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Journal articles on the topic 'Ennodio'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Cristini, Marco. "Il patronato letterario nell’Italia Ostrogota." Klio 101, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 276–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0009.

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Riassunto Il patronato letterario era un sistema di relazioni sociali diffuso nell’Italia Ostrogota, come attestano le opere di Ennodio, Boezio, Cassiodoro e Arator. Ennodio cercò a lungo un dives patronus che fosse in grado di dare fama alle sue opere, mentre Boezio, grazie al sostegno di Simmaco, ottenne in breve tempo grande notorietà, tanto che Teoderico cercò di farlo entrare a corte. Cassiodoro è l’esempio più noto del patronato teodericiano, mentre Arator rivela che anche i membri del clero furono importanti mecenati. Questi autori permettono di comprendere i motivi che spinsero i letterati a cercare un patrono e le principali caratteristiche del patronato senatorio, regio ed ecclesiastico, oltre a testimoniare l’importanza degli studia litterarum nell’Italia tardoantica e le strategie di legittimazione adottate dai sovrani ostrogoti.

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2

Polara, Giovanni. "Gli atti di un convegno su Ennodio." Giornale Italiano di Filologia s. 3, no. 1-2 (November 2012): 327–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gif.5.101966.

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3

Bordone, Fabrizio. "Loschema loquendidi Cipriano: nota criticotestuale a Ennodio, carm. 324, 24 Vogel." Wiener Studien 126 (2014): 239–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst126s239.

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4

STUCCHI, Silvia. "Magno Felice Ennodio, La piena del Po (carm. 1, 5 H.), a cura di Fabio Gasti." Giornale Italiano di Filologia 73 (January 2021): 441–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gif.5.126026.

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5

Shanzer, Danuta. "ENNODIUS." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 391–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.391.

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6

Graninger, C. D. "Apollo, Ennodia, and fourth-century Thessaly*." Kernos, no. 22 (January 1, 2009): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.1775.

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7

Michalewski, Alexandra. "Plotinus on the Conception of Time (ennoia chronou): A Re-Examination of Enn. 3.7(45).12." Méthexis 33, no. 1 (March 15, 2021): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680974-03301008.

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Abstract This paper aims to revisit a debated issue concerning the formation of the “conception of time” in Plotinus’ treatise On Eternity and Time. Over the last several years, studies have drawn attention to the fact that ennoia (“conception”) in Plotinus does not always refer to the existence of an innate notion in the soul, but that it can also refer to a conception that is formed empirically. However, it is unclear whether this holds true also for the conception of time. My claim is that, far from attributing an empirical origin to the formation of the ennoia of time, Plotinus is committed to distinguishing the ennoia of number, which measures times, from the ennoia of time in the proper sense. However, just as it is necessary to distinguish essential time from its manifestation, measured by the movements of the heavenly bodies, we must also distinguish the innate notion of essential number, which the soul naturally possesses in itself, from the notion of arithmetical number, obtained through the observation of discrete quantities. This paper thus proposes to read Enn. 3.7(45).12 in connection with the analyses developed in Enn. 6.6(34).4, which concern the ennoia of number.

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8

Helly, Bruno. "Consécration d’un enclos funéraire à Ennodia Ilias à Larisa (Thessalie)." Kernos, no. 23 (January 1, 2010): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.1566.

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9

Cristini, Marco. "Graecia est professa discordiam. Teoderico, Anastasio e la battaglia di Horreum Margi." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 112, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2019-0005.

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Abstract Cassiodorus, Jordanes, Ennodius and Marcellinus Comes offer quite different accounts of the battle between Ostrogoths and imperial troops which took place at Horreum Margi in 505. A careful study of these sources indicates that Theoderic and Anastasius were uneasy when mentioning the respective allies and that they both tried to hide the other’s involvement in the conflict. Ennodius’ mention of discordia is very important to understand both the causes and the consequences of Horreum Margi. In fact, Anastasius attacked an ally of Theoderic in order to show that the king was not willing to come to the rescue of his foederati. The Ostrogothic quick reaction led to an unforeseen conflict and opened a period of tense relations between Ravenna and Constantinople, whose end, a few years later, was sealed by Cassiodorus’ first letter, a document centered on the concept of concordia.

