Academic literature on the topic 'Ergative; Intransitive; Transitive verbs'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ergative; Intransitive; Transitive verbs"
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Novita, Sherly, and Mulyadi Mulyadi. "PEMBENTUKAN VERBA ERGATIF DALAM BAHASA HOKKIEN: KAJIAN MORFOSINTAKSIS." Linguistika: Buletin Ilmiah Program Magister Linguistik Universitas Udayana 26, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ling.2019.v26.i01.p02.
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This article is discussing about the formation of ergative verb in Hokkien. A language can be called as ergative if the patient (P) of the transitive verb is treated equally or conferential with the subject (S) in the intransitive clause and is different from the agent (A) of the transitive verb. Ergative verb treats P equally with S. It is usually no indication for both. Accusative sentence is a sentence which has a system where A is equal with S and is different with P. However, active sentence is a type of sentence which shows a group of S which are acting the same with P and a group of S which are acting the same with A in a language.
In Hokkien, most verbs can be used intransitively, but usually this does not change the subject’s role. For example, “? c?ak m?en pau” (He eats bread) (transitive) and “? c?ak” (He eats) (intransitive), where the only difference is that the latter does not determine what is eaten. By contrast, with ergative verbs, the subject’s role changes; such as “Jack ph?? phua pua” (Jack broke the plate) (transitive) dan “pua phua” (the broken plate) (intransitive).
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Bubenik, Vit. "An Interpretation of Split Ergativity in Indo-Iranian Languages." Diachronica 6, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 181–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.6.2.03bub.
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SUMMARY This paper investigates three problems related to the phenomenon of split ergativity in several Indo-Iranian languages. (1) In ergative tenses Pashto and Kashmiri belong to the canonical ergative-absolutive type — irrespective of the definiteness of the nominal P(atient) — while Sindhî and LahndS pattern erga-tively only if P is indefinite. (2) In the case of pronominal arguments the rare antiabsolutive encodes the transitive Subject in ergative tenses and O in non-ergative tenses; the superabsolutive encodes the intransitive S, O in ergative tenses and the transitive S in non-ergative tenses. The Sindhf and Lahnda systems are based on the antiabsolutive without any traces of the superabsolutive. In Section (3) some historical evidence for the antiabsolutive patterning of pronominal clitics in both Middle Indie and Middle Iranian is presented. However, only in Middle Iranian there are some instances of the incipient superabsolutive which are evaluated as an ancestor of the contemporary Pashto superabsolutive (cf. zeyem "I am" and ze=ye vulid=em "he saw me" where the marker of the ergative O = em is a recategorized clitic form of the copula; originally I=his seen=am). RÉSUMÉ Cet article étudie trois problèmes liés au phénomène de l'ergativité partielle en plusieurs langues indo-iraniennes. (1) Aux temps ergatifs, le pachto et le cachemiri appartiennent au type canonique ergatif-absolutif— sans tenir compte de la nature définie-indéfinie du P(atient) nominal — tandis que le sindhi et lahnda appartiennent à ce type-ci seulement en cas du P indéfini. (2) En pachto et en cachemiri, pour les arguments pronominaux le type rare anti-absolutif-hyper-absolutif s'avère en quelques personnes du verbe (deux Ps sont a distinguer, à savoir, l'O(bjet) du predicat transitif aux temps ergatifs, pas aux temps non-ergatifs. L'anti-absolutif encode le S(ujet) transitif aux temps ergatifs et l'O aux temps non-ergatifs; le