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Journal articles on the topic 'Equality – Soviet Union'
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1
Jojishvili, Ketevan. "Gender Equality Problems in Soviet Reality." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 8, no. 2 (August 14, 2021): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol8iss2pp303-309.
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The Soviet Union was a totalitarian and strictly centralized state, which from the day of its foundation was intended to create a new human. The idea of formal equality written in its constitution and legislation was not a guarantee of real equality in the Soviet Union. The Communist Party deeply believed in the rise of its own tolerant policies, although the existing facts became a barometer of its failure. Despite the established way of life (education, work, etc.), women were neither represented in the ruling circle nor fully participated in the development and implementation of state policy. Thus, the Soviet Union with its paternalistic politics sought both to weaken the influence of men on women by improving the condition of women and to saturate deeply women's lives with Soviet pathos and communist beliefs.
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Li, Ziqian. "Analysis of the Educational Legislation and its Influence of the Former Soviet Union." BCP Education & Psychology 3 (November 2, 2021): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v3i.17.
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This paper introduces the stages and specific problems of Soviet educational legislation. First, the Legislation of the Soviet Union established many vital institutions, such as the system of equality between men and women in education. Secondly, the Soviet legislature and the Soviet Union also institutionalized Marxist ideas about freedom of learning and the overall development of human beings. Thirdly, in the practice of the Soviet Union, how to balance the relationship between freedom, equality and efficiency has become a topic worthy of subsequent discussion. Moreover, Soviet legislation influenced subsequent international human rights legislation and laid the foundation. On this basis, the subsequent international human rights legislation has been further improved.
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Perales Galán, Laia. "Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears: A Matter of Gender and Fate." Perspektywy Kultury 34, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2021.3403.07.
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This paper offers an in-depth review of the Soviet hit film Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears (1979). Focusing on its female characters, it analyses the gender dynamics that prevailed in the Soviet Union at that time and the narrative impact it had on the plot. The article is divided into three subsections: a brief historical and political context, a depiction of the state of gender equality in the Soviet Union, as well as the power dynamics that existed both in the professional and domestic sphere, and a summary of the different femininities portrayed by the characters, along with the role morality and fate played in the film.
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Vid, Natalia Kaloh. "Translation of Children's Literature in the Soviet Union: How Pinocchio Got a Golden Key." International Research in Children's Literature 6, no. 1 (July 2013): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2013.0082.
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This article analyses ideological influence on the translations of children's literature in the Soviet Union where translation was seen as an ideological tool and was expected to promote ideological values. Changing and adapting the source texts according to the newly established ideological demands was a common practice. Soviet children's literature was also used as a means of propaganda and a strong pedagogical instrument of education of new Soviet citizens. To explore how the Soviet ideological message was promoted within children's literature, I will analyse Alexei Tolstoy's adaptation of Carlo Collodi's The Adventures of Pinocchio (1883), entitled Zolotoi kliuchek ili prikliucheniia Buratino [The golden key or the adventures of Buratino]; henceforth The Golden Key), published in the Soviet Union in 1935. In Tolstoy's version the original underwent direct ideological changes. As one of the most successful children's stories introduced into the Soviet environment, The Golden Key depicts the values of the system under which it was written, including abolition of private property, the importance of collective labour, and the idea of equality and socialisation.
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Sahe, Ismael Abdalrahman. "The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper17.
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Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic.
Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class.
Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.
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Hardin, Russell. "Efficiency vs. Equality and the Demise of Socialism." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 22, no. 2 (June 1992): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1992.10717275.
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One of my fellow graduate students at MIT had access to the Pentagon Papers at a time when they were still classified, and he was writing a dissertation on aspects of the American involvement in Vietnam. One morning over breakfast he discovered that he had been preempted by the New York Times. Every scholar recently working on the Soviet Union, China, and Eastern Europe must understand that student’s sensation that morning. By now, they must face newspapers with a mixture of hope and foreboding. Events outrun the most radical predictions. Not only has the Wall crumbled, with pieces of it being sold as souvenirs, but Albania has established telephone connections to the world not long after westerners came to believe Albania had been the only nation in modem times to succeed in disappearing.
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Pascall, Gillian, and Nick Manning. "Gender and social policy: comparing welfare states in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 240–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a013497.
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How are the distinctive gender regimes in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union changing? What is the impact of the transition - and especially of the loss of state expenditure and state legitimacy - on women as paid workers, partners/wives, mothers, carers and citizens? Have women become more familialized as a result of transition processes? The Monee statistical database of 27 countries, and policy questionnaires to 12, show growing social, economic and cultural diversity. But the soviet legacy and the transition processes give these countries common ground too. Equal rights at work and womenÕs need for paid employment remain from the soviet era. But the gap between rights and practice widens. Legal equality in marriage remains, but domestic violence and the domestic division of labour give evidence of unequal relationships. While the soviet state socialized many costs of motherhood and care work, in some countries families are now bearing much heavier costs. Women as citizens now have more freedoms to organize, but action is more focused on coping and survival than on wider politics: women are - broadly - more familialized, more dependent on family relationships if perhaps less dependent in them.
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Spakowski, Nicola. "Dreaming a Future for China: Visions of Socialism among Chinese Intellectuals in the Early 1930s." Modern China 45, no. 1 (April 18, 2018): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418767609.
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The article examines Chinese leftist intellectuals’ visions of China’s future as they were published in a special issue of Dongfang zazhi (Eastern Miscellany) in 1933. It places their texts in the international tradition of socialism and in particular the tensions between Marxism and “utopian socialism.” Two variants of socialism can be identified in the Chinese texts: “Datong socialism,” the moral vision of a society of freedom and equality, and Soviet socialism, the vision of an industrialized society with features and institutions as in the Soviet Union. Supporters of both variants identified with the “masses,” but remained elitist in that they spoke on behalf of these masses and claimed an intellectual niche in the proletarian society of the future.
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Kaminsky, Lauren. "Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001184.
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Soviet socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy. Marx and Engels asserted that women's emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.” Building on this legacy, Lenin imagined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by communal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia's family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918. The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexuality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism.
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Levchaev, Petr. "Neo-Socialism of the Digitalization Era." Scientific Research and Development. Economics 8, no. 3 (June 17, 2020): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2020-4-7.
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We consider the transition to the digital economy and the possibility to implement the ideas of social guarantees and the slogan of developed socialism "from everyone - according to their abilities, to everyone - according to their needs". Despite the fact that the Soviet Union has ceased to exist, giving way to a market-oriented paradigm of Russian development, in a society that has long been raised on the ideas of collectivization and the values of social equality, justice and unity, requests for social justice are still relevant and in demand.
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Ma, Yifeng. "Socioeconomic relations between Kazakhstan and China after the dissolution of the Soviet Union." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2020): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.10.33704.
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The object of this research is the China – Kazakhstan relations in the XX-XXI centuries. The subject of this research is the socioeconomic ties between the two countries after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Analysis is conducted on the general trend of socioeconomic ties between China and Kazakhstan, as well as socioeconomic cooperation between them during the 1990s and 2000s. The author examines such aspects as the advantages and difficulties with regards to trade, development of border trade, joint construction of railways, cooperation in the sphere of energy, etc. The main merit of the conducted research consists in the description of bilateral socioeconomic relations between the two countries, which are shifting to the next level and more diverse structure, due to the unique political coordination of Kazakhstan and China, benefits of geographical location and additional economic structure. The current China – Kazakhstan relations represent the model of mutual respect, equality and mutually advantageous cooperation. The novelty of this work lies in division of the China – Kazakhstan trade relations into different periods in accordance with the characteristics, as well as in determination of the priority vectors of cooperation. The article provides a general description of trade and economic cooperation between China and Kazakhstan.
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Helms, Marilyn M., and Cynthia J. Guffey. "The role of women in Europe." European Business Review 97, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555349710162580.
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With major events including the European Economic Community, German unification and the fall of the former Soviet Union, there is an increased reality of a large united Europe. With these societal and political changes comes change in the role of women. As the number of women entering the labour market increases, the effect of job equality must be investigated. Examines the role of women in the European workforce. Discusses areas such as promotion, mentoring, education, compensation and reform recommendations. Shows that four key economic, demographic, and organizational trends are creating positive effects for women in the European labour force.