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10

Тюленев, В. М. "Ennodius. Self-Presentation of the Late Antiquity Rhetor." Диалог со временем, no. 79(79) (August 20, 2022): 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.79.79.009.

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В статье рассматривается вопрос о том, каким образом Магн Феликс Эннодий, позднеантичный ритор и священнослужитель, формирует в своих сочинениях собственный образ и презентует его читателю. В частности, показано, что он всячески стремится убедить свою аудиторию, что принятие им духовного сана открыло для него новый этап жизни, идеалом которой стало смирение и «безмолвие». В то же время творчество Эннодия убеждает в том, что он стремится показать себя как человека деятельного, заботящегося о жителях своей провинции, о своей семье, человека, ставшего центром коммуникационной сети, включающей первых лиц Остготского королевства и римской Церкви. The article considers the question of how Ennodius, a late antique rhetorician and clergyman, forms his own image in his works and presents it to the reader. Particularly, it is shown that he as hard as possible seeks to convince his audience that the creation of his spiritual dignity opened for him a new stage of life, the ideal of which was humility and "silence". At the same time, the work of Ennodius convinces that he seeks to show himself as an active person, caring about the inhabitant of his province, about his family, a person who has become the center of a communication network which includes the leaders of the Ostrogothic kingdom and the Roman Church.

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11

Garstad, Benjamin, and S. A. H. Kennell. "Magnus Felix Ennodius: A Gentleman of the Church." Phoenix 56, no. 3/4 (2002): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192623.

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12

Bonazzi, Mauro. "Concezioni stoiche e idee platoniche." Elenchos 34, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 327–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2013-340204.

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Abstract Aim of this paper is to show how Middle Platonist philosophers adapted Stoic epistemology to their own Platonist metaphysics. More precisely the discussion focuses on the key notion of ennoia (conception).Middle Platonists argue against the hypothesis that conceptions have an empirical origin and claim that an ennoia is what remains of the pre-natal vision of the ideas. According to them, it is only through metaphysics that a theory of knowledge can adequately be grounded. The second part of the paper delves into the limits of such a claim. The possibility of getting a proper knowledge of the ideas raises a problem, for if the ennoiai are grounded on the ideas, but the ideas are not object of a proper knowledge, we run the risk of not having a proper criterion anymore. On these grounds, we would not be able to account for the process of knowledge.

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13

George, J. "Review: Magnus Felix Ennodius: a Gentleman of the Church." Journal of Theological Studies 53, no. 2 (October 1, 2002): 722–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/53.2.722.

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14

Trout, Dennis E. "Magnus Felix Ennodius: A Gentleman of the Church. S. A. H. Kennell." Speculum 77, no. 4 (October 2002): 1327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3301270.

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15

Bernstein, Neil W. "Nec tibi sufficiat transmissae gloria vitae: Otium And Ambition From Statius To Ennodius." Classical Journal 115, no. 1 (2019): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2019.0011.

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16

Skibiński, Tomasz. "Barbarzyńcy w "Vita Epifani" Ennodiusza z Pawii." Vox Patrum 72 (December 15, 2019): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4675.

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Artykuł przedstawia obraz i miejsce barbarzyńców w społeczeństwie późnoantycznym, w świetle dzieła Ennodiusza (Magnus Felix Ennodius) Vita Epifani. Analiza dzieła, a przede wszystkim misji dyplomatycznych pełnionych przez biskupa Epifaniusza, ukazuje świat drugiej połowy V w. współtworzony przez Rzymian i barbarzyńców, w którym ci ostatni mają swoje niezbywalne miejsce. Nie są w nim już gośćmi i przybyszami, ale współgospodarzami i współtwórcami nowej społeczności późnego antyku. Dzieło Ennodiusza jawi się jako wezwanie skierowane do kleru i arystokracji rzymskiej do współpracy z nowymi ludami obecnymi na dawnych terenach rzymskich i ich władcami. Dzieło rysuje też nowy obraz posługi biskupiej, skupionej na budowaniu nowej społeczności gromadzącej Rzymian i barbarzyńców. Ennodiusz biskup-dyplomata prowadzi działalność religijną, unikając przy tym kontrowersyjnych kwestii relacji z arianizmem, zwraca uwagę na działalność społeczną i polityczną wobec słabnącej władzy cywilnej.

