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Journal articles on the topic 'Epic Latin poetry'

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1

Roling, Bernd. "Victorious Virgin: Early Modern Mary Epics between Theological-Didactical and Epic Poetry (Virgo Victrix: Frühneuzeitliche Marienepik zwischen theologischem Lehrgedicht und Epos)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 30–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601012.

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This paper deals with a neglected subgenre of biblical poetry, namely with epic poems on the life of the Blessed Virgin. After an introduction into the poetic treatment of Mary in early modern latin poetry in general, one single epic poem is discussed in detail, the Mariados libri tres of the Italian-German scholar Giulio Cesare Delfini. As it will be demonstrated, Delfini’s poem included long explanations of medico-theological problems, like the digestion of the Divine Virgin or her intellectual skills, which the poet treated in addition in separate glosses. As result the poem presents itself as hybrid between didactic and epic poetry. In addition the study contains as an Appendix a list of (approximately) all accessible Latin poems, written between 1550 and 1650, on the incarnation and birth of Christ.
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Faber, Riemer A. "INTERMEDIALITY AND EKPHRASIS IN LATIN EPIC POETRY." Greece and Rome 65, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383517000183.

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The concept of intermediality arose in the theoretical discourse about the relations between different systems or products of meaning, such as the relations between music and art, or image and text. The word gained currency in the 1980s in German- and French-language studies of theatre performance, and in scholarship on opera, film, and music, in order to capture the notion of the interconnections between different art forms. For reasons of utility, the concept has been divided into three kinds: intermediality may refer to the combination of media (as in opera, in which music, dance, and song are conjoined into one aesthetic experience); the transformation or transposition of media (as in a film version of a book); and intermedial references or connections, whereby attention is drawn to another system of meaning, as in the references in literature to a work of art. The term has entered the field of classics especially via the study of the relations between the narrative and inscriptional modes in literary epigram.
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3

Hershkowitz, Debra. "Patterns of Madness in Statius'Thebaid." Journal of Roman Studies 85 (November 1995): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301057.

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The traditional problem of Silver Latin poetry, and Silver Latin epic especially, has been its attraction to the extravagant, the grotesque, the infinite, the absurd, in other words, its propensity for excess. Statius'Thebaidin particular has been considered guilty of this offence. Recent criticism, however, has tended to see Silver Latin poetry not simply as being excessive, but as being deeply concerned with excess—cultural, ideological, and poetic. In this paper I hope to demonstrate that such a concern is a prominent characteristic of Statius'Thebaid, by exploring perhaps the most important manifestation of excess in the poem, madness. I will argue that theThebaid's excessiveness is fundamental and necessary, rather than detrimental, to its overall effect. But this paper, like theThebaid, will not concentrate exclusively on excess, for it will prove to be only the starting-point for a specific interpretation of the patterns of action and madness in theThebaid.
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Kliszcz, Aneta, and Joanna Komorowska. "Transcendency of conceptual framework: some reflections on the non-translatability of Latin epic poetry." Tekstualia 1, no. 5 (December 31, 2019): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4098.

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The essay explores questions related to the intrinsic elusiveness of intertextual dimensions of Latin imperial poety. Starting with the existing Polish translations of imperial epic poets (Lucan, Silius, Statius) it considers the relationship of thir opening verses to the iconic Arma virumque cano… of Virgil’s Aeneid thus unveiling the massive semantic and poetic losses suffered by the target text, as its newfound independence results in the loss of an essential and purposeful connection with the ‘master poem’.
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Anlezark, Daniel. "Poisoned places: the Avernian tradition in Old English poetry." Anglo-Saxon England 36 (November 14, 2007): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675107000051.

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AbstractScholars have long disputed whether or not Beowulf reflects the influence of Classical Latin literature. This essay examines the motif of the ‘poisoned place’ present in a range of texts known to the Anglo-Saxons, most famously represented by Avernus in the Aeneid. While Grendel's mere presents the best-known poisonous locale in Old English poetry, another is found in the dense and enigmatic poem Solomon and Saturn II. The relationship between these poems is discussed beside a consideration of the possibility that their use of the ‘Avernian tradition’ points to the influence of Latin epic on their Anglo-Saxon authors.
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Petrovic, Ivana, and Andrej Petrovic. "General." Greece and Rome 67, no. 2 (October 2020): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000157.

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Structures of Epic Poetry is a monumental, four-volume compendium which aims to classify, analyse, and compare epic structures across Greek and Latin epic poems (and beyond) in a systematic and overarching way. While the individual Bauformen (‘structural elements’) have been the focus of the study of epic for decades, a comprehensive analysis providing a systematic overview of all structural elements in the totality of ancient epic is obviously not a one-person job. The editors, Christiane Reitz and Simone Finkmann, gathered an international group of experts for this herculean task. The compendium provides a set of broad cross-sectional papers on the individual epic structural elements, using a consistent terminology. It has to be said that the editors’ understanding of what constitutes an epic structural element is very broad: it includes the ‘type-scenes’, but also the narrative patterns such as catalogue and ecphrasis, and stylistic hallmarks such as similes; in fact, structural elements as understood by the editors come closest to genre markers.
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7

Nelis, Damien P. "Translating the emotions: some uses of animus in Vergil’s Aeneid." Social Science Information 48, no. 3 (August 21, 2009): 487–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018409106202.

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In recent years, considerable scholarly attention has been devoted to investigating the influence of Lucretius’ De rerum natura on Vergil. At the same time, the Aeneid has become a central text for the study of the presentation of the emotions in Latin poetry. The author attempts to bring together these two trends in Vergilian scholarship by trying to see if the depiction of emotions in Vergilian epic owes anything to Lucretian precedent. He focuses on the term animus and its use in the opening scenes of the Aeneid . It is an important word in both epics, but it is also notoriously hard to translate accurately.
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8

Gacia, Tadeusz. "Topos "locus amoenus" w łacińskiej poezji chrześcijańskiego antyku." Vox Patrum 52, no. 1 (June 15, 2008): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8051.

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This paper deals with the topos of locus amoenus in Latin poetry of Christian antiquity. Descriptions of idealized landscape can be found in whole literary tradition from Homer on. In Latin epic poetry Virgil used this device to describe Elysium, which Aeneas enters in the Aeneid. In Virgil’s eclogues locus amoenus is a place of refuge for shepherds from calamities of fate and an alien world. For the farmer in his Georgics it is a reward for honest agricultural work. For Horace it was an escape from the noise of the city. For Christian poets, Prudentius in Cathemerinon, Sedulius in Carmen paschale, Avitus of Vienne, Dracontius, Venantius Fortunatus and other, locus amoenus becomes the biblical paradise in the eschatological sense, or morę generally, salvation. Use of the topos of locus amoenus shows the cultural continuity of antiquity. In Christian poetry this theme is filled with a new content, but the process of thinking and artistic creation remains they share with classical authors.
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9

Haskell, Yasmin. "The Vineyard of Verse." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00101003.

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This review of scholarship on Jesuit humanistic literature and theater is Latin-oriented because the Society’s sixteenth-century code of studies, the Ratio Studiorum, in force for nearly two centuries, enjoined the study and imitation in Latin of the best classical authors. Notwithstanding this well-known fact, co-ordinated modern scholarship on the Latin poetry, poetics, and drama of the Old Society is patchy. We begin with questions of sources, reception, and style. Then recent work on epic, didactic, and dramatic poetry is considered, and finally, on a handful of “minor” genres. Some genres and regions are well studied (drama in the German-speaking lands), others less so. There is a general scarcity of bilingual editions and commentaries of many “classic” Jesuit authors which would, in the first instance, bring them to the attention of mainstream modern philologists and literary historians, and, in the longer term, provide a firmer basis for more synoptic and synthetic studies of Jesuit intertextuality and style(s). Along with the interest and value of this poetry as world literature, I suspect that the extent to which the Jesuits’ Latin labors in the vineyard of the classroom formed the hearts and minds of their pupils, including those who went on to become Jesuits, is underestimated.
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Wiegand, Hermann. "The Commemoration of the Dead and Epic Composition (Totengedenken und epische Gestaltung)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601017.

