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Academic literature on the topic 'Equality – Soviet Union'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Equality – Soviet Union"

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Jojishvili, Ketevan. "Gender Equality Problems in Soviet Reality." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 8, no. 2 (August 14, 2021): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol8iss2pp303-309.

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The Soviet Union was a totalitarian and strictly centralized state, which from the day of its foundation was intended to create a new human. The idea of formal equality written in its constitution and legislation was not a guarantee of real equality in the Soviet Union. The Communist Party deeply believed in the rise of its own tolerant policies, although the existing facts became a barometer of its failure. Despite the established way of life (education, work, etc.), women were neither represented in the ruling circle nor fully participated in the development and implementation of state policy. Thus, the Soviet Union with its paternalistic politics sought both to weaken the influence of men on women by improving the condition of women and to saturate deeply women's lives with Soviet pathos and communist beliefs.
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Li, Ziqian. "Analysis of the Educational Legislation and its Influence of the Former Soviet Union." BCP Education & Psychology 3 (November 2, 2021): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v3i.17.

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This paper introduces the stages and specific problems of Soviet educational legislation. First, the Legislation of the Soviet Union established many vital institutions, such as the system of equality between men and women in education. Secondly, the Soviet legislature and the Soviet Union also institutionalized Marxist ideas about freedom of learning and the overall development of human beings. Thirdly, in the practice of the Soviet Union, how to balance the relationship between freedom, equality and efficiency has become a topic worthy of subsequent discussion. Moreover, Soviet legislation influenced subsequent international human rights legislation and laid the foundation. On this basis, the subsequent international human rights legislation has been further improved.
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Perales Galán, Laia. "Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears: A Matter of Gender and Fate." Perspektywy Kultury 34, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2021.3403.07.

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This paper offers an in-depth review of the Soviet hit film Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears (1979). Focusing on its female characters, it analyses the gender dynamics that prevailed in the Soviet Union at that time and the narrative impact it had on the plot. The article is divided into three subsections: a brief historical and political context, a depiction of the state of gender equality in the Soviet Union, as well as the power dynamics that existed both in the professional and domestic sphere, and a summary of the different femininities portrayed by the characters, along with the role morality and fate played in the film.
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Vid, Natalia Kaloh. "Translation of Children's Literature in the Soviet Union: How Pinocchio Got a Golden Key." International Research in Children's Literature 6, no. 1 (July 2013): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2013.0082.

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This article analyses ideological influence on the translations of children's literature in the Soviet Union where translation was seen as an ideological tool and was expected to promote ideological values. Changing and adapting the source texts according to the newly established ideological demands was a common practice. Soviet children's literature was also used as a means of propaganda and a strong pedagogical instrument of education of new Soviet citizens. To explore how the Soviet ideological message was promoted within children's literature, I will analyse Alexei Tolstoy's adaptation of Carlo Collodi's The Adventures of Pinocchio (1883), entitled Zolotoi kliuchek ili prikliucheniia Buratino [The golden key or the adventures of Buratino]; henceforth The Golden Key), published in the Soviet Union in 1935. In Tolstoy's version the original underwent direct ideological changes. As one of the most successful children's stories introduced into the Soviet environment, The Golden Key depicts the values of the system under which it was written, including abolition of private property, the importance of collective labour, and the idea of equality and socialisation.
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Sahe, Ismael Abdalrahman. "The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper17.

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Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic. Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class. Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.
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Hardin, Russell. "Efficiency vs. Equality and the Demise of Socialism." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 22, no. 2 (June 1992): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1992.10717275.

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One of my fellow graduate students at MIT had access to the Pentagon Papers at a time when they were still classified, and he was writing a dissertation on aspects of the American involvement in Vietnam. One morning over breakfast he discovered that he had been preempted by the New York Times. Every scholar recently working on the Soviet Union, China, and Eastern Europe must understand that student’s sensation that morning. By now, they must face newspapers with a mixture of hope and foreboding. Events outrun the most radical predictions. Not only has the Wall crumbled, with pieces of it being sold as souvenirs, but Albania has established telephone connections to the world not long after westerners came to believe Albania had been the only nation in modem times to succeed in disappearing.
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Pascall, Gillian, and Nick Manning. "Gender and social policy: comparing welfare states in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 240–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a013497.