hyper-absolutif encode le S intransitif, l'O aux temps ergatifs et le S transitif aux temps non-ergatifs. Les systèmes du sindhi et du lahnda sont basés sur l'anti-absolutif sans aucune trace du hyper-absolutif. Dans (3) l'évidence historique pour le comportement antiabsolutif des clitiques pronominaux en moyen indien et iranien est présentée. En moyen iranien uniquement, il y a quelques exemples du hyper-absolutif naissant. Ceux-ci sont considérés comme le devancier du hyper-absolutif en pachto contemporain (cf. ze yem "je suis" et ze-ye vúlid-em "il m'a vu" où le suffixe de l'O ergatif -dm est la forme clitique de la copule récate-gorisée; originellement je=son vu=suis). ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Aufsatz werden drei Probleme untersucht, die sich auf das Phänomen der gespaltenen Ergativität in einzelnen indo-iranischen Sprachen beziehen. (1) In den ergativen Tempora — ungeachtet der Bestimmtheit des nominalen P(atienten) — gehören Puschtu und Kaschmiri zum kanonischen ergativ-absolutivischen Typus, während Sindhf und Lahnda nur dann, wenn P unbestimmt ist, zu diesem Typus gehören. (2) Im Falle der pronominalen Argumente ergibt sich der seltene antiabsolutiv-superabsolutivische Typus in verschiedenen Personen in Puschtu und Kaschmiri (zwei verschiedene Ps werden unterschieden: das O(bjekt) der transitiven Prädikate in ergativen im Gegensatz zu nicht-ergativen Tempora). Der Antiabsolutiv grammatikalisiert das transitive S(ubjekt) in ergativen und das O in nicht-ergativen Tempora; der Superabsolutiv grammatikalisiert das intransitive S, O in ergativen und das transitive S in nicht-ergativen Tempora. Die Système des Sindhf und Lahnda beruhen auf dem Antiabsolutiv ohne etwaige Spuren des Superabsolutivs auf-zuweisen. In (3) wird der historische Nachweis fur das antiabsolutivische Ver-halten der pronominalen Enklitika im Mittelindischen und Mitteliranischen geführt. Nur das Mitteliranische bietet ein paar Beispiele des in der Ent-wicklung befindlichen Superabsolutivs an, die hier als Vorfahr des Superabsolutivs im heutigen Puschtu beurteilt werden (vgl. ze yem "Ich bin" und ze-ye vúlid-em "er sah mich", wo das Merkmal des ergativen O =am eine rekate-gorisierte klitische Form der Kopula ist; ursprunglich: Ich=sein gesehe-ner=bin).
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Damanik, Sisila Fitriany, and Mulyadi Mulyadi. "Ergativity Case-Marking in Batak Toba Language." Budapest International Research and Critics in Linguistics and Education (BirLE) Journal 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birle.v3i1.755.
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Batak Toba Language (BTL) is an accusative, ergative and split-S language. It is called accusative because BTL has an active diathesis basic construction. In the BTL, the active diathesis clause is morphologically marked on the verb (head marking) by adding the prefix /ma-/, /maN-/ or zero prefix (occurred in some verbs that can stand without affixes). BTL is categorized ergative, firstly, because in the basic S argument from the intransitive verbs in BTL can be semantically gets the most influence from the verb, and it is also applied as O of intransitive verbs. Secondly, By using treatment parameters S equal to O and different from A in nominal construction. BTL is also categorized as split-S language because the behavior is that the agent-like argument of intransitive verb (Sa) in transitive verbs can be nominalized with /par-/ affixes, while the patient-like arguments of other intransitive patients cannot be nominalized with /par-/ affixes
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Fernández, Beatriz, Fernando Zúñiga, and Ane Berro. "Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque." Folia Linguistica 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 647–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2020-2050.