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Khomenko, Natalia. "From Social Justice to Metaphor: The Whitening of Othello in the Russian Imagination." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 23, no. 38 (June 30, 2021): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-8530.23.05.
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Othello was the most often-staged Shakespeare play on early Soviet stages, to a large extent because of its ideological utility. Interpreted with close attention to racial conflict, this play came to symbolize, for Soviet theatres and audiences, the destructive racism of the West in contrast with Soviet egalitarianism. In the first decades of the twenty-first century, however, it is not unusual for Russian theatres to stage Othello as a white character, thus eliminating the theme of race from the productions. To make sense of the change in the Russian tradition of staging Othello, this article traces the interpretations and metatheatrical uses of this character from the early Soviet period to the present day. I argue that the Soviet tradition of staging Othello in blackface effectively prevented the use of the play for exploring the racial tensions within the Soviet Union itself, and gradually transformed the protagonist’s blackness into a generalized metaphor of oppression. As post-collapse Russia embraced whiteness as a category, Othello’s blackness became a prop that was entirely decoupled from race and made available for appropriation by ethnically Slavic actors and characters. The case of Russia demonstrates that staging Othello in blackface, even when the initial stated goals are those of racial equality, can serve a cultural fantasy of blackness as a versatile and disposable mask placed over a white face.
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Studer, Brigitte, and Berthold Unfried. "Private Matters Become Public: Western European Communist Exiles and Emigrants in Stalinist Russia in the 1930s." International Review of Social History 48, no. 2 (August 2003): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001019.
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This article looks at the experiences of foreigners in the Soviet Union of the 1930s, focusing on the divide between the public and the private. For Party members it was assumed that nothing could remain private or personal. In sessions of “criticism and self-criticism”, even intimate questions had to be put into the public domain, since a Party member's private life had to be exemplary. From a gender perspective, it is interesting to note that the leading justification for the public handling of private affairs in Party forums was the equality postulated between women and men, or more precisely between female and male Party members. In that sense, these discussions can be interpreted as potential tools in the hands of women to stigmatize “noncommunist” male behaviour, that is behaviour that degraded women. But the official attention given to private matters also served other means. For the Party leadership, these discussions proved instrumental in disciplining Party members, and in a particularly effective way, inasmuch as the persons concerned participated in the process. Despite the assumed gender equality, however, Soviet notions of private and public were not only constantly changing but also highly gendered. During the Terror, women and men became victims in different ways, thereby also highlighting their different social positions and functions.
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O'Keeffe, Brigid. "A Cold War Cold Case: What Huldah Clark Can Teach Us about Teaching Soviet History." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 299–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.80.
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This short article reconstructs the forgotten story of Huldah Clark, a Black American teenager who studied in Moscow in the years 1961–1964 on a scholarship offered her by Nikita Khrushchev. It deploys her story to explore the complexities of Cold War racial politics and how ordinary people mobilized the superpowers’ competing slogans in creative ways. It shows how ordinary Black Americans found hope and even tangible support in Khrushchev's Soviet Union as they struggled for civil rights at home and sought avenues for asserting Black power and anti-racist protest on the global stage. Whereas the historiography on Black American sojourners to the USSR has focused on the interwar period, this article shows how the avowed Soviet commitment to racial equality and global anti-racism still had the power to inspire ordinary Black Americans in their struggle against Jim Crow and in their global pursuit of Black liberation.
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Oliynyk, Nataliya. "Emancipation in the Soviet Way: c Women in a Socialist Economy." Grani 23, no. 10 (October 30, 2020): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172088.
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There are many gender imbalances in the social and economic sphere of Ukraine, the reasons for which originate in the peculiarities of the state policy of the Soviet Union with regard to women. Although the official ideology asserted that the "women's question" in the USSR had been resolved and equality between women and men had been achieved, this issue required deeper analysis and research. Despite a certain number of works devoted to the study of women's issues in the USSR, it must be stated that the problem of the economic activity of Ukrainian women in the Soviet national economy has not yet been given due attention and is very relevant and useful for further research on gender issues. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to trace the changes in the economic activity of Ukrainian women associated with the formation, establishment and modifications of the Soviet regime, to analyze the real situation of women in the USSR and their participation in social production.It was found that the involvement of the female labor force in the USSR production used legislating gender equality, domestic "emancipation" of women, the eradication of illiteracy and the involvement of women in different levels of education, the development of the system of social guarantees and benefits for women through active advocacy, deployed socialist competition. It was established that the gender division of labor was almost leveled thanks to the policy of widespread involvement of women in production activities at the stage of the formation of the Soviet economy and after the Second World War. However, later the concentration of women in certain sectors of the economy, mainly those where the use of their labor was explained as a continuation household responsibilities of women, which in turn affected the gender pay gap. It can be argued that the main task of the Soviet emancipation policy towards women was to use them additional labor resourse in the Soviet economy.
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Arbatov, A., and V. Dvorkin. "Strategic Stability before and after Cold War." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2011): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-3-3-11.
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During a fairly long period of “strategic stability” Soviet Union and United States put a different meaning in this term. Only in June 1990 the two states issued a joint statement where the most general form of an agreed definition appeared. It virtually replaced the old principle of equality and equal security which proved to be too amorphous and, therefore, not binding. The article proposes a detailed analysis of how to maintain the strategic stability in the light of new threats and processes which will inevitably lead to its erosion and will increase the likelihood of combat or terrorist use of nuclear weapons, with devastating consequences for all modern civilization.
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Marushiakova, Elena, and Vesselin Popov. "Politics of Multilingualism in Roma Education in Early Soviet Union and Its Current Projections." Social Inclusion 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2017): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i4.1128.
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This article presents the history of the politics of multilingualism (or lack thereof) in regard to Roma (formerly known as ‘Gypsies’). In the 1920s and 1930s in the newly established Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, against a backdrop of proclaimed principles of full equality of all peoples living in the new state, commenced a rapid creation of schools for Roma children with instruction in Romani mother-tongue along with special training of Roma teachers. The results achieved were impressive in regard to the general literacy of Roma communities, but nevertheless in 1938 the ‘Gypsy schools’ have been closed and Roma children were enrolled into mainstream schools lacking any elements of multilingualism. After World War II individual countries of Eastern Europe implemented various forms of special education for Roma children, neither of which however with elements of multilingualism. Only after the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, in the conditions of transition and the subsequent Euro-integration, various singular countries in the region have developed individual elements of multilingualism and educational policies targeting Roma children (e.g., introducing under various forms a Romani language instruction). Sporadically there even appeared proposals for teaching instruction conducted entirely in Roma mother-tongue, which were debated and rejected (including by Roma themselves).
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Sukhonos, V. V., and D. V. Murach. "The "new man" project in the Soviet Union: a historical and legal aspect." Legal horizons, no. 24 (2020): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i24.p7.
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The article discusses the design features of the "new man" in the Soviet Union. The essence of the Bolshevik project of transformation of the society towards the Communist ideology. Is examined that the individual methods of influence on the society appeared not only on the basis of the provisions of the Marxist doctrine, but also on the orientation to the traditional ideal of education for centuries was reflected in the writings of utopians. Analyzed that the important factor in the design of a "new man" became the interests of the forced modernization of society, prompted the authors of the project to provide ideal and value system of the "new man" dualistic nature (synthesis of anthropocentrism and sociocentrism). This project represents another attempt to offer a cultural pattern that carries a mission to spread Marxist ideology. The selection of each individual element impact due to eksternaliteter vision of the utopian socialists, who noted that such changes occur gradually and need a lot of time before "there will come a new generation of people." Focuses on the crucial place of children in this project as the main audience impact. Analyzes the changing conditions of life as the main aspect for the project of a "new" person. The subject of study is the law of the Soviet Union and scientific literature that became the Foundation of dramatic changes in the ruling elite about the concept of the Soviet man of the future. It is proposed the specific characteristics of the legal system and ideology, characteristic of the Soviet era. This approach allows us to identify the main elements of the mechanism of introduction of model of man "new type" and to carry out a critical analysis of each of these elements as separate components of this system. Found features of realization of the state policy of the USSR to support Communist ideology, based on shared equality and collectism. It is concluded that the functioning of each separate factor makes sense, and also that all the work factors, which embodied the project of the man "new type", form a single harmonious system impact on society.