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How are the distinctive gender regimes in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union changing? What is the impact of the transition - and especially of the loss of state expenditure and state legitimacy - on women as paid workers, partners/wives, mothers, carers and citizens? Have women become more familialized as a result of transition processes? The Monee statistical database of 27 countries, and policy questionnaires to 12, show growing social, economic and cultural diversity. But the soviet legacy and the transition processes give these countries common ground too. Equal rights at work and womenÕs need for paid employment remain from the soviet era. But the gap between rights and practice widens. Legal equality in marriage remains, but domestic violence and the domestic division of labour give evidence of unequal relationships. While the soviet state socialized many costs of motherhood and care work, in some countries families are now bearing much heavier costs. Women as citizens now have more freedoms to organize, but action is more focused on coping and survival than on wider politics: women are - broadly - more familialized, more dependent on family relationships if perhaps less dependent in them.
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Spakowski, Nicola. "Dreaming a Future for China: Visions of Socialism among Chinese Intellectuals in the Early 1930s." Modern China 45, no. 1 (April 18, 2018): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418767609.

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The article examines Chinese leftist intellectuals’ visions of China’s future as they were published in a special issue of Dongfang zazhi (Eastern Miscellany) in 1933. It places their texts in the international tradition of socialism and in particular the tensions between Marxism and “utopian socialism.” Two variants of socialism can be identified in the Chinese texts: “Datong socialism,” the moral vision of a society of freedom and equality, and Soviet socialism, the vision of an industrialized society with features and institutions as in the Soviet Union. Supporters of both variants identified with the “masses,” but remained elitist in that they spoke on behalf of these masses and claimed an intellectual niche in the proletarian society of the future.
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Kaminsky, Lauren. "Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001184.

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Soviet socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy. Marx and Engels asserted that women's emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.” Building on this legacy, Lenin imagined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by communal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia's family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918. The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexuality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism.
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Levchaev, Petr. "Neo-Socialism of the Digitalization Era." Scientific Research and Development. Economics 8, no. 3 (June 17, 2020): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2020-4-7.

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We consider the transition to the digital economy and the possibility to implement the ideas of social guarantees and the slogan of developed socialism "from everyone - according to their abilities, to everyone - according to their needs". Despite the fact that the Soviet Union has ceased to exist, giving way to a market-oriented paradigm of Russian development, in a society that has long been raised on the ideas of collectivization and the values of social equality, justice and unity, requests for social justice are still relevant and in demand.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Equality – Soviet Union"

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Harding, Priscilla Eileen. "Models of social welfare and gender equality, United States of America, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Sweden." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0005/NQ35174.pdf.

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CHAKHAIA, Lela. "Εducational inequalities in transition : the cases of Russia and Georgia." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/56104.

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Defence date: 21 June 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Gabrielle Ballarino, University of Milan ; Prof. Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute, Supervisor ; Prof. Klarita Gërxhani, European University Institute ; Prof. Irena Kogan, University of Mannheim
Whether formal education can equalize life chances of people with different backgrounds, or further exacerbate inequalities that inevitably exist in any society, depends largely on how equally the chances to attain education are distributed among different socio-economic groups. Large-scale political, socio-economic, institutional and structural transformations that newly independent republics underwent in the immediate aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union 25 years ago was bound to substantially change the distribution of those chances. Bridging the post-communist area studies with the social science scholarship on educational inequalities, with this thesis I study how inequalities in educational attainment changed in post-Soviet Russia and Georgia and what were broader implications of any such change. Using Gender and Generations Survey data from Russia and Georgia I have examined how chances of attaining various levels of education changed for people born to parents with different social status. I have used a merged dataset of repeated cross-sectional national survey from Russia to examine if returns to educational attainment changed during 1990s and 2000s. I find that while educational inequality has increased in both countries, particularly in attaining secondary education, returns to educational attainment, understandably small in the Soviet Union, did not increase much. This leads me to conclude that increasing educational inequalities did not contribute to the well-documented surge of income inequality. Finally, I used quasi-experimental approach to estimate the effect of the introduction of standardized university admissions examinations on the chances of access to highly selective universities. I find moderate support for the hypothesis that the standardized exams have equalized chances of students from various backgrounds to be admitted to selective universities.
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Hilmy, Hanny. "Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ Perspectives." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/5888.

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This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management.
Graduate
hilmyh@uvic.ca
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Books on the topic "Equality – Soviet Union"

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Reforming the Soviet economy: Equality versus efficiency. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution, 1988.

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University of Birmingham. Centre for Russian and East European Studies., ed. Women workers in the Soviet interwar economy: From 'protection' to 'equality'. Basingstoke: Macmillan in association with Centre for Russian and East European Studies, University of Birmingham, 1999.

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Liberty, equality, and the market: Essays. New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 1998.

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Asad, Alam, and World Bank. Europe and Central Asia Region, eds. Growth, poverty, and inequality: Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2005.

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The politics of inequality in Russia. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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Brian, Holmes, ed. Equality and freedom in education: A comparative study. London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1985.