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This paper discusses the image and reception of the Thirty Years Warʼs Catholic military leader Johann T’Serclaes von Tilly in Jesuit Neo-Latin epical poetry of the 17th century, starting with Magni Tillij Parentalia written by Jacobus Balde, a prosimetrical work that came into being immediatly after the ‘heroʼs’ death but was posthumously published in 1678, using epical patterns such as picture descriptions or similia not only in metrical parts of the work, but also in prose fiction. The text shows Tilly as a pillar of the Holy Roman Empire and Catholic faith as well. Affiliated are shorter reflections of further Jesuit Neo-Latin poems such as Bellicum Tillij (1634) by Jacobus Bidermann, Johannes Bisseliusʼ Icaria (1637), and Jacobus Damianus’ Bellum Germanicum (1648).
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Bodniece, Līva. "Vergilija „Eneīdas” mēģinājumi latviešu heksametros." Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā: rakstu krājums, no. 26/2 (March 11, 2021): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2021.26-2.231.

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This paper presents the compilation and analysis of the Latvian translations of the Aeneid, the Latin epic poem written by Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro), from the first attempts in the late 19th century until the most recent publication in 1970. The materials analysed also include republications of translation excerpts. The source texts are arranged and revised chronologically, and the text analysis is achieved through the comparative method. Particular attention is paid to the translation issues of the dactylic hexameter, the ancient meter also known as “the meter of the epic”. There is no tradition in the Latvian cultural context to render epic poems into prose or any other meter than the dactylic hexameter. Augusts Ģiezens is the most prolific translator of epic poems in Latvian and has translated all Ancient Greek epic poems and the Roman Aeneid. Consequently, his version of the dactylic hexameter has established itself as an example for many generations of readers. The reason for this is the lack or unavailability of other translations. The comparison of translations also offers a look into the rendering of ancient proper nouns. Particular care is devoted to critiques of the translations as published by contemporaries in the press. The variations of translation strategies in early 20th-century poetry renderings in terms of both meter and proper noun rendering lead to the conclusion that attempts in creating a Latvian hexameter have not yet been exhausted and are likely to find new manifestations, particularly in Latvian ancient poetry translation.
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12

Werle, Dirk, and Uwe Maximilian Korn. "Telling the Truth: Fictionality and Epic in Seventeenth-Century German Literature." Journal of Literary Theory 14, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jlt-2020-2006.

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AbstractResearch on the history of fiction of the early modern period has up to now taken primarily the novel into consideration and paralleled the rise of the novel as the leading genre of narrative literature with the development of the modern consciousness of fictionality. In the present essay, we argue that contemporary reflections on fictionality in epic poetry, specifically, the carmen heroicum, must be taken into account to better understand the history of fiction from the seventeenth century onwards. The carmen heroicum, in the seventeenth century, is the leading narrative genre of contemporary poetics and as such often commented on in contexts involving questions of fictionality and the relationship between literature and truth, both in poetic treatises and in the poems themselves. To reconstruct a historical understanding of fictionality, the genre of the epic poem must therefore be taken into account.The carmen heroicum was the central narrative genre in antiquity, in the sixteenth century in Italy and France, and still in the seventeenth century in Germany and England. Martin Opitz, in his ground-breaking poetic treatise, the Buch von der Deutschen Poeterey (1624), counts the carmen heroicum among the most important poetic genres; but for poetry written in German, he cites just one example of the genre, a text he wrote himself. The genre of the novel is not mentioned at all among the poetic genres in Opitz’ treatise. Many other German poetic treatises of the seventeenth century mention the importance of the carmen heroicum, but they, too, provide only few examples of the genre, even though there were many Latin and German-language epic poems in the long seventeenth century. For Opitz, a carmen heroicum has to be distinguished from a work of history insofar as its author is allowed to add fictional embellishments to the ›true core‹ of the poem. Nevertheless, the epic poet is, according to Opitz, still bound to the truthfulness of his narrative.Shortly before the publication of Opitz’ book, Diederich von dem Werder translated Torquato Tasso’s epic poem Gerusalemme liberata (1580); his translation uses alexandrine verse, which had recently become widely successful in Germany, especially for epic poems. Von dem Werder exactly reproduces Tasso’s rhyming scheme and stanza form. He also supplies the text with several peritexts. In a preface, he assures the reader that, despite the description of unusual martial events and supernatural beings, his text can be considered poetry. In a historiographical introduction, he then describes the course of the First Crusade; however, he does not elaborate about the plot of the verse epic. In a preceding epyllion – also written in alexandrine verse – von dem Werder then poetically demonstrates how the poetry of a Christian poet differs from ancient models. All these efforts can be seen as parts of the attempt to legitimate the translation of fictional narrative in German poetry and poetics. Opitz and von dem Werder independently describe problems of contemporary literature in the 1620s using the example of the carmen heroicum. Both authors translate novels into German, too; but there are no poetological considerations in the prefaces of the novels that can be compared to those in the carmina heroica.Poetics following the model established by Opitz develop genre systems in which the carmen heroicum is given an important place, too; for example, in Balthasar Kindermann’s Der Deutsche Poet (1664), Sigmund von Birken’s Teutsche Rede- bind- und Dicht-Kunst (1679), and Daniel Georg Morhof’s Unterricht von der Teutschen Sprache und Poesie (1682). Of particular interest for the history of fictionality is Albrecht Christian Rotth’s Vollständige Deutsche Poesie (1688). When elaborating on the carmen heroicum, Rotth gives the word ›fiction‹ a positive terminological value and he treats questions of fictionality extensively. Rotth combines two contradictory statements, namely that a carmen heroicum is a poem and therefore invented and that a carmen heroicum contains important truths and is therefore true. He further develops the idea of the ›truthful core‹ around which poetic inventions are laid. With an extended exegesis of Homer’s Odyssey, he then illustrates what it means precisely to separate the ›core‹ and the poetic embellishments in a poem. All these efforts can be seen as parts of the attempt to legitimize a poem that tells the truth in a fictional mode.The paper argues that a history of fictionality must be a history that carefully reconstructs the various and specifically changing constellations of problems concerning how the phenomenon of fictionality may be interpreted in certain historical contexts. Relevant problems to which reflections on fictionality in seventeenth-century poetics of the epic poem and in paratexts to epic poems react are, on the one hand, the question of how the genre traditionally occupying the highest rank in genre taxonomy, the epic, can be adequately transformed in the German language, and, on the other hand, the question of how a poetic text can contain truths even if it is invented.
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Krzywy, Roman. "Polska epika bohaterska przed i po „Gofredzie”." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 20 (December 20, 2020): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20811853.20.6.