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17

Kennell, Stefanie A. H. "Ennode de Pavie, Lettres. Texte établi, traduit et commenté par Stéphane Gioanni." Gnomon 85, no. 4 (2013): 328–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2013_4_328.

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18

Haarer, Fiona. "Ennodius - (S.) Gioanni (ed., trans.) Ennode de Pavie: Lettres. Volume II, Livres III et IV. (Collection des Universités de France publiée sous le patronage de l'Association Guillaume Budé 395.) Pp. xxxvi + 149. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2010. Paper, €45. ISBN: 978-2-251-01456-2." Classical Review 62, no. 1 (March 9, 2012): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x11003519.

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19

Bernstein. "Nec tibi sufficiat transmissae gloria vitae: Otium and Ambition from Statius to Ennodius." Classical Journal 115, no. 1 (2019): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/classicalj.115.1.0063.

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20

Szopa, Adrian. "Wódz doskonały w świetle łacińskich panegiryków późnoantycznych." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3566.

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In this article I am describing how Roman panegyric’s writers of Late Antiquity (XII Panegyrici Latini, Claudius Claudianus, Sidonius Apollinaris, Flavius Merobaudes, Priscian, Ennodius, Corippus and others) presented an image of the perfect general with reference to their object of praise. On the ground of detailed analysis of those features I am going to indicate the most expected ones according to the social reception. Moreover, I will point out those means which were used by the authors to create the image of the ideal general. Next, I will pay attention to how the authors change their way in presenting the perfect general and how this development was connected with the general evolution of the genre. Lastly, I will answer a quite perverse question: if the perfect general could lead his soldiers to a victory in a real battle. In the background there will be a continuous question, if the panegyric – despite its limitation – can or can’t be treated as a valuable historical source.

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21

Heather, Peter. "Cassiodorus and the Rise of the Amals: Genealogy and the Goths under Hun Domination." Journal of Roman Studies 79 (November 1989): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301183.

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From the mid-third century, Gothic tribes inhabited lands north of the river Danube; they were destined, however, to play a major role in the destruction of the Roman Empire and the creation of the medieval world order. In the last quarter of the fourth century, in the face of Hun attacks, some Goths (those commonly known as Visigoths) fled into the Roman Empire, winning a famous victory at Hadrianople in 378 and sacking Rome in 410. They later moved further west to found a kingdom in southern Gaul and Spain. Of equal historical importance are those Goths (usually known as Ostrogoths) who remained north of the Danube under Hun domination from c. 375 to c. 450. They too then entered the Empire, and, under Theoderic the Great, established a kingdom in Italy which is known to us through Boethius, Cassiodorus, and Ennodius. Much less well known, however, is the formative stage of their history when the Ostrogoths endured Hun domination, and it is on our sources for this period that this study will concentrate.

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22

Vitiello, Massimiliano. "Motive germanischer Kultur und Prinzipien des gotischen Königtums im Panegyricus des Ennodius an Theoderich den Großen (Die drei ,direkten Reden‘)." Hermes 133, no. 1 (2005): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2005-0009.

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23

Bonazzi, Mauro. "Henry Dyson, Prolepsis and Ennoia in the Early Stoa, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin - New York 2009, pp. xxxiii + 265." Méthexis 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2010): 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680974-90000571.

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24

Sogno, Cristiana. "Ennodius - (B.-J.) Schröder Bildung und Briefe im 6. Jahrhundert. Studien zum Mailänder Diakon Magnus Felix Ennodius. (Millennium Studies in the Culture and History of the First Millennium C.E. 15.) Pp. xii + 399. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2007. Cased, €98, US$132.30. ISBN: 978-3-11-019955-0." Classical Review 59, no. 1 (March 11, 2009): 167–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x08002369.

