local museums preserving memories of unique events in regional history. Doctor of Philosophy V. S. Glagolev turned to the dimentiality of seeing beauty depending on historical and cultural peculiarities. N. L. Krylov from the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Science devoted his report to the role of women in the conservation of Russian language and traditions in Northern African countries: Russian-speaking women living in Africa manage to assimilate in their countries of residence and nevertheless preserve their Russian identity. Moreover, they take an active part in social and religious local organizations. The conference gave a platform for many other exciting reports on tourism, museology, religious art and education. It was a special joy to hear a talk by T. D. Dzenlyuk, a fourth-generation Russian emigrant, about the work of an Orthodox church in Miami, USA, and the lifestyle of Russian emigrants there. The conference was rich in fascinating reports on diverse topics and ended with a folk concert.

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Paulus, Ave, Aleksei Kelli, and Anti Kreem. "Ajaloolise puupaadikultuuri pärandiväärtusest Lahemaa paadiehituse ja viislaiu näitel / The heritage value of historical wooden boat culture on the example of Lahemaa boat construction and viislaid-type boat." Studia Vernacula 10 (November 5, 2019): 66–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2019.10.66-101.

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Lahemaa region has been one of the main historical seafaring centres in Estonia. Nearly 50 wooden sailing ships were built there (Õun 2019) and hundreds of captains and steersmen trained, thus advancing marine culture. Every coastal village had its own boatwright. Marine culture traditions were abruptly cut off during the Soviet occupation that destroyed Estonian wooden boat culture. The main heritage of traditional coastal fishing and marine culture – a wooden boat – is no longer seen on the sea. The authors unravel the essence of wooden boat culture, exemplify the break of tradition on the example of a unique viislaid-type boat, and provide legal solutions to help revive the wooden boat heritage. The authors define the nature of the historic wooden boat building tradition through its heritage values, drawing on the fundamental principles of heritage theory, and on the legal framework for the protection of heritage and intellectual property. Historical boat culture is conceptualised through the prism of its authenticity, based on the analysis of the boat as a heritage object and boat building as creation and tradition. The case study which exemplifies the analysis is Lahemaa’s unique viislaid-type boat, its construction tradition and the cultural break therein. The article defines the tradition of boatbuilding in the context of heritage protection and maps an initial intellectual property strategy to ensure the survival of the boatbuilding tradition. The article summarises the authors’ specific conclusions and suggestions in this area. In their interdisciplinary approach to cultural heritage and wooden boat building, the authors draw on their previous research and practical experience in the field of cultural heritage, historic wooden boat building and law (see Paulus 2017a; Paulus 2017b; Kreem 2017; Paulus 2017), developing it further and adding new aspects, such as legal analysis. Sources include previously unpublished data on viislaid-type boats (including manuscripts, photographs, technical drawings). For a more comprehensive mapping of the situation, several Estonian wooden boat masters were contacted and asked to explain why they were activein the area under study. The main focus was on boatbuilding traditions and values, administrative regulations and the use of intellectual property instruments in the context of the wooden boat construction tradition. To protect the business interests and personal data of the interviewees, the results are presented as a generalisation without identifying specific individuals. Any sensitive information remains with the authors. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the ICOMOS Venice Charter and the 20th anniversary of Nara Charter, ICOMOS adopted ICOMOS Nara 20+: on heritage practices, values and the concept of authenticity in 2014. This document reaffirmed the importance of the role of vibrant cultural traditions and heritage communities in defining, practising and developing heritage. This document emphasised authenticity as a meaningful creation and evolving cultural tradition, heritage as a keeper of cultural identity, the importance of heritage practices as carriers of history and identity values and as guarantors of sustainable development. The article describes one specific example of a wooden boat culture – a viislaid-type boat unique to Lahemaa. This is a unique type of boat, the distribution area of which has been described by authors’ recent research (Mäss et al. 2017) only in the Lahemaa region and in Northern Estonia from Viimsi-Prangli to Karepa and Toolse. It is the largest dual-masted fishing boat (from 6.5–7 meters to 12 meters), with a unique stem and often also stern, as described by previous researchers and by locals. In the early and mid-20th century the boat was still present in descriptions, photographs and paintings. Unfortunately, to the authors’ knowledge, currently only two examples of the ever-popular Northerncoast boat type exist. One is a historic boat preserved as a nelilaid-boat in Rootsi-Kallavere Museum. The second is a new Viimsi viislaid-type boat Suur Leenu built by the boat master Anti Kreem as a model of the boat type as a result of the authors’ 2017 study (Mäss et al. 2017). The solution proposed by the authors – observing the wooden boat culture in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection – creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and enables new creation so that it is protected and valued as a cultural heritage and enjoys intellectual property rights. Perhaps it is time to clarify the cultural tradition of wooden boats, the construction of historic ships and wooden boats in the Estonian legal space. The Estonian Maritime Safety Act defines historical boats through the concept of a copy. The authors suggest that the concept of an example of traditional type should be followed instead. The new boat created is, as a rule, an original creation. This complies with the contemporary paradigm of cultural heritage protection. The observation of the boat construction tradition in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and the new creation. The creation of a historic wooden boat has many links to intellectual property. Both the boat itself and the drawings on which it is based may be copyrighted. Boat details can also be protected with patent and industrial design rights. Trademarks and geographical indications may be used to promote the boat tradition. The protection of the intellectual property is not prioritised in the practice of the Estonian wooden boat tradition. Boats and skilled labour are the main objects of trade. Know-how (e.g., boat drawings) is sometimes also sold. One possible reason for not prioritising IP is that the construction of historic woodenboats is of no economic importance. Last but not least, attention to the intellectual property also creates the conditions for the commercial exploitation of the solutions created on the basis of the tradition. Keywords: wooden boat, viislaid-type boat, cultural heritage, heritage value