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The article is a review of the most important trends in the development of the Polish epic in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the absence of significant traditions of knightly works, the creation of Polish heroic poetry should be associated primarily with the humanistic movement, whose representatives set a heroic epic at the top of the hierarchy of genres and recognized 'Eneid' as its primary model. The postulate proposed first by the Renaissance and later by the Baroque authors did not lead to the creation of a ‘real’ epic in Poland. The translations of: the Virgil’s epic poem (1590) by Andrzej Kochanowski and Book 3 of 'The Iliad' by Jan Kochanowski can be regarded as the genre substitutes. These translations seem to test whether the young Polish poetic language is able to bear the burden of an epic matter. Then again, the works of Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski on the Latin 'Lechias' (the 1st half of the 17th century), which was to present the beginnings of the Polish state, were not completed. Polish Renaissance authors preferred themes from modern or even recent history, choosing 'Bellum civile' by Lucan as their general model but they did not refrain from typically heroic means in the presentation of the subject. This is evidenced by such poems as 'The Prussian War' (1516) by Joannis Vislicensis or 'Radivilias' (1592) by Jan Radwan. The Latin epic works were followed by the vernacular epic in the 17th century, when the historical epic poems by Samuel Twardowski and Wacław Potocki were created, as well as in the 18th century (the example of 'The Khotyn War' by Ignacy Krasicki). The publication of Torquato Tasso’s 'Jerusalem delivered' translation by Piotr Kochanowski in 1618 introduced to the Polish literature a third variant of an epic poem, which is a combination of a heroic poem and romance motives. The translation gained enormous recognition among literary audiences and was quickly included in the canon of imitated works, but not as a model of an epic, but mainly as a source of ideas and poetic phrases (it was used not only by epic poets). The exception here is the anonymous epos entitled 'The siege of Jasna Góra of Częstochowa', whose author spiced the historical action of the recent event with romance themes, an evident reference to the Tasso’s poem. The Polish translation of Tasso’s masterpiece also contributed to the popularity of the ottava rima, as an epic verse from the second half of the 17th century (previously the Polish alexandrine dominated as the equivalent of the ancient hexameter). This verse was used both in the historical and biblical epic poems, striving to face the rhythmic challenge.
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Watson, Patricia. "Axelson Revisited: the Selection of Vocabulary in Latin Poetry." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 2 (December 1985): 430–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040271.

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Although it is now fifteen years since G. Williams' thorough-going criticism of B. Axelson'sUnpoetische Wörter, his discussion has failed to elicit the adverse response which might have been expected in view of the widespread influence exerted by the earlier work.The reason for this may be that Axelson's theory is so widely accepted that any refutation thereof may be disregarded. Yet surely Williams was right to point to the dangers of total reliance on statistics and to the necessity of considering the contexts in which words occur in Latin poetry. In this respect, he was not so much rejecting Axelson's work as pointing to its inadequacies: whereas Axelson would be content to label a word that occurs only rarely in poetry as ‘unpoetisch’, it is necessary, as Williams demonstrates, to take the further step of determining the effect that such a word has in a given context. This approach will be particularly helpful, for example, in the case ofparvulusat Virg.Aen.4.328, where the heightened pathos achieved by Virgil's use of a diminutive is better appreciated by the reader who is aware of the scarcity of diminutive adjectives in poetry and in epic above all. To recogniseparvulusas an ‘unpoetic word’, with Axelson, is the essential first step, but we should proceed a stage further to inquire what effect was intended by the employment of a form not normally found in elevated poetry.Of greater importance is Williams' rejection of the ‘hierarchy of genres’ theory, taken for granted by Axelson, that is, that Latin poetry may be divided into a number of higher- or lower-ranking genres and that the more elevated a genre the less unpoetic vocabulary it is liable to employ.
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Ambühl, Annemarie. "The Touch and Taste of War in Latin Battle Narrative." Trends in Classics 11, no. 1 (September 15, 2019): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2019-0007.

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Abstract Latin battle narratives exhibit visual, auditory, and even olfactory phenomena: swords glint, steel clangs, and the stench of blood permeates battlefields. These manifestations of multisensoriality are often implicit, as exemplified by the prominence of the ‘gaze’ in epic poetry. This article focuses on the two other senses, which have received less scholarly attention in discussions of battle narrative: touch and taste. In the former category are expressions such as ‘biting the dust’ (Hom. Il. 2.418) along with depictions of cannibalism in epic and historiographic texts. In the latter category are experiences such as Jocasta’s breast being scratched by Polynices’ armour (Stat. Theb. 7), along with a pervasive discourse on the ‘roughness’ of war and the ‘handling’ of casualties in aftermath episodes; these conceptual metaphors generate ‘partial altermedial illusions’ by enhancing, but not replacing, the primary medium of the literary text which they inhabit. As this chapter highlights, therefore, appeals to sensory perception are ambivalent in character: on the one hand, they facilitate audience engagement with the text via immersion, enactivism, and embodiment, but on the other hand they alienate readers by underscoring the fundamental ‘untellability’ of war.
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Ruffell, I. A. "Beyond Satire: Horace, Popular Invective and the Segregation of Literature." Journal of Roman Studies 93 (November 2003): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184638.

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Throughout its history, Latin Satire was engaged in acts of impersonation and masquerade. While written by and for members of an élite and highly literate class, it continually affected a low style in metre and diction, an aggressive engagement with or pointed withdrawal from contemporary social realities, and the partial or wholesale adoption of an authorial voice at some rungs below the highest of society. All this is well-known and relatively uncontroversial. What is also well-known is the way in which Roman satirists, especially Juvenal, were engaged in a dialogue with epic and other literary genres (including earlier satire). What is less accepted is that Roman satirists, not least Horace, were equally engaged in a dialogue with other non-literary or ‘subliterary’ traditions of verse. I shall be arguing that a primary intertext for the definition of Horace's poetry and poetic persona was the rich and varied contemporary tradition of popular invective poetry. I suggest that he is attempting to erect a cordon sanitaire between the genre of satire and these ‘unofficial’ or ‘folk’ forms, to segregate elite and popular culture, and to define his poetry as what we may anachronistically call literature.
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Grossardt, Peter. "The Motif of Wrath and Withdrawal in Medieval European Epic and its Impact on The Homeric Question – Some Preliminary Remarks." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 32, no. 1 (August 15, 2019): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v32i1.835.

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Building on his research of 2009, the author of the following article will discuss some parallels to the wrath of Achilles in the medieval European tradition, especially in the Latin Song of Waltharius and in the French chanson de geste as exemplified most notably by the Geste de Fierabras. This epic forms the best parallel to the Iliad, but doesn’t seem to depend on it. It is therefore claimed that the opening of the Iliad with the immediate conflict between the king and his main vassal represents a traditional device of oral epic poetry. As a consequence, the established idea of a chronographic epic style, which has been replaced by the more dramatic Homeric poems, has to be abandoned. On the contrary, it were the dramatic and colourful motifs like the wrath of Achilles or the conquest of Troy with the help of the Wooden Horse, which formed the kernel of the legend, around which smaller episodes crystallized that were told in a more chronographic style.
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van der Keur, Michiel. "Opbouw en vernietiging." Lampas 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2020.1.004.keur.

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Summary In the Aeneid, the recurrent themes of ‘construction’ and ‘destruction’ (the topic of the Latin final exam of 2020) can be connected to generic roles. Dido, founder of Carthage, is presented progressively in elegiac terms, as is suggested by a number of echoes of Sapphic love poetry; as a character, she is guided primarily by personal motives. Dido’s ‘elegiac role’ forebodes her own destruction and that of her city. Aeneas, on the other hand, needs to adhere to his epic role as founder of the new Trojan/Roman nation, in order to avert destruction and the repetition of Troy’s fate. When during his stay in Carthage he starts to show signs of transforming into an elegiac lover, the gods intervene and put him back onto the epic track: the public interest should take precedence over personal feelings. This opposition between elegiac Dido and epic Aeneas may grant insight into Vergil’s message for his contemporaries.
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Schaffenrath, Florian. "Neulateinische Epik zum Dreißigjährigen Krieg, oder: Wer ist der Feind?" Scientia Poetica 22, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scipo-2018-011.