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K, Gorshkov M., ed. Sot︠s︡ialʹnye neravenstva i sot︠s︡ialʹnai︠a︡ politika v sovremennoĭ Rossii. Moskva: Nauka, 2008.

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Ilic, Melanie. Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' To 'Equality'. Palgrave Macmillan, 1998.

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Privilege In The Soviet Union A Study Of Elite Lifestyles Under Communism. Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012.

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Lapidus, Gail Warshofsky. Women in Soviet Society: Equality, Development, and Social Change. University of California Press, 2022.

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Book chapters on the topic "Equality – Soviet Union"

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McAuley, Alastair. "Sexual Equality in Socialist and Soviet Theory." In Women's Work and Wages in the Soviet Union, 1–10. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003303732-1.

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Dunajeva, Jekatyerina. "From “Unsettled Fortune-Tellers” to Socialist Workers: Education Policies and Roma in Early Soviet Union." In Social and Economic Vulnerability of Roma People, 65–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52588-0_5.

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AbstractThis chapter embeds Roma identity formation in the politics of early Soviet Union, by examining the role schools played in delineating boundaries of belonging and the sense of nationhood. I analyze education policies and politics towards minorities in the 1920s and ‘1930s through textbooks in Romani language from the time. I show that textbooks, often through educating basic grammar to children, sought to alter their identities from “unsettled fortune-tellers” to working Roma. Roma way of life was equated with oppression of the old, pre-revolutionary times, while new, Socialist life that Roma were to become part of was characterized by equality and work. What was seen as the traditional Roma way of life was incompatible with the goals of the state, and schools were to “transform” Roma children into productive Socialist workers. Socialism, therefore, was seen as the emancipation and empowerment Roma needed in order to leave their “backwards” habits in the past.
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García Portilla, Jason. "c) Cuba: A Sui Generis Case Study (Communist Proxy)." In “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 309–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_20.

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AbstractThe anti-clerical elements of the Revolution helped Cuba succeed in various indicators (e.g. education quality and coverage, equality, health). The Cuban regime seized, dismantled, and limited the institutional influence of Roman Catholicism on these areas of public life. However, a strong cultural influence of a highly syncretised Roman Catholicism persists in Cuba even if its institutional influence has been curbed. Also, the Communist regime, by adopting Marxism, “threw the baby out with the bathwater” through persecuting all types of religion, including Protestant liberals. Finally, the Cuban regime conveniently turned to Rome to legitimise itself after the collapse of the Soviet Union and to silence Protestantism with a corporatist strategy. The socialist legal tradition had an effect opposite to its claims (e.g. lack of freedom, corruption), even if its anti-clerical element was an advantage. Comparing the Cuban experience to other Latin American countries with leftist dictatorships (e.g. Venezuela) helps understand their failure to achieve the Cuban indicators (e.g. education). The crucial factor in this regard is whether or not the power and influence of the Roman Church-State are reduced.
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Hosking, Geoffrey. "The Soviet Union." In The Oxford World History of Empire, 1187–216. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197532768.003.0043.

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The USSR was a unique empire in the universality of its claims and its aim of complete equality between nationalities. Its strengths and weaknesses were indissolubly connected. It was formally a federal state, with extensive rights given to constituent nationalities; in practice it was tightly centralized through Gosplan, the armed forces, the security services, and the Communist Party, with its messianic ideology. The USSR’s tight centralization ensured that in wartime it could mobilize social energy to an unprecedented extent, but also that in peacetime localized patronage became the main form of social cohesion. The economy was so rigidly planned as to discourage innovation, which meant that the USSR could not maintain its superpower status. Its nationality policy both encouraged ethnic feeling and repressed it. The final collapse was precipitated by the clash between the largest republic, Russia, and the Soviet Union as a whole.
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Parker, Alison M. "Fighting for Equality." In Unceasing Militant, 247–68. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659381.003.0014.

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By virtue of having graduated from Oberlin College, Mollie Church automatically received a membership invitation to the American Association of University Women. She joined the local chapter when she settled in Washington but let her membership lapse. Decades later, in 1946, with the encouragement of her closest white friend and ally, Janet “Nettie” McKelvey Swift, she tried to rejoin and so desegregate the local affiliate. It took years for the case she and Nettie were making for equality and integration to make its way through the court system as well as into the AAUW’s national constitution. Terrell’s congressional testimony in favor of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was viewed by AAUW women as too radical. She also faced charges of being a communist sympathizer from liberal AAUW women who were also strongly anti-communist. Red Scare antagonism toward the Soviet Union increased after World War II. Terrell’s work with Paul Robeson and the Council on African Affairs, as well as with the Communist-sponsored Civil Rights Congress (CRC), drew the suspicion of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).
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Sorkin, David. "Minority Rights." In Jewish Emancipation, 277–88. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164946.003.0023.