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Abstract This paper explores the formal expression of two Basque dative argument types in combination with psych nouns and adjectives, in intransitive and transitive clauses: (i) those that express the experiencer, and (ii) those that express the stimulus of the psychological state denoted by the psych noun and adjective. In the intransitive structure involving a dative experiencer (DatExpIS), the stimulus is in the absolutive case, and the intransitive copula izan ‘be’ shows both dative and absolutive agreement. This construction basically corresponds to those built upon the piacere type of psychological verbs typified in (Belletti, Adriana & Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6. 291–352) three-way classification of Italian psych verbs. In the intransitive structure involving a dative stimulus (DatStimIS), the experiencer is marked by absolutive case, and the same intransitive copula shows both absolutive and dative agreement (with the latter corresponding to the dative stimulus and not to the experiencer). We show that the behavior of the dative argument in the two constructions is just the opposite of each other regarding a number of morphosyntactic tests, including agreement, constituency, hierarchy and selection. Additionally, we explore two parallel transitive constructions that involve either a dative experiencer and an ergative stimulus (DatExpTS) or a dative stimulus and an ergative experiencer (DatStimTS), which employ the transitive copula *edun ‘have’. Considering these configurations, we propose an extended and more fine-grained typology of psych predicates.
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Coon, Jessica, Pedro Mateo Pedro, and Omer Preminger. "The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries." Linguistic Variation 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 179–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.14.2.01coo.
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Many morphologically ergative languages display asymmetries in the extraction of core arguments: while absolutive arguments (transitive objects and intransitive subjects) extract freely, ergative arguments (transitive subjects) cannot. This falls under the label “syntactic ergativity” (see, e.g. Dixon 1972, 1994; Manning 1996; Polinsky to appear(b)). These extraction asymmetries are found in many languages of the Mayan family, where in order to extract transitive subjects (for focus, questions, or relativization), a special construction known as the “Agent Focus” (AF) must be used. These AF constructions have been described as syntactically and semantically transitive because they contain two non-oblique DP arguments, but morphologically intransitive because the verb appears with only a single agreement marker and takes an intransitive status suffix (Aissen 1999; Stiebels 2006). In this paper we offer a proposal for (i) why some morphologically ergative languages exhibit extraction asymmetries, while others do not; and (ii) how the AF construction in Q’anjob’al circumvents this problem. We adopt recent accounts which argue that ergative languages vary in the locus of absolutive case assignment (Aldridge 2004, 2008a; Legate 2002, 2008), and propose that this variation is present within the Mayan family. Based primarily on comparative data from Q’anjob’al and Chol, we argue that the inability to extract ergative arguments does not reflect a problem with properties of the ergative subject itself, but rather reflects locality properties of absolutive case assignment in the clause. We show how the AF morpheme -on circumvents this problem in Q’anjob’al by assigning case to internal arguments.
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KARIMI, Yadgar. "The Evolution of Ergativity in Iranian Languages." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 2, no. 1 (May 22, 2012): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.2.1.23-44.
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This paper presents an attempt to investigate the origins of ergativity in Iranian languages, drawing upon diachronic and synchronic analyses. In so doing, I will trace the development of the ergative structure back to Old and Middle Persian where, it is argued, the roots of ergativity lie. I will specifically show that the ergative pattern as currently obtained in the grammatical structure of some Iranian languages has evolved from a periphrastic past participle construction, the analogue of which is attested in Old Persian. It will further be argued that the predecessor past participle construction imparted a resultative construal in Old Persian and, subsequently, in the transition to Middle Persian, has assumed a simple past reading. The bottom-line of the analysis will be represented as a proposal regarding the nature of the ergative verb, to the effect that an ergative verb, as opposed to a regular (non-ergative) transitive verb, is semantically transitive, but syntactically intransitive.
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Duarte, Fábio Fonfim. "Construções de Gerúndio na Língua Tembé." LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas 1, no. 1 (March 15, 2012): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/liames.v1i1.1398.
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The purpose of this paper is to present the results of research on Tembé, a Tupi-Guarani language of Northeast of Brazil, with special focus on the cross-referencing system of the gerund constructions. The analysis of the data showed that the subject (Sa) of the intransitive verbs can be identical to either the subject or the object of the preceding clause, whereas the subject (A) of the transitive verbs and (So) of the descriptive verbs can only be identical to the subject of the main clause.The gerund constructions also exhibits a split system: one in which the cross-referencing of So and O is done by the relational prefixes, comprising an ergative system, and another in which the cross-referencing of
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Bubenik, Vit. "On the Origins and Elimination of Ergativity in Indo-Aryan Languages." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 34, no. 4 (December 1989): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100024294.