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FAIRCLOUGH, PAULINE. "The Russian Revolution and Music." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 1 (February 2019): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000148.
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Nearly thirty years since the collapse of the Soviet Union, we have got used to seeing the Bolshevik Revolution as the prelude to a failed political experiment, albeit one that lasted a remarkably long time. But why do we see it as a failure? After all, the Soviet Union was a vast empire regarded as the military equal of the United States, feared and hated by successive US presidents, whose influence extended far beyond Soviet borders to include regimes in Africa, South East Asia, Central and South America. Had Mikhail Gorbachev not been removed in 1991, and had the Soviet system been able to reform itself into something like the form of communism we see today in China, no one would regard those seventy-plus years of Soviet power as a failure at all. What is meant by failure, in truth, is not really military or economic failure so much as a failure to sustain and uphold the ideals of equality and social justice that originally drew so many to the communist cause. The haemorrhaging of members from the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1956, for instance, was a result of widespread feelings of shock and disgust after Nikita Khrushchev's revelations at the Twenty-First Party Conference that year, at which he delivered his so-called ‘secret speech’ condemning Stalin's regime. For those who left the CPGB, and other communist parties across Western Europe, it was painful to realize that what they had for decades dismissed as ‘anti-Soviet propaganda’ had in fact been accurate reportage. Most shocking of all was learning that the mass arrests and disappearances of the 1930s, and even the show trials of prominent Politburo and party members, were not proportionate, if regrettable, responses to plots to murder Stalin and overthrow Soviet power at all, but rather Stalinist crimes of epic and tragic proportions. Right up to the end of the Communist regime in Russia, reports of political and religious repression, the continued use of the Gulag system, confinement and forced treatment of dissidents in mental hospitals, literary and other cultural censorship continued to filter through the Iron Curtain.
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Rotaru, Vasile. "‘Mimicking’ the West? Russia's legitimization discourse from Georgia war to the annexation of Crimea." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 4 (October 19, 2019): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.10.001.
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The 2008 Georgia war represented a turning point in Russian foreign policy. It was for the first time since the dissolution of the Soviet Union when Moscow invaded an independent country and for the first time when two members of the Council of Europe fought against each other. A premiere for Russian post-Soviet foreign policy was registered in 2014 too. The annexation of Crimea represented the first incorporation of foreign territories by Moscow since World War II. These two events generated the West's protest and blatantly contradict Russia's proclaimed foreign policy discourse centered around the respect for states' sovereignty and equality of actors in the international system. Starting from the assertion that the formulation of Russia's foreign policy is determined by the West's international behavior — Moscow looking whether to emulate or to find alternatives to it; the present paper will compare Russia's legitimization arguments for the 2008 war and the 2014 annexation of Crimea trying to assess how Moscow answers Western criticism and whether there is a continuity in Russian official legitimization narratives.
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Vuyk, Beb, Brian Russell Roberts, and Keith Foulcher. "A Weekend with Richard Wright." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 798–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.798.
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In 1955 the famous African American writer Richard Wright traveled to Southeast Asia to observe and report on the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. A watershed moment in the history of decolonization, the meeting, also known as the Bandung Conference, drew representatives from twenty-nine newly independent Asian and African countries, including the conference's sponsors: Burma, Ceylon, India, and Indonesia. At the conference's conclusion, as part of a “final communique,” participating countries issued their Declaration on the Promotion of World Peace and Cooperation, which advanced ten principles, ranging from “[r]espect for fundamental human rights” to “[r]ecognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations” to abstention from “serv[ing] the particular interests of any big powers” (Kahin 84). As an important precursor of the Nonaligned Movement, which was officially organized in 1961, the Bandung Conference set the stage for newly independent states to assert and strengthen their autonomy in a world often polarized by the United States and the Soviet Union.
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Bolotova, Elena V. "About an Honorary Citizen and Happy Mother: The Evolution of the Image of Soviet Woman in the 1930s." Observatory of Culture 16, no. 3 (July 19, 2019): 300–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2019-16-3-300-309.
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The images constructed in the Soviet period occupy a special place in contemporary Russian culture. Our culture retains links with them whether they continue to exist or attempts are made to deny or overcome them. The article is devoted to the formation of the concept of “Soviet man”, which is often interpreted in a generalized sense in modern Humanities. The novelty of the research is that it focuses on the image of “Soviet woman”, a gender stereotype introduced by all power of propaganda machine. The work recorded the enrichment of the “working woman” image with new meanings of “socially active mother”, which appeared in the 1930s. According to the author, this change of the power discourse is based on the implementation of the “social motherhood” project. As a result, the constructed image of the woman “liberated from domestic slavery and working socially active mother” became a model and broadcasted by propaganda during the next two decades. In fact, “liberation and equality” declared in the 1920s turned into excuse of the double burden. Remaining a shock worker and social activist, she should comply with ideal of a healthy mother with a healthy child. This is how the ideal Soviet woman appeared, who does everything and is able to do everything, achieves everything herself and actively realizes the opportunities provided by the Soviet power.The sources of the study were articles, letters, reports and illustrations published in 1930—1935 in the magazine “Rabotnitsa”, issued by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks. The author chose this magazine because it had a targeted gender audience, a considerable circulation (about 350,000 copies) and was published three times a month.
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Stanaliev, N. M. "THE IMAGE OF A FEMALE HEROINE OF THE WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF IDEOLOGY: ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE MOVIE «THE SNIPERS» BY B.SHAMSHIEV." Herald of KSUCTA n a N Isanov, no. 4-2020 (December 23, 2020): 580–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2020.4.580-587.
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Modern social science pays more attention to the study of social consciousness, forms and means of communication, methods of self-identification of human communities. A sufficient number of studies can be found on the influence of information on mass consciousness. In this regard, some thoughts and research have arisen about how a certain ideology can penetrate the consciousness of people through the media. This interest of scientists is largely related to various sources (text, visual, etc.) of information in modern society, which is accessible to the masses. This work focuses on the forms of representation of ideology aimed at the masses. Within the framework of the work, a brief history of Soviet cinema, cinema as a means of building the ideology of the Soviet era, and a review of literature in the context of this topic were presented. In order to identify the forms of transmission of ideology, the Van Dyck method of ideological discourse is used. An example of the study is the film " Snipers” by Bolotbek Shamshiev, a film based on the exploits of Aliya Moldagulova during the Great Patriotic War. Using this method of analysis, the film examined the forms of ideological construction through ideological discourses. Soviet sniper Aliya Moldagulova, who was awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union, presented as a female hero in the 1985 film "Snipers", is considered an ideological icon. The transformation of Moldagulova into an icon was carried out within the framework of socialist ideology in the form of militarism, equality of men and women, courage, etc.
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Lyubinin, Aleksandr В. "POST-SOVIET DRAMA OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (IN CONNECTION WITH THE 99TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FORMATION OF THE USSR AND THE 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF ITS ABOLISHMENT)." Russian Economic Journal, no. 5 (November 25, 2021): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2021-5-62-75.
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The article was prepared in connection with the 99th anniversary of the formation of the USSR and the 30th anniversary of the termination of its existence. The article reveals the relationship between the norms of the Constitution of the USSR of 1924 (and subsequent versions of the document) on the self-determination of nations and their right to secede from the Union with the real process of destruction of a single state. It is shown that the disintegration of the Union was carried out not in connection with the constitutional right of the union republics to self-determination, not with the observance of the appropriate procedures for leaving the single state, but, on the contrary, on an anti-constitutional basis. The author reveals the artificial and politically motivated nature of the arguments regarding the «mines» laid down in their time by the Bolsheviks under the national state structure of the USSR. This device turned out to be productive both for repelling military aggression and for peaceful construction, because it was formed taking into account the totality of the binding circumstances of its time, on the principles of equality and voluntary self-determination. It has been proven that the absence of the right to secede from parts of a single state does not provide any guarantees against the collapse of this state, an example of which is the European monarchies that ended their journey at the beginning of the 20th century, as well as the events in the USSR and around the Chechen Republic. The fundamental difference between constitutional multinational formations, one of which was the Soviet Union, and formations built on a contractual basis following the example of the Gorbachev SSG, the Belovezhskaya agreement on the creation of the CIS and the Union State of Russia and Belarus, is revealed.