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This chapter studies how the Paris Peace Conference introduced national minority rights, thereby guaranteeing Jews equality under the League of Nations' supervision. Yet the signatory successor states pursued nationalist policies that in multiple ways subverted the Minority Rights Treaties. Some tried to deprive Jews of citizenship. Poland introduced a dual system of citizenship law; Austria tried to use racial categories; and Romania differentiated between Jews from the heartland and its newly acquired territories. All these states continued to use local citizenship law. Some states discriminated in still other ways. Hungary introduced quotas in education. Poland exploited the former partitioning powers' discriminatory legislation. Romania excluded Jews from the civil service. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union began by recognizing individual equality and extending minority rights, yet those auspicious developments did not hold. In the 1920s, the Soviet Union deprived inordinate numbers of individual Jews of rights and destroyed the shtetl economy.
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Kalinovsky, Artemy M. "Conclusion." In Laboratory of Socialist Development, 244–56. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501715563.003.0011.

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This chapter discusses the Soviet experience. The Russian Revolution and Stalin's death were among the three postcolonial moments recorded during the Soviet period. The living standard improvements over the last fifteen years came from migration in the 1970s instead of any foreign investment or aid program. Moreover, the environmental damage caused by dam building and heavy industry alone is enough to suggest that humanity will need to think of radically different approaches against poverty, inequality, and global warming in the twenty-first century. The Soviet Union found ways to accommodate quite a bit of diversity as it pursued a path to material prosperity and equality.
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Lorenzini, Sara. "Socialist Modernity and the Birth of the Third World." In Global Development, 33–49. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691180151.003.0004.

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This chapter examines how the Soviet Union attacked Point Four as “A Program for Expansion under a Screen of Anti-Communism” that was no different from older forms of imperialism. While condemning American assistance, however, they applauded a fair aid policy that supported political independence and invested to promote national agriculture and industry. This signaled that they were open to joining a multilateral program and offering technical assistance and industrial machinery to underdeveloped countries, with a stress on equality and open criticism of imperialist dynamics. But what would the Soviets contribute? Western analysts thought of expertise, while critics familiar with the Central Asian precedent worried about the repression of minorities. Only in 1954 did the Soviet Union respond with a plan for the Virgin Lands, the campaign to bring up-to-date farming and irrigation techniques to backward steppe regions in Kazakhstan. This became a paradigm for what socialist modernity could offer to less developed countries. The chapter then recounts how, in the early 1950s, the world's less-developed countries began identifying as a homogeneous group. In the United Nations, the phrase used was “underdeveloped countries,” but this was soon replaced by a much more evocative concept: the “Third World.” The expression was coined in 1952 by French demographer Alfred Sauvy, who anticipated a collective awakening of the subject peoples previously ignored, exploited, and watched warily.
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Kligman, Gail, and Katherine Verdery. "Fomenting Class War." In Peasants under Siege. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691149721.003.0007.

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This chapter describes the “class war” that aimed to decapitate the village elite, turn other villagers against them, and raise up the village poor. Class war was crucial to creating the “socialist body politic” and setting the stage for the campaign to create the “new socialist person.” Through the exposure, persecution, and elimination of “enemy elements” such as chiaburs, the body politic was to be purified and purged of “foreign” beings. Class war was meant to provoke social conflict as well as create unprecedented opportunities for the formerly poor. However, with this policy, the Soviet blueprint ran into serious difficulties. In Romania as in the Soviet Union, cadres hoping to use class struggle to break apart village social organization and promote class equality would paradoxically have to create classes and class stratification from the forms of status inequality proper to the villagers.
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Taunton, Matthew. "Two and Two Make Five." In Red Britain, 60–111. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817710.003.0002.

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The Bolshevik Revolution induced British writers to rethink the politics of number, and this chapter considers the significance of the marked preponderance of numbers, equations, and arithmetic in discussions of the Russian Revolution and the Soviet State. It explores the obsessive use of statistics by the Soviet Union and its British defenders, as a utilitarian form of socialism came to dominate left-wing discussions of politics. The chapter theorizes a ‘Romantic anti-Communism’ that opposed itself to such calculations, and often to the principle of quantitative equality. The chapter also explores—partly via the equation ‘two and two make five’ (featured Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, but also in other texts that mediate the relationship between Russian and British socialism)—how the seemingly timeless propositions of mathematics were up for grabs in the debates around Marxist science and dialectical materialism. Writers covered include Orwell, Arthur Koestler, and Bertrand Russell.
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