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Ergativity is a term used in traditional descriptive and typological linguistics to refer to a system of nominal case-marking where the subject of an intransitive verb has the same morphological marker as a direct object, and a different morphological marker from the subject of a transitive verb. Languages in which this system is found are divided into two main types, A and B (following Trask 1979:388). In Type A the ergative construction is used equally in all tenses and aspects. Furthermore, if there is verbal agreement, the verb agrees with the direct object in person and number in exactly the same way it agrees with the subject of an intransitive verb. The verb agrees with the transitive subject in a different way. Well-known representatives of this type are Basque, Australian ergative languages, certain North American languages, Tibeto-Burman and Chukchee. In type B there is most often a tense/aspect split, in which case the ergative construction is confined to the perfective aspect (or the past tense), and the nominative-accusative configuration is used elsewhere. Furthermore, if there is verbal agreement, the verb may agree with the direct object in number and gender but not in person.
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Aldridge, Edith. "Syntactic conditions on accusative to ergative alignment change in Austronesian languages." Journal of Historical Linguistics 11, no. 2 (July 23, 2021): 214–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.20016.ald.
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Abstract This paper develops the proposal put forth by Aldridge (2015, 2016) for the emergence of ergative alignment in a first-order subgroup of the Austronesian family. I first provide new evidence for reconstructing Proto-Austronesian (PAn) as accusative rather than ergative. I then propose a significantly revised approach to Aldridge’s proposed reanalysis. On the basis of evidence from Tsou, I propose that the reanalysis took place in biclausal constructions embedded under motion or locative verbs. Since such biclausal constructions are contexts for restructuring, no accusative case is available for an object. This forced objects which needed structural licensing to value nominative case with T. I additionally show that subjects were assigned inherent non-nominative case in PAn when objects needed to enter into Agree with T, as when valuing nominative case. These conditions yielded a new ergative clause type in a daughter of PAn, which Aldridge (2015, 2016) calls “Proto-Ergative Austronesian”. No change took place in clauses lacking an object needing structural licensing. Consequently, subjects in intransitive clauses and transitive clauses with indefinite objects continued to surface with nominative case, yielding the type of ergative alignment prevalent in Formosan and Philippine languages today.
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Arkadiev, Peter. "Non-canonical inverse in Circassian languages." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 73, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0028.
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AbstractThis paper discusses a typologically peculiar inverse-like construction found in the polysynthetic ergative Circassian languages of the Northwest-Caucasian family. These languages possess a cislocative verbal prefix, which, in addition to marking the spatial meaning of speaker-orientation, systematically occurs in polyvalent verbs when the object outranks the subject on the person hierarchy. The inverse-like use of the cislocative in Circassian differs from the “canonical” direct-inverse system in that, first, it is fully redundant since the person-role linking is achieved by means of the person markers themselves and, second, it does not occur in the basic transitive construction, featuring instead in configurations involving an indirect object both in ditransitive and bivalent intransitive verbs. It is argued that the typologically outstanding properties of the Circassian inverse-like marking can be naturally explained by its diachronic origin.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ergative; Intransitive; Transitive verbs"
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Otsuka, Yuko. "Ergativity in Tongan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326946.
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Uchida, Miyo. "Intransitive verbs with transitive counterparts in Japanese : --with focus on ergative and middle--." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31152.
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In this thesis, I have examined intransitive verbs with transitive counterparts in Japanese. In accordance with the differences in their syntactic and semantic characteristics, I have considered that they are categorized into two, so-called ergative and middle verbs. There are various theories concerning "ergative" and "middle" verbs, especially "ergative" verbs since the term ergative is somewhat confusing. For instance, some linguists consider "ergative" verbs as underlyingly transitive verbs while others consider them as lexically intransitive verbs.