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Abstract In contrast to the literary production in certain vernacular languages like French or German, the period of the Thirty Years’ War was a very productive period for Neo-Latin epic poetry. Two examples discussed in this article elucidate the different purposes of these poems: With his Turcias (Paris 1625) Francois Le Clerc Du Tremblay tried to unite the European Christian rulers and to convince them of a common and united war against the Turks. On the other hand, the Jesuit Jacques d’Amiens published in Douai in 1648 his Bellum Germanicum, the first (and only) part of an epic poem that supports the Catholic part in the Thirty Years’ War. A comparison of the depiction of the enemies in particular in these two poems makes the differences visible.
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Avellar, Júlia Batista Castilho. "A persona lírico-elegíaca de Encólpio no Satyricon de Petrônio." Nuntius Antiquus 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.10.2.161-183.

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This paper investigates the presence of tópoi and models of Latin lyric-elegiac poetry in two episodes of Petronius’s Satyricon: the breaking of Encolpius and Giton and the love relationship between Encolpius/ Polyaenus and Circe. In the first episode, the focus will be on the narrator’s poetic inserts, and, in the second one, on prose narrative. We seek to identify and analyse some allusions to lyric-elegiac literary tradition in these episodes, to verify how their presence causes the parody of the models and, in this way, to see how this resource produces a metaliterary discussion. Furthermore, we intend to show that, more than a “mythomaniac narrator” (Conte, 1996), Encolpius presents himself as a literomaniac narrator, assuming various personae throughout the narrative (not only an epic persona, but also a lyric-elegiac one).
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Taylor, Paul Beekman, and Sophie Bordier. "Chaucer and the Latin Muses." Traditio 47 (1992): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900007236.

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Muse of the uniqueHistorical fact, defending with silenceSome world of yours beholding, a silenceNo explosion can conquer, but a lover's yesHas been known to fill.W. H. Auden, ‘Homage to Clio’The Clio and Calliope evoked in the prohemia of Books II and III of Troilus and Criseyde are handily glossed in Chaucer editions as Muses of history and epic poetry respectively, but without citations of sources for these attributions. Stephen A. Barney's notes in The Riverside Chaucer suggest that in both evocations Chaucer is following Statius rather than Dante, and both he and B. A. Windeatt mention the marginal gloss ‘Cleo domina eloquentie’ in MS Harley 2392 of Troilus. Vincent J. DiMarco's note to the name Polymya in Anelida and Arcite identifies her as Muse of ‘sacred song,’ after her name-sense ‘she who is rich in hymns,’ but DiMarco does not elaborate on her pertinence to the context of the poem. There is little in current Chaucer criticism on schemes of attributes for the Muses; and yet without an idea of what values for the Muses Chaucer is drawing upon, it is difficult to appreciate their thematic force in Troilus.
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Hadjittofi, Fotini. "THE POET AND THE EVANGELIST IN NONNUS’ PARAPHRASE OF THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO JOHN." Cambridge Classical Journal 66 (July 23, 2020): 70–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270520000056.

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Christian poetry, and biblical epic in particular, is intensely self-conscious. Both Greek and Latin Christian poets begin or end their compositions, paraphrases and centos with poetological reflections on the value and objectives of their works. The fifth-century Paraphrase of the Gospel according to John is an anomaly in this tradition. While Nonnus’ mythological epic, the Dionysiaca, is heavily self-conscious in that it includes a strong authorial voice as well as an extensive prooemium and an interlude, the Christian Paraphrase has no prooemium, epilogue or interlude, and its narrator never identifies himself. This article examines two passages in the Paraphrase where subtle, implicit poetological reflections may be detected, and then explores the reasons why Nonnus may have chosen to deny the Paraphrase a clear (meta)literary identity. It argues that Nonnus’ poem presents itself as the Gospel of John, and that its narrator ‘becomes’ John the Evangelist in a spiritual exercise which is indebted to Origen's views on that Gospel.
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23

Hardie, Philip. "Flavian Epicists on Virgil's Epic Technique." Ramus 18, no. 1-2 (1989): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003015.

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Despite some notable recent essays in the rehabilitation of the Latin epic of the first century A.D., there remains a prejudice that post-Virgilian epicists are slavishly imitative in a way that Virgil (and his contemporaries in other genres) are not. The following three studies, in Valerius Flaccus, Statius, and Silius Italicus, are contributions to an argument, currently being conducted on a wide front, that imitation, even of a very close kind, may behave in a dynamic and creative way; in particular I wish to show how the epigone may function as an implicit literary analyst or critic, anticipating the results of twentieth-century criticism. My three examples take their starting-point from what I see as a general modern consensus about the nature of Virgilian epic, but the direction could be reversed, that is, we might use post-Virgilian epic as a critical aid toourreading of Virgil.I take individual passages from the Flavian epics in whichtwo(or more) passages of theAeneidare laid under contribution; analysis of such passages reveals that the later poets were reading Virgil with an eye to structural correspondences or contrasts, and to image-structures reaching from the small scale of the ‘multiple-correspondence simile’ to the large scale of patterns that arch over the whole text, features that have been at the centre of much modern Virgilian criticism. Repeated reading of theAeneidreinforces the impression of a vast structure of self-allusion and self-comment aiming for a maximal transparency of the text to itself, in so far as theprima materiaof language will allow, and demanding a ‘simultaneous reading’ that is more spatial than temporal. The fragmentary state of previous large-scale Hellenistic poetry makes it difficult to judge of the originality of Virgil in this extreme extension of the features of repetition and self-allusion that characterize all literary works; but, for example, every increase in our knowledge of Callimachus'Aitiamakes it seem more likely that it was constructed in a similar way.
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Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000139.