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Paulus, Ave, Aleksei Kelli, and Anti Kreem. "Ajaloolise puupaadikultuuri pärandiväärtusest Lahemaa paadiehituse ja viislaiu näitel / The heritage value of historical wooden boat culture on the example of Lahemaa boat construction and viislaid-type boat." Studia Vernacula 10 (November 5, 2019): 66–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2019.10.66-101.

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Lahemaa region has been one of the main historical seafaring centres in Estonia. Nearly 50 wooden sailing ships were built there (Õun 2019) and hundreds of captains and steersmen trained, thus advancing marine culture. Every coastal village had its own boatwright. Marine culture traditions were abruptly cut off during the Soviet occupation that destroyed Estonian wooden boat culture. The main heritage of traditional coastal fishing and marine culture – a wooden boat – is no longer seen on the sea. The authors unravel the essence of wooden boat culture, exemplify the break of tradition on the example of a unique viislaid-type boat, and provide legal solutions to help revive the wooden boat heritage. The authors define the nature of the historic wooden boat building tradition through its heritage values, drawing on the fundamental principles of heritage theory, and on the legal framework for the protection of heritage and intellectual property. Historical boat culture is conceptualised through the prism of its authenticity, based on the analysis of the boat as a heritage object and boat building as creation and tradition. The case study which exemplifies the analysis is Lahemaa’s unique viislaid-type boat, its construction tradition and the cultural break therein. The article defines the tradition of boatbuilding in the context of heritage protection and maps an initial intellectual property strategy to ensure the survival of the boatbuilding tradition. The article summarises the authors’ specific conclusions and suggestions in this area. In their interdisciplinary approach to cultural heritage and wooden boat building, the authors draw on their previous research and practical experience in the field of cultural heritage, historic wooden boat building and law (see Paulus 2017a; Paulus 2017b; Kreem 2017; Paulus 2017), developing it further and adding new aspects, such as legal analysis. Sources include previously unpublished data on viislaid-type boats (including manuscripts, photographs, technical drawings). For a more comprehensive mapping of the situation, several Estonian wooden boat masters were contacted and asked to explain why they were activein the area under study. The main focus was on boatbuilding traditions and values, administrative regulations and the use of intellectual property instruments in the context of the wooden boat construction tradition. To protect the business interests and personal data of the interviewees, the results are presented as a generalisation without identifying specific individuals. Any sensitive information remains with the authors. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the ICOMOS Venice Charter and the 20th anniversary of Nara Charter, ICOMOS adopted ICOMOS Nara 20+: on heritage practices, values and the concept of authenticity in 2014. This document reaffirmed the importance of the role of vibrant cultural traditions and heritage communities in defining, practising and developing heritage. This document emphasised authenticity as a meaningful creation and evolving cultural tradition, heritage as a keeper of cultural identity, the importance of heritage practices as carriers of history and identity values and as guarantors of sustainable development. The article describes one specific example of a wooden boat culture – a viislaid-type boat unique to Lahemaa. This is a unique type of boat, the distribution area of which has been described by authors’ recent research (Mäss et al. 2017) only in the Lahemaa region and in Northern Estonia from Viimsi-Prangli to Karepa and Toolse. It is the largest dual-masted fishing boat (from 6.5–7 meters to 12 meters), with a unique stem and often also stern, as described by previous researchers and by locals. In the early and mid-20th century the boat was still present in descriptions, photographs and paintings. Unfortunately, to the authors’ knowledge, currently only two examples of the ever-popular Northerncoast boat type exist. One is a historic boat preserved as a nelilaid-boat in Rootsi-Kallavere Museum. The second is a new Viimsi viislaid-type boat Suur Leenu built by the boat master Anti Kreem as a model of the boat type as a result of the authors’ 2017 study (Mäss et al. 2017). The solution proposed by the authors – observing the wooden boat culture in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection – creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and enables new creation so that it is protected and valued as a cultural heritage and enjoys intellectual property rights. Perhaps it is time to clarify the cultural tradition of wooden boats, the construction of historic ships and wooden boats in the Estonian legal space. The Estonian Maritime Safety Act defines historical boats through the concept of a copy. The authors suggest that the concept of an example of traditional type should be followed instead. The new boat created is, as a rule, an original creation. This complies with the contemporary paradigm of cultural heritage protection. The observation of the boat construction tradition in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and the new creation. The creation of a historic wooden boat has many links to intellectual property. Both the boat itself and the drawings on which it is based may be copyrighted. Boat details can also be protected with patent and industrial design rights. Trademarks and geographical indications may be used to promote the boat tradition. The protection of the intellectual property is not prioritised in the practice of the Estonian wooden boat tradition. Boats and skilled labour are the main objects of trade. Know-how (e.g., boat drawings) is sometimes also sold. One possible reason for not prioritising IP is that the construction of historic woodenboats is of no economic importance. Last but not least, attention to the intellectual property also creates the conditions for the commercial exploitation of the solutions created on the basis of the tradition. Keywords: wooden boat, viislaid-type boat, cultural heritage, heritage value

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Leppik, Lea. "Tartu ülikool kui eestlaste mälupaik [The University of Tartu as a memory site for Estonians]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 2 (September 8, 2016): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2016.2.05.