I have hypothesized that "ergative" verbs are lexically intransitive and "middle" verbs are derived intransitive, and have attempted to support intransitivity or transitivity of those verbs from syntactic and semantic points of view, such as concerning passive possibility, implied agent, and so on. For example, "ergative" verbs seem to be passivized whereas "middle" verbs do not seem to be passivized since potentialization, which derives "middle" verbs, has a close relationship with passive. "Ergative" verbs do not necessarily have implied agent whereas "middle" verbs always seem to have implied agent and suggest underlying agent. My analysis seems to reveal the difference in transitivity between "ergative" and "middle" verbs and supports my hypothesis.Arts, Faculty of
Asian Studies, Department of
Graduate
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Hoye, Nathaniel. "Transitive and Intransitive Verbs in Ki Idioms." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157620/.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine idiomatic structures with ki in the ki-wo [transitive verb] and ki-ga [intransitive verb] constructions. It is argued that for Japanese language learners, it is crucial to be able to understand and produce ki idioms, because they are frequently used in everyday speech. There are often misconceptions regarding ki in the West for those who are fans of Japanese culture due to the influence of martial arts and anime, which paint ki as a spiritual energy that can be controlled and developed. However, upon examining the above mentioned idiomatic structures with ki, it is clear that ki can be expressed as both controllable by the subject of ki (transitive), as well as a thing that acts of its own accord and is spontaneous (intransitive). This thesis somewhat corroborates the studies of W. M. Jacobson, Zoe Pei Sui Luk , and Yoshihiko Ikegami by arguing that intransitive constructions are often used in Japanese, and examining both transitive and intransitive expressions with ki is significant to understanding the meanings produced in ki expressions. It is hoped that analyzing 37 transitive and intransitive idiomatic structures with ki will help Japanese language learners not only understand the syntactic and semantic aspects of transitivity in the Japanese language, but also to help these L2 learners conceptualize the abstract noun ki, which can be defined in so many different ways in a dictionary.
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Brophy, Elizabeth Rose. "Generalization across verb types after Verb Network Strengthening Treatment (VNeST): A treatment study." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/406357.
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Communication SciencesM.A.
Research in communication disorders suggests that training linguistically complex forms will generalize to untrained, simpler forms with similar structural properties (see Thompson, 2007 for review). The present study investigated generalization patterns from transitive verbs to two classes of intransitive verbs following administration of Verb Network Strengthening Treatment (VNeST; Edmonds, Nadeau & Kiran, 2009). Based on the Argument Structure Complexity Hypothesis (ASCH; Thompson, 2003), it was predicted that greater generalization would occur to unergatives because unergatives bear a structural relationship to transitive verbs and unaccusatives do not. Results at post-treatment supported the hypothesis with both intransitive verb types showing generalization and slightly higher effect sizes observed for unergative than for unaccusative verbs. At maintenance, this pattern was not maintained due to improvements in production of unaccusative verbs. Results support the findings of Edmonds et al. (2009) that administration of VNeST results in gains on measures of untrained, semantically related verbs as well as standardized measures of lexical retrieval and connected speech. These results also suggest that training transitive verbs results in slight generalization to untrained intransitive verbs; however, it is inconclusive whether unergative and unaccusatives intransitives show differential improvement.
Temple University--Theses
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Chien, Chia-Ching, and 簡嘉菁. "Transitive and Intransitive Verbs in Japanese：Criteria and Function of Classification." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21543098327271214993.