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25

Dumézil, Bruno. "Ennode de Pavie. Lettres. Tome 1, livres I et II. éd. par S. Gioanni, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2006, CXCVIII-196 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 65, no. 2 (April 2010): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900038683.

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26

Kelly, Joseph F. "Der Theoderich-Panegyricus des Ennodius. By Christian Rohr. Monumenta Germaniae Historiae, Studien und Texte 12. Hannover, Germany: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1995. xxxvii + 308 pp. DM 80." Church History 66, no. 4 (December 1997): 786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169220.

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27

Waarden, Joop Van. "Ennode de Pavie, chantre officiel de l’Église de Milan. By Céline Urlacher-Becht . (Collection des Études Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 198.) Pp. 511. Turnhout: Brepols/Paris: Institut d’études Augustiniennes, 2014. €66 (paper). 978 2 85121 272 6; 1158 7032." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 4 (September 28, 2016): 868–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916001305.

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28

URLACHER-BECHT, Céline. "La « mémoire privée » dans le carm. 1, 6 (= 2 Vogel) d’Ennode de Pavie. Problèmes méthodologiques et essai de reconstruction des circonstances du voyage." Viatica, HS4 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.52497/viatica2071.

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Abstract: After his return from the Roman synod of November 502, which recognized the legitimacy of Pope Symmachus in the Laurentian schism, Ennodius of Pavia composed a dicitio (carm. 1, 6 = 2 Vogel) in which he sings his safe return to his homeland, i.e. Milan. This poem, composed to be declaimed in front of a scholarly audience, is emblematic of the difficulties involved in reading, several centuries after their composition, epidictic discourses that were not written for posterity. In fact, the highly stylized account of his journey tells us almost nothing about the motivations and the conditions of the journey. However, the reasons for this silence are not only that the audience was aware of these factual data : Ennode is situated on another plane, elevating the narrative to an allegorical level. So the fears – real or fictitious – that he would have experienced during his journey (at sea?) suggest the fragility of the victory won by Symmachus.

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29

"Der Theoderich-Panegyricus des Ennodius. Ennodius, Christian Rohr." Speculum 76, no. 2 (April 2001): 446–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903484.

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30

Prontera, Alessia. "Una gravidanza 'blasfema' (Ennod. carm. 2.97 H. = 217 V.)." Num. 40 (n.s.) – Giugno 2022 – Fasc. 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/lexis/2724-1564/2022/01/014.

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The essay explains the intertextual connection of a satiric epigram of Magnus Felix Ennodius, carm. 2.97 H. = 217 V. De anu quadam with the description of the miraculous pregnancy of Sara, Isaac’s mother, in Sedulius’ Carmen Paschale. Furthermore, the article provides an Italian translation of the poem to explain the allusion to the menopause of the old woman at l. 3.

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31

Gioanni, Stéphane. "'Schröder, Bianca-Jeanette, Bildung und Briefe im 6. Jahrhundert. Studien zum Mailänder Diakon Magnus Felix Ennodius'." Revue de l’Institut français d’histoire en Allemagne, January 1, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ifha.1658.

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32

Kerényi, Bálint. "Huns and Bulgars." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, November 7, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00010.

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AbstractThe primary aim of the article is to present a different approach in the critic of sources concerning the reconstruction of „late Hunnic” and „early Bulgaric” period of steppe history. In the last half century it became a main narrative in research, that the Bulgars, appearing around the 480's on the Balkan Peninsula, are identical with those Oguric tribes (Saragur, Ogur, Onogur), that – according to Priscus rhetor – arrived to the eastern part of the European steppe circa 463. Also it is assumed by certain authors, that in the years following the battle at Nedao river (455) the Hunnic tribes, overrun by the newcomers, fled behind the Moesian borders of the East-Roman empire and lost all the continuity of their political and ethnic existense. Analyzing however the sources providing information on this period – Jordanes' Getica, the works of Cassiodorus, Ennodius, Malalas, Procopius and others –, we can let ourselves to assume differently. Although in this article I do not deal with the questions related to early Hungarian history, it is clear enough, how important the above mentioned problem is in view of these questions as well.

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