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The City of Tartu is proud of its university and its status as a university town. The university is an even stronger memory site than the city and has special meaning for Baltic Germans in addition to Estonians, but also for Ukrainians, Armenians, Poles, Latvians, Jews and other minorities of the former Russian Empire. The commemoration of the anniversaries of the University of Tartu is a very graphic example of the use of memory and the susceptibility of remembering to the aims of the current political system and of various interest groups. Here history has become an “active shaper of the present” according to Juri Lotman’s definition. This article examines the commemoration of jubilees of the University of Tartu through two hundred years. Nowadays Estonians consider the entire history of the University of Tartu to be their own starting from its founding by King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden in 1632. The Estonian language was not unknown in the university in the Swedish era – knowledge of Estonian was necessary for pastors and some examples of occasional poetry written in Estonian have survived from that time. The university was reopened in 1802 when it was already part of the Russian Empire and became a primarily Baltic German university. It shaped the identity of the Baltic provinces in Russia and contributed to their growing together culturally in the eyes of both the German-speaking upper class and the Estonian- and Latvian-speaking lower class. The Estonian and Latvian languages were both represented at the university by one lecturer. There were also Estonians at the university in the first decades already but at that time, education generally meant assimilation into German culture. The 50th jubilee of the Imperial University of Tartu was commemorated in 1852 as a celebration of a Baltic German university. The 100th anniversary of the imperial university in 1902 was commemorated at a university where the language of instruction had been switched to Russian. The guests of honour were well-known Russian scientists, church representatives and state officials. For the first time, a lengthy overview of the history of the University of Tartu was published in Estonian in the album of the Society of Estonian Students under the meaningful title (University of the Estonian Homeland). Unlike the official concept of the 100 year old university, this overview stressed the university’s connection to the university of the era of Swedish rule. When the Russian Empire collapsed and the Estonian nation became independent, the University of Tartu was opened on 1 December 1919 as an institution where the language of instruction was Estonian. The wish of the new nation to distance itself from both the Russian and German cultural areas and to be connected to something respectably old was expressed in the spectacular festivities held in 1932 commemorating the 300th anniversary of the University of Tartu. After the Second World War, Estonians who ended up abroad held the anniversaries of the Estonian era University of Tartu in esteem and maintained the traditions of the university student organisations that were banned in the Soviet state. The 150th anniversary of the founding of the university was commemorated in the Estonian SSR in 1952 – at the height of Stalinism. The Swedish era university was cast aside and the monuments to the king and to nationalist figures were removed, replaced by the favourites of the Soviet regime. Connections to Russia were emphasised in every possible way. Lithuanians celebrated the 400th anniversary of their University of Vilnius in 1979, going back to the educational institution established in the 16th century by the Jesuits. This encouraged Estonians but the interwar tradition of playing up the Swedish era was so strong that the educational pursuits of the Jesuits in Tartu (1585–1625, with intervals) were nevertheless not tied into the institute of higher education. So it was that the 350th anniversary of the University of Tartu was celebrated on a grand scale in 1982. The protest movement among university students played an important role in the restoration of Estonia’s independence. Immediately thereafter, the commemoration of the anniversaries of the Estonian era university that had in the meantime been banned began once again. The 200th anniversary of the opening of the Imperial University of Tartu (2002) passed with mixed feelings. The imperial university as a university of the Russian state no longer fit in well and it was feared that the connection to the Swedish era would suffer. Yet since this period had nevertheless brought Tartu the greatest portion of its scientific fame, a series of jubilee collected works were published by various faculties. On the other hand, nobody had any qualms about commemorating the 375th anniversary of the Swedish era university five years later (2007) on a grand scale with new monuments, memorial plaques, exhibitions, a public celebration and a visit from the King of Sweden.

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Mark, Reet. "Endel Kõksi abstraktsetest maalidest." Baltic Journal of Art History 11 (November 30, 2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2016.11.07.