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Mažylis, Liudas, Sima Rakutienė, and Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė. "Two Competing Normative Trajectories in the Context of the First Baltic Gay Pride Parade in Lithuania." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 37–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0002.
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ABSTRACT For a long time post-Soviet space has been perceived as homophobic and intolerant of LGBT persons. The three Baltic States - Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia - as former Soviet republics and current members of the European Union, represent the space where a strong homophobic post-Soviet atmosphere competes with pro-LGBT Western influence. This article examines how the first LGBT Pride Parade (which occurred in Vilnius in 2010) is reflected in Lithuanian media portals. The article also presents the broader context of LGBT issues by reviewing legal changes and Lithuanian political parties’ programs. Our analysis of the media and other sources is based on three arguments: 1) that the LGBT pride parade in Vilnius became the most important event for reflecting LGBT issues in the media and society; 2) it might have not been possible without support and influence from external institutions; and 3) the LGBT parade revealed the division of two competing normative trajectories in Lithuania. The reconstructed trajectories in the article are based on the theoretical framework of new institutionalism, media analysis, interviews and focus groups. Construction of the LGBT campaign and counter-campaign seem delimited rather than approaching them as value normative consensus. However, the way in which LGBT persons are reflected within the Lithuanian media is remarkably different in comparison with the early post-Soviet period. The Baltic gay pride parade “for equality” and external (Western) support for it were highly visible in the media, influenced a significant debate on the topic not otherwise experienced in Lithuania, and (re)introduced a question about the perception of ‘normality’ within society. These debates also raise the question of how norms and institutions change and adapt within society.
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Chong, Jin OH. "Comparative Analysis of Nationalizing Processes in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan: Uzbekization, Kazakhization." International Area Review 10, no. 2 (September 2007): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590701000207.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both the Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan governments in Central Asia aimed at nationalizing and indigenizing the territories under their control and rectifying what many saw as decades of dominance by foreign actors. The recently acquired sovereign statehood offers them a legal framework and an organizational tool for executing remedial political actions and erecting safe havens for their indigenous cultures and languages as well as redressing their historical injustices. The present study is built on the assumption that indigenizing practices and policies are an ongoing process, closely related to a combination of economic, cultural, and political factors. On this basis, this article aims to examine two diverse nationalizing states in Central Asia, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, since they have relatively different conditions and settings. By doing so, this article attempts to illustrate the disjunction between the formal expression of equality in Central Asian constitutions and the actual impacts of the nationalizing actions of the elites in the titular nations.
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Matusevich, Maxim. "Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society Voyages d'espoir : la diaspora africaine et la société soviétique,." African Diaspora 1, no. 1-2 (2008): 53–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254608x346033.
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Abstract African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the "Red Mecca" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and "foreign influences." La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L'arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la « Mecque Rouge » durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l'idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d'entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d'un lieu d'égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d'épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d'origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l'Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d'avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l'Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d'étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d'Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d'études à des jeunes Africains, l'Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l'effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l'occidentalisation et les « influences étrangères ».
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Il’In, E. Yu. "The Concept of Greater Europe from Lisbon to Vladivostok: Problems and Perspectives." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-77-85.
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The following article deals with the formation and perspectives of the concept of Greater Europe from Lisbon to Vladivostok, and the difficulties in the way of its realization. The author speaks about close historical and cultural ties connecting Russia and Europe, outward and mental resemblance of the peoples of Europe, including Russians.For the first time the theory of Greater Europe was considered in the works of geopoliticians of the beginning and the middle of the twentieth century. It is reflected in the plans to form a pan-European union, drawn by Charles De Gaulle and Michail Gorbachev. Analyzing the statements of modern Russian and European politicians one may come to the conclusion that both parties are mutually interested in the realization of the concept of Greater Europe. However, according to actual evidence, neither Russia, nor the European Union takes any decisive steps in getting closer. The article focuses on serious contradictions between Russia and the European Union on the basic principles underlying Greater Europe. The opposing views refer to the problems of equality in the sphere of strategic partnership, the energy dialogue and the construction of the post-Soviet territory. The author lays stress on the phenomenon of «integrations collision». The article also deals with the destabilizing role of the USA and some European states which actively promote the initiative of the «Eastern partnership». The Ukrainian crisis has become a major strength test in the relations between Russia and the European Union, which resulted in a vast credibility gap, the «war of sanctions», the disruption of business and political ties. Notwithstanding the complexity of the situation, calls for tightening up the connections between the European and Eurasian integration projects are becoming louder. This gives us hope that both parties will not only be able to keep historical ties, but also take steps in creating a common area from Lisbon to Vladivostok.
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Zapryanova, Galina M., and Lena Surzhko-Harned. "The effect of supranational identity on cultural values in Europe." European Political Science Review 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2015): 547–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000193.
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Does supranational identity have an independent effect on individuals’ beliefs about culturally contested issues in their national systems? This article demonstrates that self-categorization in the supranational realm – a seemingly unrelated category to domestic value cleavages – has implications for individuals’ views on cultural issues. Traditional theories of international norm diffusion focus almost exclusively on state-level interactions, but our findings provide further evidence to the existence of a more direct mechanism through which norms reach some citizens. A sense of identification with a supranational entity such as Europe makes citizens more likely to espouse the views and opinions promoted by supranational organizations. We use the European Values Study to examine whether supranational identity is associated with socially liberal preferences. Results from the multi-level models indicate that supranational identity exerts a systematic effect on attitudes toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights and gender equality. Additionally, while these effects are more consistent in EU member states, supranational identity exhibits a similar impact on social attitudes in non-EU countries such as those in the former Soviet Union.
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Chufrin, G. I. "Post-Soviet States of Eurasia in International Economic Relations." Federalism 26, no. 4 (December 28, 2021): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2021-4-89-110.
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The present article is devoted to the analysis of participation of new post-Soviet Eurasian states in international economic relations, of current goals and strategic targets of this policy in the economic development of these states. Many, in fact the majority of them appeared to be unable after achieving political sovereignty to solve complex economic problems of national development since they had neither organizational experience in carrying out an independent and effective economic policy nor the personnel, technological and financial provisions for these goals. Therefore new independent Eurasian states had to approach foreign countries searching for adequate forms and methods of cooperation with them on these issues. In this connection the article explores the nature of interrelations between post-Soviet states with their principal foreign partners on a bilateral basis as well as in multilateral international economic organizations, of the comparative role of political and economic factors in these relations. Some of the post-Soviet states have begun their participation in the Eurasian integration project headed by Russia, others aim at solving their external political and economic problems by strengthening relations with the USA and European Union on a priority basis, still others see the way out in promoting their orientation primarily on their closest regional partners (such as China, Turkey, Iran). However, neither of these directions of external economic activities has become a dominant one on the post-Soviet space. Moreover, some of their elements may get a priority significance, neighboring others or even replacing them at various stages of development of this or that post-Soviet state. Besides, three decades after their formation the new sovereign Eurasian states having endured complex processes of national state building began to differ substantially from each other by their political systems, by levels of economic development and above all – by their strategic goals, aspirations and orientations. And in its turn this has caused serious changes in their approaches to building relations with their external partners, both in bilateral and multilateral formats. Under these conditions the most important national priority of Russia is to implement such a foreign policy at the post-Soviet space that would react timely and most flexibly at social, political and economic processes going on there and emphasizing that most important goal of such a policy is neither a political expansion or an institution of a great power hegemony but development of partnership and friendly relations with the post-Soviet states on the basis of equality and mutual benefits.
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Newfield, Christopher. "From 1990 to 2020." Critical Times 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9536492.
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Abstract Thinking about the past thirty years can help readers get a sense of the scale of changes that are possible during the thirty years to come. In 1990, the Soviet Union and the Cold War were in place, computers were a niche business, and the world's leading advocates of deep neoliberalization, Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, were out of power. Not many years later, the Cold War had been replaced by a “Global War on Terror,” computers had morphed into a global techno-economic system with names like platform capitalism or surveillance capitalism, and neoliberalization not only outlived these dominant advocates but spread around the world. Simultaneously, work, including the work of university graduates, became increasingly precarious. Racial equality did not come to pass, nationally or globally, and yet even its prospect produced a rising backlash. The post–Cold War “peace dividend” was replaced by continuous local and regional wars. In the past thirty years, the United States in particular became post–middle class, post–civil rights, and postdemocratic. Future universities will need to confront all three legacies if they are to transform themselves.