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碩士輔仁大學
日本語文學系
91
The present thesis aims to distinguish between transitive and intransitive verbs in Japanese with regard to their phonetic shapes (i.e. verbal suffixes), argument structures (i.e. valency), case particles (e.g. nominative, accusative and dative cases), and thematic relations (i.e. semantic roles played by arguments). In the process of our discussion, the questions such as “transitivization” of intransitive verbs and “intransitivization” of transitive verbs are also touched upon. Though our methodology is mainly based on the descriptive grammar of Japanese, the generative framework is also resorted whenever necessary. The thesis consists of six chapters. Following a brief introduction in Chapter Ⅰ.Chapter Ⅱ investigates the transitive-intransitive alternations according as they have a corresponding counterpart, and if they do, whether the correspondence is one-to-one or one-to-many. Then, Chapter Ⅲ discusses the transitive-intransitive distinction in terms of argument structure, thematic relation and lexical conceptual structure. While Chapter Ⅳ observes the concept of transitivity from a semantic point of view, coupled with the question of the prototypicality of transitive and intransitive verbs. Finally, Chapter Ⅴ deals with the X-bar structure analysis involved with transitive and intransitive verbs, further exploring into the question of case-marking and the formation of complex predicate. The conclusion reached by our thesis is：neither the phonetic shape nor the syntactic behavior (including case-marking, passivization, causativization and various other constructions) cannot serve as the conclusive criteria for distinguishing Japanese transitive and intransitive verbs. In fact, the distinction is by no means clear-cut, but rather constitutes a continuum spanning between typical transitive verbs and typical intransitive verbs, with non-typical ones gradually proceeding in between.
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Liu, Te-Chun, and 劉德駿. "The Intransitive-Transitive Usage of 4-character Sino-Japanese Compound Verbs." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/b83pm6.
Full textBooks on the topic "Ergative; Intransitive; Transitive verbs"
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Queixalós, Francesc. What being a Syntactically Ergative Language means for Katukina-Kanamari. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.42.
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The structure of the basic clause in Katukina-Kanamari is, to a significant extent, conditioned by the internal structure of the verb phrase, which is starkly parallel to that of noun and adposition phrases. Depending on its internal make up, the verb phrase generates, for the same verbs, two patterns of transitive clauses, ergative and accusative, neither of which is synchronically derived from the other, but the latter appears as highly restricted in distribution. It also yields two patterns of intransitive clauses, one primary, the other resulting from an intransitivizing voice process. Since the basic transitive clause shows a clear syntactic hierarchy between its two arguments, intransitivizing voice is seen as of primary formal motivation: promoting the agent participant to subject status, a far more central need in this language than the functional motivation for relegating the patient participant to either adjunct status or no expression at all.
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Aldridge, Edith. Intransitivity and the Development of Ergative Alignment. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.21.
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This chapter surveys pathways that have been proposed for how ergative alignment develops diachronically in an accusative language. The most common source cited for ergative alignment is a clausal nominalization. This is because the v (or n) in the nominalization has the same case-licensing featural composition as transitive v in an ergative language: 1) the external argument in the specifier is assigned inherent (typically genitive) case; and 2) there is no structural licensing capability for an object. After reanalysis, the external argument continues to receive inherent case, and the object values nominative case with T, resulting in an ergative pattern in transitive clauses. Other proposed sources are also typically intransitive constructions lacking accusative objects and in which the external argument is assigned inherent case or is packaged as a PP, for example possessive constructions and passives
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Coon, Jessica, and Omer Preminger. Split Ergativity is not about Ergativity. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.10.
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This chapter argues that split ergativity is epiphenomenal, and that the factors which trigger its appearance are not limited to ergative systems in the first place. In both aspectual and person splits, the split is the result of a bifurcation of the clause into two distinct case/agreement domains, which renders the clause structurally intransitive. Since intransitive subjects do not appear with ergative marking, this straightforwardly accounts for the absence of ergative morphology. Crucially, such bifurcation is not specific to ergative languages; it is simply obfuscated in nominative-accusative environments because there, by definition, transitive and intransitive subjects pattern alike. The account also derives the universal directionality of splits, by linking the structure that is added to independent facts: the use of locative constructions in nonperfective aspects (Bybee et al. 1994, Laka 2006, Coon 2013), and the requirement that 1st/2nd person arguments be structurally licensed (Bejar & Rezac 2003, Preminger 2014).