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Mairéad McAuley frames her substantial study of the representation of motherhood in Latin literature in terms of highly relevant modern concerns, poignantly evoked by her opening citation of Eurydice's lament at her baby's funeral in Statius’ Thebaid 6: what really makes a mother? Biology? Care-giving? (Grief? Loss? Suffering?) How do the imprisoning stereotypes of patriarchy interact with lived experiences of mothers or with the rich metaphorical manifestations of maternity (as the focus of fear and awe, for instance, or of idealizing aesthetics, of extreme political rhetoric, or as creativity and the literary imagination?) How do individuals, texts, and societies negotiate maternity's paradoxical relationship to power? Conflicting issues of maternal power and disempowerment run through history, through Latin literature, and through the book. McAuley's focus is the representational work that mothers do in Latin literature, and she pursues this through close readings of works by Ovid, Virgil, Seneca, and Statius, by re-reading their writings in a way that privileges the theme, perspective, or voice of the mother. A lengthy introduction sets the parameters of the project and its aim (which I judge to be admirably realized) to establish a productive dialogue between modern theory (especially psychoanalysis and feminist philosophy) and ancient literature. Her study evokes a dialogue that speaks to theory – even contributes to it – but without stripping the Latin literature of its cultural specificity (and without befuddling interpretation of Latin culture with anachronism and jargon, which is often the challenge). The problem for a Latinist is that psychoanalysis is, as McAuley says, ‘not simply a body of theories about human development, it is also a mode of reading’ (23), and it is a mode of reading often at cross-purposes with the aims of literary criticism in Classical Studies: psychoanalytical notions of the universal and the foundational clash with aspirations to historical awareness and appreciation of the specifics of genre or historical moment. Acknowledging – and articulating with admirable clarity and honesty – the methodological challenges of her approach, McAuley practises what she describes as ‘reading-in-tension’ (25), holding on not only to the contradictions between patriarchal texts and their potentially subversive subtexts but also to the tense conversation between modern theory and ancient literary representation. As she puts it in her epilogue, one of her aims is to ‘release’ mothers’ voices from the pages of Latin literature in the service of modern feminism, while simultaneously preserving their alterity: ‘to pay attention to their specificity within the contexts of text, genre, and history, but not to reduce them to those contexts, in order that they speak to us within and outside them at the same time’ (392). Although McAuley presents her later sections on Seneca and Statius as the heart of the book, they are preceded by two equally weighty contributions, in the form of chapters on Virgil and Ovid, which she rightly sees as important prerequisites to understanding the significance of her later analyses. In these ‘preliminary’ chapters (which in another book might happily have been served as the main course), she sets out the paradigms that inform those discussions of Seneca and Statius’ writings. In her chapter on Virgil McAuley aims to transcend the binary notion that a feminist reading of epic entails either reflecting or resisting patriarchal values. As ‘breeders and mourners of warriors…mothers are readily incorporated into the generic code’ of epic (65), and represent an alternative source of symbolic meaning (66). Her reading of Ovid's Metamorphoses then shows how the poem brings these alternative subjects into the foreground of his own poetry, where the suffering and passion of mothers take centre-stage, allowing an exploration of imperial subjectivity itself. McAuley points out that even feminist readings can often contribute to the erasure of the mother's presence by their emphasis on the patriarchal structures that subjugate the female, and she uses a later anecdote about Octavia fainting at a reading of the Aeneid as a vivid illustration of a ‘reparative reading’ of Roman epic through the eyes of a mother (91–3). Later, in her discussion of mothers in Statian epic, McAuley writes: ‘mothers never stand free of martial epic nor are they fully constituted by it, and, as such, may be one of the most appropriate figures with which to explore issues of belatedness and authority in the genre’ (387). In short, the discourse of motherhood in Latin literature is always revealed to be powerfully implicated in the central issues of Roman literature and culture. A chapter is devoted to the themes of grief, virtue, and masculinity as explored in Seneca's consolation to his own mother, before McAuley turns her attention to the richly disturbing mothers of Senecan tragedy and Statius’ Thebaid. The book explores the metaphorical richness of motherhood in ancient Rome and beyond, but without losing sight of its corporeality, seeking indeed to complicate the long-developed binary distinction between physical reproduction (gendered as female) and abstract reproduction and creativity (gendered as male). This is a long book, but it repays careful reading, and then a return to the introduction via the epilogue, so as to reflect anew on McAuley's thoughtful articulation of her methodological choices. Her study deploys psychoanalytical approaches to reading Latin literature to excellent effect (not an easy task), always enhancing the insights of her reading of the ancient texts, and maintaining lucidity. Indeed, this is the best kind of gender study, which does not merely apply the modern framework of gender and contemporary theoretical approaches to ancient materials (though it does this very skilfully and convincingly), but in addition makes it clear why this is such a valuable endeavour for us now, and how rewarding it can be to place modern psychoanalytic theories into dialogue with the ancient Roman literature. The same tangle of issues surrounding maternity as emerges from these ancient works often persists into our modern era, and by probing those issues with close reading we risk learning much about ourselves; we learn as much when the ancient representations fail to chime with our expectations.
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Yasin, Ghulam, Shaukat Ali, and Kashif Shahzad. "Resonances of greek-latin classics in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky: a critical analysis." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 43, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): e55354. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v43i1.55354.

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This research aims to probe the classical elements in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky and to show the author’s bent towards the classical authors and traditions. Dostoevsky is the giant literary figure of 19th-century Russian literature and he belongs not only to a particular time but to all times like many other great classic writers. The research is significant for exposing the author’s affiliation towards the epic poetry of Homer and Hesiod and the dramas of the preeminent Athenian tragedians, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Dostoevsky also becomes classic based on his dealings with the themes dealt by the classics like love, fight for honour, real-life presentation, the conflict between vice and virtue and the struggle of his tragic heroes to reach their goal. The research proves that Dostoevsky is a classic among the classics because of having close resonance with the classics in the art of characterization, the portrayal of tragic heroes, theme building and by including some elements of tragedy. The qualitative research is designed on the descriptive-analytic method by using the approach of Classicism presented by Mark Twain.
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Dalton, Helen E. B. "TRANSFORMING ARMA VIRVMQVE: SYNTACTICAL, MORPHOLOGICAL AND METRICAL DIS-MEMBRA-MENT IN STATIUS’ THEBAID." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000373.

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Arma uirumque cano … ‘Je chante les armes et l'homme …’ ainsi commence l’Énéide, ainsi devrait commencer toute poésie.It is far from an overstatement to make the claim that in the surviving corpus of Latin poetry no phrase is more immediately identifiable than the pronouncement of the Virgilian narrator on the ‘arms and the man’ of his subject matter. The presence of arma uirumque in a particular formation cannot fail to put us in mind of the Aeneid and its concomitant ideological associations. A consequence of the epic's centrality as a canonical text was the emergence in antiquity of arma uirumque as a synecdochic quotation for the work as a whole and, as such, for the figure of the poet himself. This transformation was further actuated by the ancient practice of ascribing titular authority to a poem's incipit, ensuring that arms and the man took on especial resonance. Even within the Aeneid, self-referential intratextual play with the Virgilian utterance can be detected. Furthermore, in post-Augustan verse, Fowler argues that arma alone is always loaded in a metaliterary fashion, serving as an identifying marker for Virgil's epic or, more broadly, for epic in general. This was so marked a phenomenon that the opening word of the poem was recycled and reworked by Ovid around a decade after the compositional beginnings of the Aeneid, in the first book of the Amores, in what formed an announcement of the redeployment of epic arma into the elegiac world of militia amoris (Am. 1.1–2).
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O'Sullivan, Patrick, and Judith Maitland. "Greek and Latin Teaching in Australian and New Zealand Universities: A 2005 Survey." Antichthon 41 (2007): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001787.

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The study of Latin and Ancient Greek at tertiary level is crucial for the survival of Classics within the university sector. And it is not too much to say that the serious study of Greco-Roman antiquity in most, if not all, areas is simply impossible without the ancient languages. They are essential not just for the broad cross-section of philological and literary studies in poetry and prose (ranging at least from Homer to the works of the Church Fathers to Byzantine Chroniclers) but also for ancient history and historiography, philosophy, art history and aesthetics, epigraphy, and many branches of archaeology. In many Classics departments in Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere, enrolments in non-language subjects such as myth, ancient theatre or epic, or history remain healthy and cater to a broad public interest in the ancient Greco-Roman world. This is, of course, to be lauded. But the status of the ancient languages, at least in terms of enrolments, may often seem precarious compared to the more overtly popular courses taught in translation. Given the centrality of the ancient languages to our discipline as a whole, it is worth keeping an eye on how they are faring to ensure their prosperity and longevity.
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28

Jiménez del Castillo, Juan Carlos. "Las Geórgicas como fuente indirecta en la Austriaca siue Naumachia de Francisco de Pedrosa." Myrtia 35 (November 12, 2020): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.455321.