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Fozia, Abida Yousaf, and Imran Ashraf. "The Impacts of International Structure on the Foreign Policy of Pakistan." Global Foreign Policies Review II, no. I (December 30, 2019): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(ii-i).03.
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Foreign policy is one of the key tools to maintain the affairs of international relations. Foreign policy of a state is mainly shaped by domestic environment and international system. This study highlights the impacts of international structure on the foreign policy behaviour of Pakistan since 1947. During cold war period, the bi-polar world order mainly shaped the foreign policy of Pakistan. After independence, the economic, political and security challenges pushed Pakistan towards western bloc to protect its interests. Being an ally of west, Pakistan supported USA to contain the spread of communism. With the collapse of Soviet Union, the world order was shifted from bi-polarity to uni-polarity. Consequently, American supremacy shaped the world politics as a sole super power. With the start of 21st century, the incident of 9/11 and in response American invasion of Afghanistan again made Pakistani an ally of USA on their Global War on terror. Pakistan has faced serious consequences as an ally of USA. However, with the emergence of multi-polar world order, now Pakistan has opportunity to balance its relations with global powers like China, Russia and USA on the basis of mutual benefits, equality and equity.
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Tokarev, A. A. "The Electoral History of the Post-Soviet Crimea: from UkSSR to Russia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-32-41.
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Abstract: One year ago, the referendum was held in the Ukrainian autonomous republic of Crimea which resulted in the peninsula becomino part of Russia. This article discusses all Crimean voting, including referendums and elections: from the first referendum in the history of the Soviet Union in January 1991, to the last election to the State Council of the Republic of Crimea within the Russian Federation in September 2014. For each vote, except for the regional elections, the average results of the main candidates are presented in the Crimea and in Ukraine. Sevastopol always has particular identity and special administrative status of the city, regardless of the sovereign center title (Moscow or Kyiv). That`s why we give the data for Sevastopol in addition to the Crimea for each vote. The author analyzes the voting results and compares them with those in other south-eastern regions of Ukraine. A special Crimean identity postulates in this case and changing of regional political trends in Ukraine in the mid-2000s are given. After 2002, Donetsk and Luhansk regions provided 70-100% of support to ”Party of Regions“ and its leader. While their main rivals always received minimum points from the Donbass. Crimea and Sevastopol were always in second position supporting the ruling party until the end of their Ukrainian history. For a visual comparison of the difference in votes of the Crimea, Sevastopol and the whole Ukraine, the author offers the original graph. In addition, the article focuses on the results and sociological basis of the last Crimean referendum held in March 2014. On the one hand its procedure creates many questions: the lack of equality in the agitation, the presence of paramilitaries, the vote in the absence of actual voter lists, etc. On the other hand, there are, at least, 4 researches of Ukrainian and American sociological services, according to which the sovereignty of Russia is a real value perceived by the majority of Crimea and Sevastopol citizens.
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Krasnyak, Olga. "Gender Representation in Russian Academic Journals." Journal of Social Policy Studies 15, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 617–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2017-15-4-617-628.
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Olga Krasnyak – PhD in History, a Lecturer in International Studies, Underwood International College, Yonsei University, Seoul, Republic of Korea. Еmail: olga.k@yonsei.ac.kr
DOI: 10.17323/727-0634-2017-15-4-617-628
Representation of women in academic outputs is an important indicator of a country’s gender equality. Starting in the 1950s, extensive scientific growth in the Soviet Union came with the establishment of a large number of academic institutions and journals. However, this massive rise in academic production has not been accompanied by an increase in equality between women and men in terms of publications; the sciences and the humanities remain dominated by men. This study focuses on gender disparity in domestic academic productivity. The availability of online archives and a long history of publications were crucial factors in choosing specific journals for this study. Collected data include the output statistics of the following journals: for humanities, Questions of History (1955–2013) and Russian Literature (1958–2014); for sciences, Acoustical Physics (1955–2014), Mathematical Notes (1967–2014), and Biomedical Chemistry (1956–2014). In addition, a list of publications of the journal Questions of Psychology available in the period between 1980 and 1999 was also taken into account. The data show the percentage of female academic outputs and its changes through the decades, taking into account the socioeconomic, political, and historical background. A brief analysis of the scientific productivity reveals underrepresentation of women authored publications in mathematics (7 %), physics (11 %), and history (15 %). On the other hand, psychology (40 %), biochemistry (39 %), and literature (28 %) show better rates of gender equality. The article provides an explanation of this phenomena. During decades, a slight increase of women authored outputs gradually occurred in every scientific discipline, although this share was still low overall. The outcomes were compared with gender representation in sciences and humanities in other countries, which allows the conclusion that gender disparity in terms of the academic output in analysed Russian journals is not unique but follows global trends.
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Marácz, László, and Silvia Adamo. "Multilingualism and Social Inclusion." Social Inclusion 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2017): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i4.1286.
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This is a thematic issue on the relation between multilingualism and social inclusion. Due to globalization, Europeanization, supranational and transnational regulations linguistic diversity and multilingualism are on the rise. Migration and old and new forms of mobility play an important role in these processes. As a consequence, English as the only global language is spreading around the world, including Europe and the European Union. Social and linguistic inclusion was accounted for in the pre-globalization age by the nation-state ideology implementing the ‘one nation-one people-one language’ doctrine into practice. This lead to forced linguistic assimilation and the elimination of cultural and linguistic heritage. Now, in the present age of globalization, linguistic diversity at the national state level has been recognized and multilingual states have been developing where all types of languages can be used in governance and daily life protected by a legal framework. This does not mean that there is full equality of languages. This carries over to the fair and just social inclusion of the speakers of these weaker, dominated languages as well. There is always a power question related to multilingualism. The ten case studies in this thematic issue elaborate on the relation between multilingualism and social inclusion. The articles in this issue refer to this topic in connection with different spaces, including the city, the island, and the globe; in connection with different groups, like Roma in the former Soviet-Union and ethnic Albanians in Macedonia; in connection with migration and mobility of Nordic pensioners to the south of Europe, and language education in Scotland; and finally in connection with bilingual education in Austria and Estonia as examples of successful practices including multilingualism under one and the same school roof.
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Latysheva, V. O. "International Experience of Legal Regulation of Social Vacations." Law and Safety 76, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2020.1.03.
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The author of the article has studied international and legal acts that envisage the norms that provide social vacations for employees. The author has analyzed experience of legal regulation of social vacations in the USA, the countries of the European Union, the countries of the former Soviet Union, etc.
It has been noted that the current period of development of the state and society makes new demands on the socialization of labor legislation, especially for employees with family responsibilities, taking into account the positive international experience. It is very important aspect of the welfare state, society must provide such persons with certain social protection and assistance, as well as labor benefits in connection with the responsibilities of raising children and other circumstances, because employees with family responsibilities have the possibility to combine their professional activities with family responsibilities without the damage for their own health, the interests of children and society. Social protection in a modern democratically organized society is the sphere of intersection of vital interests of citizens related to the realization of their socio-economic rights. It is the sphere of reflection of such universal values as equality, social justice, humanism and other moral principles of civilized society. Proper realization of the right to social protection helps to increase the individual status of a person and further the development of democratic principles of society.
Therefore, it is necessary to take into account the positive international experience in the legal regulation of social vacations in the period of reforming the labor legislation of Ukraine. The author of the article has provided scientifically substantiated conclusions on the borrowing positive international experience of legal regulation of social vacations and implementing into national legislation.
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Lanko, Dmitry. "Modelling negotiations on the Nordic Economic Area: Uncertainty and absolute gains as factors of international solidarity." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 3 (2022): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.302.