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Baker, Mark C. Ergative Case in Burushaski: A Dependent Case Analysis. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.31.
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This chapter analyzes ergative case in the Burushaski language as a strictly structural case, not subject to arbitrary lexical variation. More specifically, ergative is a dependent case: an NP is ergative if and if it c-commands another NP in the same local domain (phase). Three apparent deviations from canonical ergativity are considered: verbs that take two absolutive arguments and no ergative, verbs that take an ergative NP and a dative NP but no absolutive, and clauses in future tense in which the transitive subject can be absolutive. In each instance, it turns out that the syntactic structure is more complex than it appears, as shown by independent tests such as agreement. Once the structures in question are properly understood, ergative case can be assigned purely structurally, with no direct sensitivity to semantic nuances or idiosyncratic lexical properties.
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Laughren, Mary. The Ergative in Warlpiri: A Case Study. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.39.
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The DP subject of a Warlpiri finite clause containing verbs of a certain class is marked with the ergative suffix whereas other DP subjects are morphologically unmarked. This chapter examines the wider distribution in Warlpiri of the ergative morpheme and the varied functions of ergative-marked DPs in both finite and non-finite clauses. Particular focus is on the relationship between the subject-marking and instrument adjunct-marking role of the ergative suffix. Unlike finite transitive clauses in which both an agent subject and an instrument adjunct are marked ergative, in non-finite clauses only one of these can be marked ergative: the instrument adjunct in clauses where the agent subject is realized either as phonologically null PRO or as a dative case-marked DP external to the verb phrase; the agent or instrument subject contained in the infinitival phrase embedded in a stative predicate whose external subject is co-referent with the logical object of the embedded verb.
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Vajda, Edward J. Polysynthesis in Ket. Edited by Michael Fortescue, Marianne Mithun, and Nicholas Evans. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199683208.013.49.
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The Ket language isolate of Central Siberia differs morphologically from the surrounding languages in having a strongly prefixing polysynthetic verb. Grammatical markers are interdigitated between lexical morphemes, creating a discontinuous stem based on a template of eight prefixal positions, a base position and a single suffix position expressing plural agreement with animate-class subjects. Finite verb forms distinguish past from non-past indicative, as well as an imperative form. Verbs are strictly transitive or intransitive and express person, number, and noun class agreement with the subject and direct object. Although the language has accusative alignment, with subjects marked differently than objects, much of the verb’s linear complexity derives from lexically conditioned agreement strategies. There are three productive transitive configurations of agreement markers, and five productive intransitive configurations. Noun incorporation is productive for only a small number of stems. Some Ket verbs incorporate their object, others their instrument, and others their unaccusative subject.
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Tuite, Kevin. Alignment and orientation in Kartvelian (South Caucasian). Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.45.
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The small Kartvelian family is one of the three endemic language families of the Caucasus. The Kartvelian languages are double marking, with nominal case and two sets of person markers in the verb. Since the 17th century, linguists have attempted to accommodate the complexities of Georgian morphosyntax within the descriptive categories of their time, successively describing the language as nominative, (split) ergative, and active/inactive. In the present chapter, I will argue that its alignment can be most accurately described as split-intransitive, once the considerable number of monovalent dative-subject verbs are brought into consideration. Proto-Kartvelian would have had split-intransitive verb agreement, absolutively aligned verbal plurality marking, and incipient ergative-absolutive case assignment. Also discussed is the morphosyntactic orientation of the Kartvelian languages and dialects, that is, the distribution of morphological and syntactic privileges among the clausal arguments.
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Tooley, Michael. Causes, Laws, and Ontology. Edited by Helen Beebee, Christopher Hitchcock, and Peter Menzies. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199279739.003.0019.