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En 1580, un preceptor de Gramática madrileño, Francisco de Pedrosa, terminó de componer un poema épico lepantino en Guatemala: la inédita Austriaca siue Naumachia . Analizamos una escena de vaticinio protagonizada por Proteo tributaria del libro IV de las Geórgicas .Demostramos no solo que Pedrosa se inspiró en estos versos virgilianos, sino también que lo hizo influenciado por una de las fuentes contemporáneas más relevantes de la poesía lepantina: un libro de poemas recopilados por Pietro Gherardi, titulado In foedus et uictoriam contra Turcas iuxta sinum Corinthiacum Non. Octob. MDLXXI partam poemata uaria (Venecia, 1572). In 1580, Francisco de Pedrosa, a Latin Grammar preceptor born in Madrid, finished a Lepantine epic in Guatemala: the unpublished Austriaca siue Naumachia . We analize a Protheus’ prophecy scene based on Georgics book IV. We demonstrate that Pedrosa was inspired by this Vergilian episode and that this influence was driven by one of the main contemporary sources about Lepantine poetry: a book of poems collected by Pietro Gherardi, entitled In foedus et uictoriam contra Turcas iuxta sinum Corinthiacum Non.Octob. MDLXXI partam poemata uaria (Venice, 1572).
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29

Davis, P. J. "‘A Simple Girl’? Medea in Ovid Heroides 12." Ramus 41, no. 1-2 (2012): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000242.

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For Homer's Circe the story of Argo's voyage was already well known. Although we cannot be sure that the Odyssey's first audience was aware of Medea's role in Jason's story, we do know that by the time that Ovid came to write Heroides, she had already appeared in numerous Greek and Latin texts, in epic and lyric poetry and on the tragic stage. Given her complex textual and dramatic history, it seems hardly likely that any Ovidian Medea could actually be ‘a simple girl'. And yet precisely this charge of ‘simplicity’ has been levelled against Heroides 12 and its Active author. I propose to argue that the Medea of Heroides 12 is complex, not simple, and that her complexity derives from the fact that Ovid has positioned his elegiac heroine between past and future, guilt and innocence, epic and tragedy.Like all of Ovid's heroines, Medea writes at a critical juncture in her mythic life. But Medea's myth differs significantly from those of her fellow authors, for it requires her to play five distinct roles in four separate locations. Thus while Penelope, for example, plays only the part of Ulysses' loyal wife on Ithaca immediately before and during her husband's return, Medea plays the ‘simple girl’ in Colchis, the murderous wife in Iolcus, the abandoned mother in Corinth, the poisonous stepmother in Athens and the potential filicide back in Colchis. She is a heroine with a well-known and extensive history and so it is not surprising that the first line of Heroides 12 invokes the concept of memory: memini (‘I remember’).
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Myers, Sara. "The Metamorphosis of a Poet: Recent Work on Ovid." Journal of Roman Studies 89 (November 1999): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300740.

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It is by now obvious that Ovidian studies have ‘arrived’, apologies are no longer issued, nor are defences launched at the beginning of books. The nineties alone have seen so far the appearance of over fifty new books on Ovid in English, French, Italian, and German, and not just on the Metamorphoses, but on the Fasti, the Amores and Ars Amatoria, and the exile poetry, including the little known Ibis. Most importantly, there is a flourishing growth industry in commentaries on all of Ovid's works, with a greatly anticipated forthcoming commentary from Italy on the Metamorphoses authored by an international team, new Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics commentaries, including a recent excellent edition on Fasti 4 by Elaine Fantham (with an extremely useful and much-needed section on Ovid's style), the vastly learned commentaries of J. McKeown on the Amores, among others (all seemingly getting longer and longer). The appearance of a series of excellent English translations has made Ovid’s works more widely available for teaching. A number of companion volumes on Ovid are also forthcoming. N. Holzberg's recent impressive German introduction to Ovid evidently made the author, for a while at least, a sort of celebrity in Germany, and the book has already been reissued in a second edition. The rehabilitation of later Latin epic of the first century has more than anything served to place Ovid's work within a vigorous post-Vergilian literary tradition.
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FANTHAM, ELAINE. "(M.) Gale (ed.) Latin Epic and Didactic Poetry. Genre, Tradition and Individuality. Pp. xxiv + 264. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales, 2004. Cased. ISBN 0-9543845-6-3." Classical Review 56, no. 1 (March 24, 2006): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x05000545.

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32

Kostic, Nemanja. "Ethnoreligious dichotomization in Serbian epic poetry." Sociologija 61, no. 1 (2019): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1901113k.

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By using certain theoretical settings of ethno-symbolic and interactionist approach to the phenomena of nation and nationalism, this paper?s aim is to explain and reconstruct various pre-modern forms of ethno-religious dichotomization widely present in Serbian folk epic poetry. In that purpose, the paper displays ideas about ?other? communities that were nurtured in the Serbian epic poetry, where these ideas were interpreted as a reflection and consequence of concrete socio-historical circumstances. Special attention was given to examining the interconfessional and inter-class relations, which could have vastly influenced the self-determination process for the members of Serbian ethnic community. In other words, the factors of religious affiliation, social ranking and ethnicity are recognized as key determinants in establishing ethnoreligious dichotomization in the epic literature. The findings of the study showed that the most pronounced and most represented ethno-religious boundary in the epic poetry was set in relations to the Ottomans and Islam. On the other hand, the scarcity, incoherency or the lack of distinction of the dichotomization in relations to non-Ottoman communities, Greeks, Bulgarians, Hungarians, ?Latins?, Albanians and Arabs show that this boundary was not particularly defined, unlike the one with the Ottomans, who were different not only in terms of ethnicity, but also in terms of religion and class.
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Horn, Fabian. "THE CASUALTIES OF THE LATIN ILIAD." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 767–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000877.

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The so-called Latin Iliad, the main source for the knowledge of the Greek epic poem in the Latin West during the Middle Ages, is a hexametric poetic summary (epitome) of Homer's Iliad likely dating from the Age of Nero, which reduces the 15,693 lines of the original to a mere 1,070 lines (6.8%).
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Haskell, Yasmin. "The Tristia of a Greek refugee: Michael Marullus and the politics of Latin subjectivity after the fall of Constantinople (1453)." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 44 (1999): 110–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002236.

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Almost everything we know of Michael Marullus – Greek exile, Neoplatonist, mercenary soldier – is mediated by his poetry, much of which seems positively to invite biographical decoding. The poet tells us he was conceived in the year Constantinople fell to the Turks (1453), after which his family fled, via Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik), to Italy. Here he grew up under the Iliadae … tecta Remi (Siena?), received an excellent education, and from an early age was frequenting the humanist academy of Giovanni Pontano at Naples. Marullus reports that when just seventeen, fate tore him away from his studies and plunged him into a military career (Epig. 2.32.71–3). Between wars, both abroad and within Italy, he composed Latin poetry – including four books of controversial ‘pagan’ hymns –, edited Lucretius, and fraternised with such prominent figures in the literary and intellectual culture of the day as Jacopo Sannazaro and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Severed from an eventful life by a fittingly dramatic death, Marullus drowned in an attempt to cross the river Cecina in full flood. His poetic talents were much appreciated in his own time, for example by Leonardo Da Vinci and Thomas More. The love lyrics to ‘Neaera’, though perhaps stiff and conventional to modern taste, inspired Ronsard. His untimely death drew Latin epitaphs from all over Italy.
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Kragl, Florian. "Vergil und das Epische Erzählen." Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch 61, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 9–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/ljb.61.1.9.