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The article revisits the negotiations on NORDEK, a Nordic Economic Area, held by Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden in 1968–1970. Finland, which initially took active part in the negotiations, later reversed its position under pressure from the Soviet Union as well as for other reasons. Four remaining Nordic countries refused to pursue a Nordic Economic Area without Finland for multiple reasons, of which one was solidarity with Finland. This article presents multiple game models, of which some reflect the actual outcome of the NORDEK negotiations, i. e., their failure, while others reflect hypothetical outcomes of the negotiations, such as emergence of a NORDEK of four without Finland. Those models allow concluding on the main factors causing Nordic solidarity, for which the NORDEK negotiations were a testing ground, and which had been the defining feature of regional politics in the European North during fifty years following the failure of the negotiations. First, domestic uncertainty about the issue debated by multiple nations contributes to greater solidarity among those nations. Second, majority’s focus on their absolute gains during international negotiations contributes to greater solidarity among negotiating nations. Third, relative equality among negotiating nations does not have any influence on solidarity among them. The latter conclusion supports the theoretical assumption that that organic solidarity (solidarity among different) is as possible as is mechanical solidarity (solidarity of similar).
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Gasche, Malte, and Martin Holler. "Selective Memories: Finnish State Policy toward Roma in the 1930s and 1940s in Its European Context and Post-War Perception." Journal of Finnish Studies 24, no. 1-2 (July 1, 2021): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.24.1.2.06.
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Abstract In this article, we argue that the discriminatory acts and laws that the Finnish government issued in the 1930s and 1940s to regulate vagrancy and impose labor obligations on the population were intended first and foremost to put pressure on the Finnish Roma, an ethnic minority consisting of an estimated number of 4,000 persons at that time. Although the irtolaislaki (Finnish Act on the Regulation of Vagrancy) of 1936 did not mention the Roma explicitly, its content and intention is comparable to a series of similar acts directed against them in Europe before and after World War II. These similarities show that Finland's vagrancy legislation cannot be fully understood without a European perspective because Roma policies tend to have a supranational character. Up to now, the historiography on Finland's Roma policies has rarely gone beyond its Finnish and Scandinavian interpretive scope (Gasche 2016, 17–19). Yet, even during WWII, the development in Finland was comparable to some other countries allied with Nazi Germany, as we will show. At the same time, however, the postwar development in Finland seems to be unique in international comparison. Unlike the Finnish Roma, the Roma in Germany and other (West) European countries began a Roma rights movement and started to demand protection within the majority society along with political equality. This activism was primarily based on a consciousness of the centuries-old discrimination against “Gypsies” practiced by the majority, which culminated in the Nazi genocide of Europe's Roma (Matras 1998; Rose 1987; Wippermann 2015, 138–50). The Finnish Roma, however, identified themselves with a positive narrative about Roma soldiers fighting in the Finnish Army for their home country (Ruohotie 2007, 12). This strategy was successful, we argue, since it perfectly fits into the official Finnish narrative about a brave and fair “war of continuation” that Finland fought against the Soviet Union independently and separately from Nazi Germany—a point of view questioned in recent years in light of the information on Finnish Waffen-SS and Wehrmacht volunteers involved in Nazi atrocities against Soviet civilians, including the Roma.
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Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, and Ken Fones-Wolf. "“Termites in the Temple”: Fundamentalism and Anti-Liberal Politics in the Post–World War II South." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 28, no. 2 (2018): 167–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2018.28.2.167.
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AbstractFrom 1946 to 1950, East Tennessee was embroiled in a bitter campaign over the radio preacher and evangelist, J. Harold Smith. More than a curiosity, this confrontation helps us understand a much broader struggle that cut deeply through American society in the post-World War II era. It was a conflict that grew out of a conservative political effort to roll back the New Deal, the union-led regime of collective bargaining, and the tide of modernist religion. These issues overlapped with concerns about African-American equality and the Soviet Union’s threat to the nation’s security. Although recent scholarship has revealed the symbiotic relationship between postwar evangelicalism and free-enterprise ideology, we know little about how and why that message resonated for many middling and working-class individuals. Fortunately, supporters of Smith’s radio program wrote thousands of letters that illuminate what normally anonymous people were thinking about God, society, and politics in the postwar years.In this paper, we use the events in Knoxville as a window into the broader contest over religion and politics in postwar America. Smith’s struggle in Knoxville occurred during an especially tumultuous time in the South. As such, it reveals one regional context for the unsettling political changes and religious conflicts that were occurring nationally. Finally, a study of the responses of Smith’s supporters affords a rare opportunity to analyze one base of postwar fundamentalism and what drew them to the politics and theology of men like J. Harold Smith.
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Trygub, O. P., and O. V. Osypenko. "South Ukraine Greek community under revolutionary upheavals and armed conflicts (1917–1920)." Rusin, no. 63 (2021): 156–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/63/8.
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The revolutionary changes of 1917 contributed to the intensification of the political, national, and cultural life of the Greek community of the entire Black Sea and Azov Sea coasts, where the national states emerged on the shards of the former Russian Empire. In contrast to the Azov Sea region, where the Greeks had an active social and political life and by the end of 1917 had formed the Mariupol Union of the Hellenic People, the Greeks of the Northern Black Sea region were quite apolitical and inactive. Their attitude to the Ukrainian and Soviet powers was rather ambiguous, and during 1917 they maintained, mainly, a wait and see position. Only individual representatives of the Greek people were affiliated with one or another party, which was more an exception than a typical feature of the Greek community. The Greeks fought in the ranks of the Imperial Army, N. Makhno’s Rebel Army, in the Red Army, in regular units and partisan detachments of the Volunteer Army. In contrast to the rural population, which opposed the Volunteer Army and its policies, the urban communities of Odessa, Nikolaev, and Kherson actively supported both the French-Greek Entente troops and Denikin’s Volunteer Army. Most urban Greeks were well-to-do middle-class persons running small and medium businesses (restaurants, hotels, grocery stores, various workshops, etc.) and did not accept the ideas of social and property equality proclaimed by the Bolsheviks. The article draws on the periodical press and undefined documents of the Soviet Special Services to define the role of the Greek communies of the Ukrainian Black Sea Region cities in the revolutionary events. The authors analyze the role of the Greek community members in the military and political events of 1917–1920 and their attitude to the changing powers, participation in the revolutionary struggle, the reasons for the emigration of 1919–1920, and Bolshevik repressions against the Greek ethnos. It is concluded that the Greek community of the Northern Black Sea region suffered the greatest losses as a result of mass emigration, rather than civil confrontation during the revolution time.
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Loshchilov, I. E. "The First Edition of the Vsevolod Ivanov’s “Armor Train 14, 69” (1922): The History of Early Reception." Studies in Theory of Literary Plot and Narratology, no. 1 (2019): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2410-7883-2019-1-29-49.
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The article is devoted to the history of the reception of the first edition of the story of Vsevolod Ivanov “Armored train 14, 69”, created by the writer in 1921 and first published in the first issue of the magazine “Krasnaya Nov” in 1922. The first edition is known in two versions: magazine and book: the story came out as a separate edition in the summer of that year. Until 1932, the story was printed in the first book edition, with minor variations. The same edition formed the basis of the modern scientific publication (2018). After 1932, the text of the story, which retained its “classic” name, was repeatedly redone by the author with the participation of editors and censorship. The article collected information and quotes from reviews, reviews, and reviews primarily from 1922–1925. It is shown that the first critics paid special attention to the politics and ideology of the story and its author. Only a few of them appreciated the truly revolutionary poetics and aesthetics of the story, written by the author in line with the plot and narrative experiment of the literary group “The Serapion Brothers”, to which Vsevolod Ivanov joined immediately after moving from Siberia to Petrograd. In many responses, the story was compared with the novel by Boris Pilnyak “The Naked Year”, excerpts from which were printed in the same issue of the magazine. Party and proletcult criticism was satisfied with the propaganda potential of the story, its “usefulness” for agitation in favor of the Soviet regime. However, both in the Soviet Union and in exile they often drew attention to the fact that the "red" and "white" ("White Guard") lines developed in the early edition on an equal footing, in the plot counterpoint. In later editions, the feeling of equality of two lines gave way to an unequivocal advantage in favor of the “reds." The author’s ideology was often read as peasant or neo-people’s (“Scythian”, “Socialist Revolutionary”), which also caused doubts among the literary ideologists of the country of the victorious proletariat. A simplification of the psychological portrait of the characters was noted, which was fundamentally important for the “Serapion Brothers”. The most insightful judgments about the story belonged to the member of this literary group, critic and literature historian Ilya Gruzdev and futurist poet Alexei Kruchenykh. Both drew attention to the dialectical interaction of storylines with extra-plot elements (phonetic zaum, imitation of vernacular and accents, onomatopoeia, etc.).