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Different approaches to causation often diverge very significantly on ontological issues, in the case of both causal laws, and causal relations between states of affairs. This article sets out the main alternatives with regard to each. Causal concepts have surely been present from the time that language began, since the vast majority of action verbs involve the idea of causally affecting something. Thus, in the case of transitive verbs describing physical actions, there is the idea of causally affecting something external to one — one finds food, builds a shelter, sows seed, catches fish, and so on — while in the case of intransitive verbs describing physical actions, it is very plausible that they involve the idea of causally affecting one's own body — as one walks, runs, jumps, hunts, and so on.
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Khan, Geoffrey. Ergativity in Neo-Aramaic. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.36.
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Ergativity is found in dialects of Neo-Aramaic that are spoken in regions where there has been extensive contact with Iranian languages, especially Kurdish, over many generations. All such Neo-Aramaic dialects are split ergative, with ergativity found only in verbs with the perfective stem or resultative participles, and the marking of ergativity is by cross-referencing on the verb. The constructions include a type that conforms to split-S morphological ergativity and an assortment of hybrid variations in which there are differing degrees of levelling with the nominative—accusative morphosyntax of imperfective stem verbal forms. These hybrid systems exhibit the alignment of argument cross-referencing but not the morphological markedness of cases characteristic of nominative—accusative systems, morphological markedness of cases based on transitive properties of dynamicity and punctuality rather than argument structure and various degrees of reduction of the distribution of the unmarked absolutive marking of the object in transitive clauses.
Book chapters on the topic "Ergative; Intransitive; Transitive verbs"
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Filosofova, Tatiana. "Verbs: transitive and intransitive verbs, active and passive voice." In Da!, 210–13. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge concise grammars: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429264764-21.
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Berry, Roger. "Verbs Which Can Be Transitive and Intransitive." In English Grammar, 160–63. Second edition. | New York, NY: Routledge, [2018] | Series:: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351164962-30.
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Abu-Chacra, Faruk. "Derived verb forms, roots (stems) and radicals, transitive and intransitive verbs." In Arabic, 157–73. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge essential grammars |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315620091-18.
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Faarlund, Jan Terje. "The verb phrase." In The Syntax of Mainland Scandinavian, 79–154. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817918.003.0005.
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The verb phrase is headed by a verb, which may be an auxiliary verb with a grammatical function, a copula, or a lexical verb. Lexical verbs are avalent, transitive, intransitive, ergative, or unaccusative. The verb may have from zero to three arguments, and in addition various adjuncts. The verb always precedes its complements in base structure (VO), and complements may belong to any phrasal category. A crucial concept is that of the small clause (SC), consisting of a predicate word (non-finite verb, adjective, preposition) with possible complements, and a DP functioning as a SC subject. With intransitive and possibly with unaccusative verbs, the SC subject is the surface subject; with transitive verbs it is the object. The verbal particle is a special type of intransitive preposition. The indirect object is generated as the specifier of a lower VP. Free adjuncts, whether predicate or adverbial, are right-adjoined to VP.
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Bourmayan, Anouch, and Francois Recanati. "Transitive Meanings for Intransitive Verbs*." In Brevity, 122–42. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199664986.003.0008.
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Ian, Hinchliffe, and Holmes Philip. "Verbs, transitive, intransitive and reflexive." In Intermediate Swedish: A Grammar And Workbook, 65–70. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429061097-12.
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"INTRANSITIVE, TRANSITIVE AND CAUSATIVE VERBS." In Urdu: An Essential Grammar, 201–21. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203979280-15.
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"10. Transitivity of Verbs: Transitive verbs and intransitive verbs." In English Grammar Guide for Language Students, 67–68. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463233334-011.
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"Verbs: transitive and intransitive verbs, active and passive voice." In Da! A Practical Guide to Russian Grammar, 196–99. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203784259-26.
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"VERBS WHICH CAN BE TRANSITIVE AND INTRANSITIVE." In English Grammar, 158–61. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315881256-30.
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