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The artist Endel Kõks (1912–1983) is a member of the same generation of Estonian art classics as Elmar Kits and Lepo Mikko. After Kits’s and Kõks’s debut at the exhibition of the Administration of the Cultural Endowment’s Fine Art Foundation (KKSKV) in Tallinn in 1939, the three of them started to be spoken about as the promising Tartu trio. In 1944, Endel Kõks ended up in Germany as a wounded soldier, while Kits and Mikko remained in Estonia. The Kõks’s works that have surreptitiously arrived in his homeland are incidental and small in number. Thus, without any proof, an image developed or was developed of him in Soviet-era art history as a mediocre painter and especially as a weak abstractionist, which is somewhat prevalent even today. I would dispute this based on the conclusions that I reached when helping to organise the exhibition of exile Estonian art between 2008 and 201142 and Endel Kõks’s solo exhibition between 2011 and 201343; conclusions that I have supplemented with the opinions expressed by exile Estonian art historians and artists.In 1951 Kõks moved to Sweden. Paul Reets has highlighted the years between 1952 and 1956, and assumed that these were difficult years due to the contradictions he faced. According to Reets, one obstacle was influence of the Pallas on Kõks’s painting style, which was conservative and adhered to the trends of Late Cubism. According to both Eevi End and Paul Reets, Kõks painted his first abstract painting in 1956 Rahutus (Restlessness) according to the former and Konflikt (Conflict) according to the latter). A black-and-white photo exists of Restlessness, which is slightly reminiscent of Pollock, and this is not the same work that P. Reets refers to. They both note that this was a convincing and mature abstraction not a searching for form, and as Reets states, Kõks had severed himself from the Pallas.The abstract paintings created between 1956 and 1960 – Kompositsioon (Composition) (1958), Rõõmus silmapilk (Joyful Moment) (1959) and others – are constructed on the impact of a joyfully colourful palette and lines, and demonstrate a kinship with the abstract works of Vassili Kandinsky. There is also a similarity to Arshile Gorky, whose works he may have seen at the exhibition of modern American art in Stockholm in 1953.Kõks’s transition into a pure form of abstraction occurred in 1963. Reets has characterised this as a “the most wondrous year that one can expect to see in an artist’s life. Not an unexpected year, but one that was unexpectedly and extremely rich when it came to his works.” The artist started to create series of works, of which the best known is undoubtedly Elektroonika (Electronics), which was comprised of 36 sheets. According to Kõks, he developed the need and idea to create the series while listening to experimental music, watching experimental films and thinking about nuclear physics. Created with a glass printing technique, or vitreography, each work is unique due to the post-printing processing, paint dripping, spraying and additional brushstrokes and images. Of course, all this alludes to Jackson Pollock.In 1962, Kõks painted the abstract composition Astraalne (Astral), which depicts a red circle and bent violet rectangle next to it on an interesting yellowish-brown surface that creates a rough effect. Using only these two symbols, the artist creates a sense of floating in cosmic space. Starting in 1964–1965 this style gradually came to dominate his work, and in was in this style that Kõks created the works that express the greatness of his talent and the charm of the “shaper of nature forms” in the purest sense.The construction of these works is brilliantly simple, and comprised of symbols and images placed on a relatively uniform surface. The nervous brittleness and rapid movement have disappeared from the paintings. The