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The article discusses Jan-Dirk Müller’s concept of ›epic narration‹ with respect to the dominant Virgilian tradition during the Middle Ages. Müller’s ›epic narration‹ is defined as a quasi-autochthonous vernacular mode of medieval, (at least seemingly) archaic narration, strictly distinct from the, so-to-speak, Virgilian world of the litterati, and closely resembling everyday conversation: ›Epic narration‹ is narration in the presence of narrator and audience; it unfolds common narrative knowledge; the narrated past and the presence of narration are closely intertwined; what is told, is simply true; time and space are organized primitively via deictic markers; the themes are, even if Müller somewhat skips that point, martial and belligerent. The article argues that Virgil’s Aeneid is no counterpart to that mode of ›epic narration‹, but that it participates in this more or less universal concept, albeit as its most sublime refinement. Virgil overcomes primitive ›epic narration‹ artistically by means of an unrivalled poetic perfection. This particular observation on the Aeneid poses severe questions to literary history. Even the vernacular poems offer no ›pure‹ ›epic narration‹, and Virgil’s epic in particular (as well as the Latin tradition in general, including Servius, Statius, Ovid etc) was most likely known to (most of the) vernacular poets. Hence, the idea of vernacular autonomy appears highly problematic. To put it bluntly, is the ›epic narration‹ of medieval literature an autochthonous vernacular mode, or does it, like so many other things, sprout in the long shadow of the Aeneid? Reflecting Müller’s ›epic narration‹ from a Virgilian perspective inevitably provokes a profound revision of medieval literary history.
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Malsbary, Gerald. "Epic Exegesis and the Use of Vergil in the Early Biblical Poets." Florilegium 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.005.

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The Latin Christian biblical poets of late antiquity are customarily divided into two groups: a) those who keep rather strictly to a ’’paraphrase’’ of the scriptural narrative, and b) those who go "beyond paraphrase" in order to develop imaginative and dramatic interest or allegorical and typological commentary. Thus Juvencus and "Cyprianus" Gallus, the straightforward paraphrase-makers of the New and Old Testaments respectively, are set apart, usually with disparagement, from Proba, Sedulius, Victorius, Dracontius, Avitus, and Arator, the poets who are noted, and sometimes praised, for exercising a degree of poetic or exegetical freedom from the sacred text.
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Lovatt, Helen. "M. Gale (Ed.), Latin Epic and Didactic Poetry: Genre, Tradition and Individuality. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2004. Pp. xxiii + 264. ISBN 0-95438456-3. £45.00. - U. Gärtner, Quintus Smyrnaeus und die Aeneis: zur Nachwirkung Vergils in der griechischen Literatur der Kaiserzeit (Zetemata 123). Munich: C.H. Beck, 2005. Pp. 320. ISBN 3-406-53133-4. £68.00." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800001258.

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38

Batstone, W. W. "The fragments of Furius Antias." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.387.

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Between Ennius and Vergil the Latin epic hexameter underwent dramatic changes in both prosody and diction.1 The precise history of these changes remains obscure, although it is clear from Catullan spondiazontes and Lucretian archaisms, from variation in the use of enjambment and the history of Hermann's bridge, that the versatile and expressive instrument the hexameter was to become in Vergil's hands was not the result of linear development. In fact, despite the pivotal role often assigned to Cicero, 2 in many ways the last one hundred years of the Republic is better characterized as a period of poetic variety and innovation than one of linear progress toward classical perfection. The fragments of Furius Antias can shed light on this period of change. They show remarkable prosodic characteristics and verbal finesse, and they appear to have influenced both Vergil and Ovid.
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Geue, Tom. "Festina Lente: Progress and Delay in Ovid's Fasti." Ramus 39, no. 2 (2010): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000045x.

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‘Wait a minute.’Martin Amis, Time's ArrowWe start with a stop. In recent years, long pause has been taken for inquest into the narrative dynamics of ancient literature. How stories are told, by whom, in what order—these have become key questions of narratology, a discipline whose tools most critics would now keep somewhere in their kit. Narratological criticism of poetry has ‘naturally’ drifted towards poems of long narrative span (i.e. hexameter epics). Recently, however, the ‘smaller’ genres have been extended the benefits of narratological civilisation, particularly in the realm of temporality. To take a loaded and leading example, Latin love elegy has been well serviced by narratology of late; what was once considered a genre ‘unfit’ for narrative, let alone narratological study, is now a prime setting for both. But it surprised me that the recent volume Latin Elegy and Narratology all but neglected Ovid's most ‘narrative’ elegy of all: the Fasti. Such an editorial decision may have been motivated by the perception that the Fasti needs no reclamation as a narrative poem; at any rate, the volume's interests lie in the processes of ‘fragmentation’, the way that elegy claims its own non-narrativity as alternative. Whatever the reasoning, I felt that the Fasti's near-relegation from this fascinating volume was something of an oversight. Many of the concerns emerging from the chapters on ‘other’ elegy can be usefully transferred to the Fasti.
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Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (March 25, 2015): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351400028x.

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This time last year my review concluded with the observation that the future for the study of Latin literature is fundamentally interdisciplinary, and that we should proceed in close dialogue with social historians and art historians. In the intervening period, two books from a new generation of scholars have been published which remind us of the existence of an alternative tide that is pushing back against such culturally embedded criticism, and urging us to turn anew towards the aesthetic. The very titles of these works, with their references to ‘The Sublime’ and ‘Poetic Autonomy’ are redolent of an earlier age in their grandeur and abstraction, and in their confident trans-historicism. Both monographs, in different ways, are seeking to find a new means of grounding literary criticism in reaction to the disempowerment and relativism which is perceived to be the legacy of postmodernism. In their introductions, both bring back to centre stage theoretical controversies that were a prominent feature of scholarship in the 1980s and 1990s (their dynamics acutely observed by Don Fowler in his own Greece & Rome subject reviews of the period) but which have largely faded into the background; the new generation of Latinists tend to have absorbed insights of New Historicism and postmodernism without feeling the need either to defend their importance or to reflect upon their limitations. Henry Day, in his study of the sublime in Lucan's Bellum civile, explicitly responds to the challenges issued by Charles Martindale, who has, of course, continued (in his own words) to wage ‘war against the determination of classicists to ground their discipline in “history”’. Day answers Martindale's call for the development of some new form of aesthetic criticism, where hermeneutics and the search for meaning are replaced with (or, better, complemented by) experiential analysis; his way forward is to modify Martindale's pure aesthetics, since he expresses doubt that beauty can be wholly free of ideology, or that aesthetics can be entirely liberated from history, context, and politics. Reassuringly (for the novices among us), Day begins by admitting that the question ‘What is the sublime?’ is a ‘perplexing’ one, and he starts with the definition of it as ‘a particular kind of subjective experience…in which we encounter an object that exceeds our everyday categories of comprehension’ (30). What do they have in common, then, the versions of the sublime, ancient and modern, outlined in Chapter 1: the revelatory knowledge afforded to Lucretius through his grasp of atomism, the transcendent power of great literature for Longinus, and the powerful emotion engendered in the Romantics by the sight of impressive natural phenomena such as a mountain range or a thunderstorm? One of the key ideas to emerge from this discussion – crucial to the rest of the book – is that the sublime is fundamentally about power, and especially the transference of power from the object of contemplation to its subject. The sublime is associated with violence, trauma, and subjugation, as it rips away from us the ground on which we thought we stood; yet it does not need to be complicit with the forces of oppression but can also work for resistance and retaliation. This dynamic of competing sublimes of subjugation and liberation will then help us, throughout the following chapters, to transcend the nihilism/engagement dichotomy that has polarized scholarship on Lucan in recent decades. In turn, Lucan's deployment of the sublime uses it to collapse the opposition between liberation and oppression, and thus the Bellum civile makes its own contribution to the history of the sublime. This is an impressive monograph, much more productively engaged with the details of Lucan's poem than this summary is able to convey; it brought me to a new appreciation of the concept of the sublime, and a new sense of excitement about Lucan's epic poem and its place in the Western tradition.
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41

Santos, Éverton, and Gisela Gois. "CANTO GENERAL E SOUTH AMERICA MI HIJA: UM OLHAR SOBRE “ALTURAS DE MACCHU PICCHU”." Revista Épicas 9, no. 2021 (June 30, 2021): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47044/2527-080x.2021v92743.