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Manzyuk, V., V. Zaborovskyy, and V. Vashkovich. "On the development of legislation on commercial brokering in business." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 71 (August 25, 2022): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.28.
Full textAbstract:
This publication examines the initial legislative consolidation of the activities of merchants, intermediaries, agents, brokers as the initial types of commercial intermediaries.
We covered the most significant periods of Kievan Rus, the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, the first decade of Ukraine as an independent state, as well as explored the scope of regulatory consolidation of the institution of mediation in domestic law at present.
To achieve this purpose, the author analyzed the works of famous historians and lawyers, as well as developed regulations of the period of the Russian Empire, the USSR and Ukraine. Based on the analysis of the latter, it was determined that the legislation on commercial intermediation is moderately developed in our country, which is absolutely consistent, because in private law relations in the field of business only practice can show their sufficient or insufficient level of regulation. Also to achieve this purpose, the authors used methods typical of legal science. The study itself was conducted primarily on the application of historical and legal, system-structural methods and the dialectical method of cognition of legal reality.
The study allows us to conclude that commercial intermediation, arising as a completely natural phenomenon designed to regulate trade relations between individuals, the legislative regulation of commercial intermediation in the field of management has developed gradually. The need for it was due to the fact that the need for professionalism of intermediaries allowed the latter to ignore the usual human virtues, which put at a disadvantage financial and economic position of the principals. This institution received a certain stagnation during the existence of the USSR, which was a logical continuation on the one hand of the policy of nationalization of fixed assets, and on the other - the equality proclaimed by communism, which did not fit private commercial mediation as a form of chrematism and “art of enrichment”.
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Juan-Navarro, Santiago. "From Utopia to Dystopia: The Demise of the Revolutionary Dream in Futuristic Cuban Cinema." Humanities 11, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11010001.
Full textAbstract:
The armed insurrection that brought Fidel Castro to power in 1959 was one of the most influential events of the 20th century. Like the Russian and Mexican revolutions before it, the Cuban revolution set out to bring social justice and prosperity to a country that had suffered the evils of corrupt regimes. A small country thus became the center of world debates about equality, culture, and class struggle, attracting the attention of political leaders not only from Latin America but also from Africa, Asia, and Europe. Its intent to forge a model society has often been described in utopian terms. Writers, artists, and filmmakers turned to utopia as a metaphor to trace the evolution of the arts in the island from the enthusiasm and optimism of the first moments to the dystopian hopelessness and despair of the last decades. Indeed, the Cuban revolution, like so many other social revolutions of the 20th century, became the victim of a whole series of internal and external forces that ended up turning the promised dream into a nightmare tainted by autocratic leadership, repression, and political and economic isolation. Although Cuban literature has extensively addressed these issues since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, it is only recently that we can find similar trends in a cinematic output that portrays Cuba as a utopia gone sour. This article examines recent films such as Alejandro Brugués’ Juan de los Muertos (2011), Tomás Piard’s Los desastres de la Guerra (2012), Eduardo del Llano’s Omega 3 (2014), Rafael Ramírez’s Diario de la niebla (2016), Yimit Ramírez’s Gloria eterna (2017), Alejandro Alonso’s El Proyecto (2017), and Miguel Coyula’s Corazón Azul (2021). These films use futuristic imageries to offer a poignant (and often apocalyptic) depiction of the harsh paradoxes of contemporary life in Cuba while reflecting upon the downfall of utopia.
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POTAPOVA, Oleksandra. "INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF FORMATION OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM IN THE CONDITIONS OF DECENTRALIZATION OF POWER." Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series: Public Management and Administration, Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022) (August 31, 2022): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-6998-2022-1-6.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines aspects of the international experience of education system formation in conditions of decentralization of power in countries such as France, Poland, the Czech Republic, and the USA. It was determined that Ukraine must quickly and with the least losses overcome the shortcomings of the post-Soviet education management system in order to create a competitive national education system, therefore, studying the experience of countries around the world, analyzing mistakes and successes in reforming the education system in conditions of decentralization of power are necessary to successfully overcome all difficulties in the future development of the national education system. It was concluded that educational systems within the European Union remain unique in each country with a different degree of centralization or decentralization of management and financing of education, therefore it is necessary to find a rational «golden mean» in each of these systems and apply it in Ukraine in conditions of decentralization authorities. The impact of the democratization of education management on increasing the autonomy and level of socialization of educational institutions is determined. The concepts of «democratization» and «decentralization» are highlighted and the influence of these processes on the conditions of functioning of schools, stimulation of creative activity of teams and management is determined. The experience of some countries was studied, which shows that a strong legal state, which supports the principle of equality of all before the law, should be a guarantor of democratic rights in various spheres of social life, and first of all, in quality education. The article also focuses on the main areas of decentralization of educational institution management. Ways to improve the quality and practical significance of education a on the study of the experience of modernization and modification of the education system of the countries of the world and the application of these approaches in the future in the institutions of domestic education, which will contribute to the creation of conditions for deepening the knowledge of education seekers, improving the quality of educational services, socio-economic development country, ensuring the growth of Ukraine’s competitiveness, as well as the creation of new jobs with higher requirements for knowledge and skills. re proposed, based.
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Jackson, William D. "The State of the Soviet Union." Worldview 28, no. 1 (January 1985): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046404.
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The 1980s have become and are likely to remain a new “time of troubles” for the Soviet Union. Principal among these troubles is a faltering economy. The average rate of annual growth for the Eleventh Five-Year Plan (1981-86) is likely to be just over 2 per cent, half the rate achieved a decade ago; and die productivity of both labor and capital in industry during the first three years of the present Plan actually declined. Although investment in machinery production has increased by more than 20 per cent—a key element of a strategy designed to accelerate the modernization of an aged industrial plant—the growth in production of new machinery remains at a postwar low. Increased investment in agriculture has also produced disappointing results, and food shortages in cities are likely to recur in '85. The Soviet leadership must be equally troubled by the fact that, despite rising consumer expectations, growth in per capita consumption during the first three years of the present Plan has averaged a mere 1 per cent—a sharp contrast to the 4-5 per cent realized during the 1970s.
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Boyko, Ihor. "LIFE PATH, SCIENTIFIC-PEDAGOGICAL AND PUBLIC ACTIVITY OF VOLODYMYR SOKURENKO (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS BIRTH)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 72, no. 72 (June 20, 2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2021.72.158.