mood is calm and reveling. There is a monumental feel to many of the pictures. Masterful, delicate colour combinations triumph. And as time goes on, the more abundant and interesting the texture becomes. Eevi End believes that Kõks was influenced by Ellsworth Kelly, Kenneth Noland and other representatives of the school of Hard-edge painting that other influential direction operating in American abstractionism during the 20th century. Kõks himself has defined his abstract paintings as biomorphic abstraction, characterized by a free formalism, spatiality and atmospherics (Arshile Gorky, William de Kooning, Mark Tobey, Mark Rothko, and Jackson Pollock.)Kõks’s abstraction that features intellectual and cognizant images is totally the opposite of Elmar Kits’s excellent and spontaneous colourful abstraction. Kits remains true to the Pallas colour tradition; Kõks breaks out of it. Kõks feels secure painting abstract pictures and enjoys the game, which cannot be said of the thoroughly abstract works of Lepo Mikko or Alfred Kongo. Those who doubt this statement should remember that, in order to provide an assessment of Kõks’s abstract pictures, one must have seen them in Europe, the U.S. and Canada. Conclusions cannot be drawn based exclusively on the works in Estonia. As an abstractionist, he is in no way weaker than his contemporaries, just very different and the determination of superiority is a matter of taste. Endel Kõks’s greatness lies in the fact that he was able to fit with what was happening in world art (which many exile artists could not); he experimented with new directions and finally put together something new for himself, and thereby developed Estonian art as a whole.

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Schulze-Marmeling, Friederike. "»20th century Aisha«?" Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 32, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 346–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2019.32.2.346.

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SAMMUL, M., K. KATTAI, and K. LANNO. "Wooded meadows of Estonia: conservation efforts for agricultural landscape." Agricultural and Food Science 17, no. 4 (December 4, 2008): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2137/145960608787235513.

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We provide an overview of the amount and ecological condition of wooded meadows throughout Estonia after significant changes in agriculture in the second part of 20th century. We also present the first attempt to estimate the success of recent conservation efforts for wooded meadows. Our analysis is based on recent exhaustive inventories. We found that Estonia, despite a decrease of the area in wooded meadows by two orders of magnitude during the 20th century, still has about 8400 ha remaining of which approximately 5800 ha are meadows with, at the least, an intermediate conservation value. The latter is directly dependent on mowing regime. Efforts to preserve wooded meadows include establishment of protected areas and financial support for mowing. The national conservation subsidy has been useful and supportive for wooded meadows, however the total amount of this subsidy has been small compared to the area that could be supported. The much larger funds of agri-environmental subsidies have largely not been available for wooded meadows. Moreover, there has been no record keeping about subsidisation of semi-natural grasslands using agricultural support schemes. Although the preservation of some good examples of wooded meadows in Estonia seems guaranteed, further degradation of this valuable habitat type on a national scale is very probable.;

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Wilson, Robin. "The 20th Century." Mathematical Intelligencer 42, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00283-019-09956-x.