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“Alturas de Macchu Picchu”, second book from the poem by Pablo Neruda Canto General (1950), is, according to critics, the best known of the epic. The writer Sharon Doubiago, in South America Mi Hija (1992), makes with such book an intertextual dialogue from which stand out similarities and differences, that is why the purpose of this study is to investigate some of the resonances that this dialogue provides. For this purpose, bibliographic research was made based on authors such as La Vega (1604), Steel (1967), Alegría (1981), Kirk (1993), Santí (2011), among others, and the presentation and analysis of excerpts from corpora poems, the dialogue between them will be shown in this article. It is evident that the notions of ruin and poetic justice are contrasted by the way in which writers somehow redeem narratives that are components of the history of the defeated, placing them as a component of the identity of the Latin American peoples, resulting in a voicing strategy (be it from the collective, be it individual characters – mostly female, in Doubiago) that start from a look at the past with a view to understanding the present.
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42

Burns, Patrick J. "Measuring and Mapping Intergeneric Allusion in Latin Poetry using Tesserae." Journal of Data Mining & Digital Humanities Special Issue on..., Towards a Digital Ecosystem:... (August 2, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.46298/jdmdh.3821.

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Most intertextuality in classical poetry is unmarked, that is, it lacks objective signposts to make readers aware of the presence of references to existing texts. Intergeneric relationships can pose a particular problem as scholarship has long privileged intertextual relationships between works of the same genre. This paper treats the influence of Latin love elegy on Lucan’s epic poem, Bellum Civile, by looking at two features of unmarked intertextuality: frequency and distribution. I use the Tesserae project to generate a dataset of potential intertexts between Lucan’s epic and the elegies of Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid, which are then aggregrated and mapped in Lucan’s text. This study draws two conclusions: 1. measurement of intertextual frequency shows that the elegists contribute fewer intertexts than, for example, another epic poem (Virgil’s Aeneid), though far more than the scholarly record on elegiac influence in Lucan would suggest; and 2. mapping the distribution of intertexts confirms previous scholarship on the influence of elegy on the Bellum Civile by showing concentrations of matches, for example, in Pompey and Cornelia’s meeting before Pharsalus (5.722-815) or during the affair between Caesar and Cleopatra (10.53-106). By looking at both frequency and proportion, we can demonstrate systematically the generic enrichment of Lucan’s Bellum Civile with respect to Latin love elegy.
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43

"Grammatical Archaisms in the New Latin Poetry of Ukraine of the Early Modern Period: the Invariance of Forms and Functions." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Series "Philology", no. 85 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-1864-2020-85-08.

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The article examines the use of grammatical archaisms in the New Latin poetic text based on the historical poem by Simon Pekalid De bello Ostrogiano (Krakow, 1600). It consistently reflects one of the most important properties of poetic speech – the implementation of phonetic-grammatical and lexical-word-formation capabilities of the language system and it clearly shows the dynamic nature of language elements at all levels of Latin. It is determined that the main factors that influenced the adoption of grammatical archaisms were the metric requirements and stylistic canons of the ancient epic. Due to the functions performed in the poetic sphere, the early modern Latin, which owes a flexible language system with a grammatical basis preserved from classical Latin, was characterised by significant variability of the language structure due to the presence of elements of different origin. Belonging to the passive vocabulary of the language, in most cases archaic vocabulary was stylistically marked and it often passed into the category of traditionally poetic. The tradition of the epic genre and the stylistic differentiation of various variants of speech suggested the presence in the epic text of a certain number of archaic morphological forms, as a result of which the stylistic differentiation of inflections-doublets arose in Latin, one of which was archaic. The functioning of archaic forms in the New Latin poetic text has a dual character: as a linguistic unit, archaisms occupy a special place within synchronous relations, but as a stylistic unit they are decoded according to the second, i.e. earlier system of literary language. The use of multi-temporal morphological forms is associated with their poetic function in the language, which has gradually produced certain stylistic norms in the use of grammatical forms over the centuries.
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44

Bennardo, Lorenza. "COLOUR TERMS AND THE CREATION OF STATIUS’ EKPHRASTIC STYLE." Classical Quarterly, April 14, 2021, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000185.

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Abstract This paper focusses on colour terminology as a tool for achieving ἐνάργεια (pictorial vividness) in the Latin poetry of the first century c.e. After briefly outlining the developments in the concept of ἐνάργεια from Aristotle to Quintilian, the paper considers the use of Latin terms for black in three descriptive passages from Statius’ epic poem, the Thebaid. It is observed that the poet privileges the juxtaposition of the two adjectives ater and niger in a pattern of uariatio, where ater often carries a figurative meaning and repeats established poetic clichés, while niger is part of unparalleled collocations that evoke a material notion of blackness. Further analysis of the uariatio in the context of each passage reveals that the juxtaposition of the two-colour terms enhances the vividness of the objects described not only by increasing their chromatic impact but also by establishing connections with other parts of the poem, and by inviting a reflection on the competing practices of imitation and transgression of poetic models. The analysis of one stylistic feature (the use of colour terms in uariatio) shows that this stylistic feature is used by Statius for achieving ἐνάργεια as an artistic effect, for reflecting on ἐνάργεια as an instrument through which poetic models are challenged, and for tying his own poetic practice to contemporary rhetorical discussions.
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45

Navarro Antolín, Fernando. "Ratis aemvla solis." Naveg@mérica. Revista electrónica editada por la Asociación Española de Americanistas, no. 26 (March 10, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/nav.457911.

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La gloriosa singladura de la Nao Victoria circunnavegando por primera vez la Tierra dio pie a un sinfín de festejos y celebraciones públicas. Se pasa revista a la huella poética que tan singular gesta ha dejado, entonces y andando los siglos, en la literatura vernácula y neolatina, huella que, si bien no es muy extensa, abarca desde el encomio puro y la epopeya heroica al símil o parangón como fórmula de sobrepujamiento. The glorious voyage of the ‘Nao Victoria’ circumnavigating the Earth for the first time gave rise to endless festivities and public celebrations. A review is made of the poetic imprint that such a singular feat has left, then and over the centuries, in vernacular and Neo-Latin literature, an imprint that, although not very extensive, ranges from pure praise and heroic epic to the simile or paragon as anoutbidding formula.
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Agbamu, Samuel Asad Abijuwa. "The Reception of Petrarch’s Africa in Fascist Italy." International Journal of the Classical Tradition, February 5, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-020-00584-x.

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AbstractIn his 1877 Storia della letteratura (History of Literature), Luigi Settembrini wrote that Petrarch’s fourteenth-century poem, the Africa, ‘is forgotten …; very few have read it, and it was judged—I don’t know when and by whom—a paltry thing’. Yet, just four decades later, the early Renaissance poet’s epic of the Second Punic War, written in Latin hexameters, was being promoted as the national poem of Italy by eminent classical scholar, Nicola Festa, who published the only critical edition of the epic in 1926. This article uncovers the hitherto untold story of the revival of Petrarch’s poetic retelling of Scipio’s defeat of Hannibal in Fascist Italy, and its role in promoting ideas of nation and empire during the Fascist period in Italy. After briefly outlining the Africa’s increasing popularity in the nineteenth century, I consider some key publications that contributed to the revival of the poem under Fascism. I proceed chronologically to show how the Africa was shaped into a poem of the Italian nation, and later, after Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia, of Italy’s new Roman Empire. I suggest that the contestations over the significance of the Africa during the Fascist period, over whether it was a national poem of Roman revival or a poem of the universal ideal of empire, demonstrate more profound tensions in how Italian Fascism saw itself.
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