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The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed. It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated on September 4, 1939 with the military rank of military technician of the 2nd category. As a junior aircraft technician, V. Sokurenko was sent to the military unit no. 8690 in Baku, and later to Maradnyany for further military service in the USSR Air Force. From September 4, 1939 to March 16, 1940, he was a junior aircraft technician of the 50th Fighter Regiment, 60th Air Brigade of the ZAK VO in Baku. The certificate issued by the Railway District Commissariat of Lviv on January 4, 1954 no. 3132 states that V. Sokurenko actually served in the staff of the Soviet Army from October 1937 to May 1946. The same certificate states that from 10/12/1941 to 20/09/1942 and from 12/07/1943 to 08/03/1945, he took part in the Soviet-German war, in particular in the second fighter aviation corps of the Reserve of the Supreme Command of the Soviet Army. In 1943 he joined the CPSU. He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree and the Order of the Red Star (1943) as well as 9 medals «For Merit in Battle» during the Soviet-German war. With the start of the Soviet-German war, the Sokurenko family, like many other families, was evacuated to the town of Kamensk-Uralsky in the Sverdlovsk region, where their father worked at a metallurgical plant. After the war, the Sokurenko family moved to Lviv. In 1946, V. Sokurenko entered the Faculty of Law of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University, graduating with honors in 1950, and entered the graduate school of the Lviv State University at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law. V. Sokurenko successfully passed the candidate examinations and on December 25, 1953 in Moscow at the Institute of Law of the USSR he defended his thesis on the topic: «Socialist legal consciousness and its relationship with Soviet law». The supervisor of V. Sokurenko's candidate's thesis was N. Karieva. The Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Culture of the USSR, by its decision of March 31, 1954, awarded V. Sokurenko the degree of Candidate of Law. In addition, it is necessary to explain the place of defense of the candidate's thesis by V. Sokurenko. As it is known, the Institute of State and Law of the USSR has its history since 1925, when, in accordance with the resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of March 25, 1925, the Institute of Soviet Construction was established at the Communist Academy. In 1936, the Institute became part of the USSR Academy of Sciences, and in 1938 it was reorganized into the Institute of Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1941–1943 it was evacuated to Tashkent. In 1960-1991 it was called the Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In Ukraine, there is the Institute of State and Law named after V. Koretsky of the NAS of Ukraine – a leading research institution in Ukraine of legal profile, founded in 1949. It is noted that, as a graduate student, V. Sokurenko read a course on the history of political doctrines, conducted special seminars on the theory of state and law. After graduating from graduate school and defending his thesis, from October 1, 1953 he was enrolled as a senior lecturer and then associate professor at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv State University named after Ivan Franko. By the decision of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Higher Education of the USSR of December 18, 1957, V. Sokurenko was awarded the academic title of associate professor of the «Department of Theory and History of State and Law». V. Sokurenko took an active part in public life. During 1947-1951 he was a member of the party bureau of the party organization of LSU, worked as a chairman of the trade union committee of the university, from 1955 to 1957 he was a secretary of the party committee of the university. He delivered lectures for the population of Lviv region. Particularly, he lectured in Turka, Chervonohrad, and Yavoriv. He made reports to the party leaders, Soviet workers as well as business leaders. He led a philosophical seminar at the Faculty of Law. He was a deputy of the Lviv City Council of People's Deputies in 1955-1957 and 1975-1978. In December 1967, he defended his doctoral thesis on the topic: «Development of progressive political thought in Ukraine (until the early twentieth century)». The defense of the doctoral thesis was approved by the Higher Attestation Commission on June 14, 1968. During 1960-1990 he headed the Department of Theory and History of State and Law; in 1962-68 and 1972-77 he was the dean of the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University. In connection with the criticism of the published literature, on September 10, 1977, V. Sokurenko wrote a statement requesting his dismissal from the post of Dean of the Faculty of Law due to deteriorating health. During 1955-1965 he was on research trips to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Austria, and Bulgaria. From August 1966 to March 1967, in particular, he spent seven months in the United States, England and Canada as a UN Fellow in the Department of Human Rights. From April to May 1968, he was a member of the government delegation to the International Conference on Human Rights in Iran for one month. He spoke, in addition to Ukrainian, English, Polish and Russian. V. Sokurenko played an important role in initiating the study of an important discipline at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv University – History of Political and Legal Studies, which has been studying the history of the emergence and development of theoretical knowledge about politics, state, law, ie the process of cognition by people of the phenomena of politics, state and law at different stages of history in different nations, from early statehood and modernity. Professor V. Sokurenko actively researched the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of Ukrainian legal and political thought. He was one of the first legal scholars in the USSR to begin research on the basics of legal deontology. V. Sokurenko conducted extensive research on the development of basic requirements for the professional and legal responsibilities of a lawyer, similar to the requirements for a doctor. In further research, the scholar analyzed the legal responsibilities, prospects for the development of the basics of professional deontology. In addition, he considered medical deontology from the standpoint of a lawyer, law and morality, focusing on internal (spiritual) processes, calling them «the spirit of law.» The main direction of V. Sokurenko's research was the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of legal and political studies. The main scientific works of professor V. Sokurenko include: «The main directions in the development of progressive state and legal thought in Ukraine: 16th – 19th centuries» (1958) (Russian), «Democratic doctrines about the state and law in Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century (M. Drahomanov, S. Podolynskyi, A. Terletskyi)» (1966), «Law. Freedom. Equality» (1981, co-authored) (in Russian), «State and legal views of Ivan Franko» (1966), «Socio-political views of Taras Shevchenko (to the 170th anniversary of his birth)» (1984); «Political and legal views of Ivan Franko (to the 130th anniversary of his birth)» (1986) (in Russian) and others. V. Sokurenko died on November 22, 1994 and was buried in Holoskivskyi Cemetery in Lviv. Volodymyr Sokurenko left a bright memory in the hearts of a wide range of scholars, colleagues and grateful students. The 100th anniversary of the Scholar is a splendid opportunity to once again draw attention to the rich scientific heritage of the lawyer, which is an integral part of the golden fund of Ukrainian legal science and education. It needs to be studied, taken into account and further developed.
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Zimmer, Kerstin, and Olexiy Haran. "Unfriendly takeover: Successor parties in Ukraine." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 1, 2008): 541–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.002.
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Research on successor parties in the former Soviet Union has mostly focused on leftist parties and paid little attention to their interplay with centrist forces which equally have their roots in the Soviet system. This article examines the development of both leftist and centrist successor parties in post-Soviet Ukraine. After consideration of the role of legacies of the old regime as well as the current legal and societal framework, the evolution of leftist parties and the so-called parties of power is explored. The analysis shows that the leftists were weakened by internal splits and a partial inability to modernize. But equally important was the logic of power preservation in the Leonid Kuchma regime, which promoted the formalization of the party of power and crowded out the leftist competitors.
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Marks, Sally. "The Misery of Victory: France’s Struggle for the Versailles Treaty." Historical Papers 21, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030949ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract From 1920 to this day, French policy after Versailles has been termed unreasonable, but was it really? Britain and the United States thought so, and effectively deemed it simplest if France would accept defeat in the aftermath of deliverance. They mistakenly thought Germany wanted to forget the past, as they did, and they misread the power balance, exaggerating Germany's temporary prostration and France's fleeting ascendancy. Thus they feared French predominance. France worried about survival. She acted consistently to prevent a return of German predominance. France was realistic about the facts, if not always about her erstwhile allies. She was sometimes tactless and often disorganized; she clearly had failures of courage, will, propaganda, and economic insights. She knew, however, that she had not won the war and could not impose the peace alone against a largely intact Germany whose power position had been enhanced by the fragmentation of Europe. She saw that small-power alliances could not compensate for the Russian tie, that Germany was stronger, and that treaty clauses to offset that fact were mostly temporary. Thus France relied on Britain and the United States for security because without them she was lost, refusing to face mounting evidence that they were at best neutral, at worst in Germany's camp. Germany and France both concentrated on Britain in their efforts respectively to undo or preserve the Versailles treaty. Germany had the easier task, as Britain soon wanted to circumvent the treaty too. Preoccupied with imperial and economic problems, Britain feared German market competition to finance reparations and also France's dwindling military power; she was hostile to her historic foe and eager to be the fulcrum of the power balance again. Hence, seconded substantially by the United States, she tried to strengthen Germany at French expense ― a state of affairs which largely explains why France painfully progressed in five years from a determination to enforce key treaty clauses to defeated resignation. The chief battlegrounds of “the continuation of war by other means” were reparations and disarmament. The Ruhr conflict was the climax of the first battle, and the Dawes Plan embodied France's defeat. Locarno signalled both abandonment of requiring Germany's disarmament and her return to equality and diplomatic respectability. Thereafter a defeated France built the Maginot Line, tried with scant success to salvage something in the Young Plan, and clutched at straws, as in Briand's attempt to freeze the political status quo in his “European Union” scheme. France's failure stemmed partly from her own errors but primarily from Anglo-American defection. As admitting defeat or combining with Soviet Russia were politically unthinkable, she struggled on in vain, trying not to face facts. Yet her decision at the outset to accept a misnamed and fatefully moderate Armistice may have contributed to her eclipse, leaving France only the misery, not the grandeur, of victory.
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van Voren, Robert. "Reforming forensic psychiatry and prison mental health in the former Soviet Union." Psychiatric Bulletin 30, no. 4 (April 2006): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.30.4.124.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past 2 years the Global Initiative on Psychiatry has developed a wide range of initiatives in the fields of prison mental health and forensic psychiatry in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Both areas, until recently, were either ignored or deliberately avoided. This is not coincidental. The prison systems in the former Eastern bloc are in essence military organisations with a strict hierarchy and a rather tarnished past. Although some reform programmes in this field were implemented or started during the past decade (e.g. by Prison Reform International and the London Institute for Prison Studies), none of these projects has involved mental health services within the penitentiary system. A society that often limits itself to locking away those who have committed crimes or are suspected of having committed them, and pays only little attention to the physical and emotional well-being of those imprisoned, does not see the mental health of these persons as a priority. Equally unimportant seems to be the mental health of those who guard the prisoners and who are under constant stress.