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Skerret, Delaney Michael. "Language & authoritarianism in the 20th century: the cases of Estonia and Catalonia." Eesti Rakenduslingvistika Ühingu aastaraamat. Estonian Papers in Applied Linguistics 6 (2010): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5128/erya6.16.

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Hess, Daniel B. "EARLY 20TH-CENTURY WOODEN TENEMENT BUILDINGS IN ESTONIA: BUILDING BLOCKS FOR NEIGHBORHOOD LONGEVITY." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 35, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/tpa.2011.13.

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During the early 20th century, the urban housing supply in Estonia expanded quickly to meet growing housing demand, resulting in tenement districts conceived for maximum profitability of rental units. In Karlova, a district near the city center of Tartu, about five hundred wooden houses, built between 1911 and the early 1920s and displaying simple Art Nouveau details, are set amid a charming district with a distinct milieu. This article focuses on three time periods during which the development of its built environment gave Karlova its distinctiveness: (1) the years leading up to World War I; (2) the interwar period; and (3) the two decades since 1991, or the post-transition period. Although the district was neglected during the Soviet era, it remains remarkably intact and has even experienced, since the 1990s, gentrification. The high-quality housing stock and charming built environment has much to offer to its diverse population of students, professionals, families, and longtime residents. Santrauka Dvidešimtojo amžiaus pradžioje gyvenamųjų namų pasiūla Estijoje greitai augo atitikdama į augančius gyvenamojo ploto poreikius. Minėtos situacijos rezultatas - daugiabučių namų kvartalai sukurti taip, kad iš nuomojamų patalpų būtų gaunamas maksimalus pelnas. Karlova – kvartalas netoli Tartu centro. Jį sudaro apie penki šimtai medinių namų, pastatytų tarp 1911 ir 1920 metų. Pastatams būdingos paprastos Art Nouveauarchitektūrinės detalės, jie pastatyti išskirtinėje patrauklioje aplinkoje. Pateikiamame straipsnyje nagrinėjami trys laikotarpiai, per kuriuos užstatymo kaita aptariamoje teritorijoje sukūrė išskirtinį jos tapatumą: 1) laikotarpis iki Pirmojo pasaulinio karo; 2) tarpukaris; 3) du dešimtmečiai po 1991 m. Nežiūrint to, kad sovietiniais metais teritorija buvo nesaugoma ir ja nesirūpinama, Karlova išsaugojo nepažeistą architektūrinį urbanistinį vientisumą, o po 1990 m. teritorijoje prasidėjo gentrifikacijos procesai. Aukštos kokybės gyvenamasis užstatymas ir žavi urbanistinė aplinka gali daug pasiūlyti įvairioms gyventojų grupėms: studentams, profesionalams, šeimoms ir vyresnio amžiaus žmonėms.

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Atiyah, Michael. "Mathematics in the 20th century." NTM International Journal of History and Ethics of Natural Sciences, Technology and Medicine 10, no. 1-3 (September 2002): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03033096.

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Fogler, Karen, and Mala Hoffman. "Exploring 20th Century History through Photographs." Gifted Child Today 17, no. 3 (May 1994): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107621759401700313.

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Tamm, Riin, Kai Saks, and Mati Pääsuke. "Research on ageing and longevity in Estonia." Reviews in Clinical Gerontology 20, no. 2 (April 29, 2010): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959259810000134.

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SummaryDue to demographic changes, the population ageing process in Estonia accelerated rapidly at the end of the 20th century. In Estonia, research in gerontology and geriatrics has no long-standing tradition. In the beginning, social aspects like the pension system, coping strategies and well-being of aged people, were the research focus. More recently, epidemiological studies of diseases seen in the older population have been extensively conducted. In clinical medicine, the main research topics have been osteoporosis, Parkinson's disease, dementia and stroke.In this review, changes in neuromuscular function and hormonal regulation during ageing, and the genetic aspects of the Estonian Longevity Study will be described. The aim of the current paper is to introduce the main fields of gerontological research in Estonia to allow better integration with other research groups.

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Westfall, Catherine. "Reimagining 20th-Century Physics." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 50, no. 1-2 (April 2020): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2020.50.1-2.209.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Estonia – History – 20th century'

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