Journal articles on the topic 'English language Temporal clauses'
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1
Guerrero, Lilián. "When-clauses and temporal meanings across languages." Folia Linguistica 55, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2020-2070.
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Abstract Typological studies have tended to take for granted the default interpretation for English and imposed ‘simultaneity’ as the basic meaning of when-clauses for all languages. This in opposition to the approach taken in reference grammars, which generally report temporal linkage markers like when as encoding one or several meanings. Data from languages other than English show that comparative studies should also be open to the possibility that when-clauses do not always, or only, denote simultaneity. To support this claim and argue against the default interpretation of simultaneity, in this study I explore the range of temporal meanings of when-clauses across languages and provide evidence from Spanish and Yaqui corpora. Unlike English, corpus-based studies show that Spanish equivalent cuando-clauses equally introduce simultaneous and sequential readings, while Yaqui o-/kai-clauses predominantly express sequential meanings. Furthermore, a convenience sample of 28 unrelated languages reveals that, if there is a when-clause in a language, it can locate the event of the adverbial clause earlier, later, or around the same time as the main clause. The analysis of the semantic side of when-clauses demonstrates that there are language-specific tendencies regarding their temporal meanings. On these grounds, I propose that a better understanding of when-clauses can be arrived at by classifying them as ‘unspecific’ temporal clauses. This categorization would motivate a richer analysis of new data and a systematic comparison between unspecific, simultaneous and sequential clauses. Finally, I advance a four-way classification regarding general versus specific markers, and the temporal relations they encode, two of which account for most languages analyzed.
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Li, Wenwen, and Yijun Long. "A Development Study on the Ordering Distribution of Temporal Adverbial Clauses by Chinese EFL Learners Based on Dependency Treebank." Chinese Journal of Applied Linguistics 45, no. 4 (November 1, 2022): 551–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cjal-2022-0404.
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Abstract Temporal adverbial clause is an important language structure and exhibits different features in English and Chinese, which brings about difficulties for Chinese EFL learners. Based on the theory of Dependency Grammar, the study attempts to investigate the ordering distribution of temporal adverbial clauses by Chinese EFL learners at the beginning, intermediate and advanced levels. The results show that: 1) Chinese EFL learners at different proficiencies tend to precede temporal adverbial clause to main clause. With the increase of proficiency, the postposition of temporal adverbial clauses by learners increases and is approaching to the ordering preference of target language. 2) The ordering distribution of subordinators for temporal adverbial clauses by Chinese EFL learners is consistent with native English, showing a tendency of 100% preposition, which ascribes to the high frequency and salience of subordinators in English. 3) MDD is one of the significant motivations that cause the preference of prepositional temporal adverbial clauses by Chinese EFL learners. As a kind of natural language, interlanguage has a unique cognitive mechanism which distinguishes from both native and target language. This study provides a more comprehensive theoretical reference for learners at different proficiencies to understand and learn temporal adverbial clauses, as well as data support from empirical research for language teaching.
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Broccias, Cristiano. "The construal of simultaneity in English with special reference to as-clauses." Annual Review of Cognitive Linguistics 4 (October 25, 2006): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/arcl.4.05bro.
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This paper investigates how simultaneity between two events, a main clause event and a subordinate clause event, is coded in English. It focuses on as-clauses but also contrasts them with while-clauses. It argues that as-clauses evoke path events, i.e. events susceptible to change. It also points out that as-clauses define a family resemblance network in that different, though related, variants can be recognised. While-clauses are argued to generally evoke larger and more stable temporal configurations, e.g. properties. The different behaviour of as-clauses and while-clauses is related to the different lexical status of as vs. while. The former is analysed as a subordinator unspecified for temporality whereas the latter is regarded as a temporal subordinator by default. Finally, the use of progressive aspect is discussed. It is argued to function as a “slow motion” marker in as-clauses and/or to signal a contrast between the temporal expanses of the main and as-clauses. By contrast, it takes on a transience-highlighting function in while-clauses.
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PENTREL, MEIKE. "Connecting the present and the past: cognitive processing and the position of adverbial clauses in Samuel Pepys's Diary." English Language and Linguistics 21, no. 2 (July 2017): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674317000120.
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The present article studies the linear order of main and temporal adverbial clauses in theDiary of Samuel Pepys (1660–1669). In the development of a framework that combines cognitive and historical data, processing principles identified for Present-day English (e.g. Prideaux 1989; Diessel 2008) are tested for this ego-document from the seventeenth century. The factors investigated are the iconic temporal order of both clauses, the length of the adverbial clause and the implied meaning of the clauses. Moreover, the discourse function of the respective clauses will be discussed. On the basis of the Uniformitarian Principle, the present study assumes that processing principles that are valid for Present-day English predict the position of the clause in past language stages to a similar extent.
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Dickins, James. "Cumulative difference and catastrophic change." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 51, no. 3 (December 31, 2005): 262–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.51.3.04dic.
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Abstract This paper shows how various problematic features of the translation into English of Arabic (??) ??? / bacda (‘an) “after” may combine, initially incrementally, but ultimately in a “catastrophic” manner (cf. Woodcock and Davis 1980), at which point the translator is forced to engage in significant TT restructuring. The paper provides a basic temporal definition of (??) ??? / bacda (‘an) (Section 1). It introduces the notion of informational incongruity (Section 2), and develops this in relation to the informational pairs: theme/rheme, and foregrounding/backgrounding. While final adjunct and sentential relative clauses in English cannot be foregrounded, final disjunct clauses can be (Section 3). Some Arabic final subordinate clauses can be foregrounded, whose obvious English translation equivalents cannot; direct (literal) translations into English of these Arabic ST structures accordingly result in informational incongruity (Section 4). The fact that (??) ??? / bacda (‘an) may have a temporal+causal or temporal+adversative interpretation, unlike the purely temporal English “after” or “following” can also contribute to informational incongruity in translation (Section 5). In some cases, a final ?? ??? / bacda ‘an in a temporal+causal sense occurs in a context which requires that the ?? ??? / bacda ‘an clause be backgrounded. A direct English translation using “since” (a causal with available temporal implications), results in a foregrounded final disjunct clause in the English TT, as well as yielding other denotative problems. At this point, only a catastrophic translation solution seems acceptable, involving significant TT restructuring (Section 6).
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HAEGEMAN, LILIANE. "The movement analysis of temporal adverbial clauses." English Language and Linguistics 13, no. 3 (October 19, 2009): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674309990165.
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In the literature it has been proposed that temporal adverbial clauses can be derived by wh-movement of an operator (e.g. when) to the left periphery (Geis 1970, 1975; Enç 1987: 655; Larson 1987, 1990; Dubinsky & Williams 1995; Declerck 1997; Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria 2004: 165–70). After reviewing the arguments that have been proposed in favour of such a movement analysis, the article provides additional empirical evidence in support of the analysis. The data concern so-called Main Clause Phenomena (MCP) or Root phenomena, that is, syntactic phenomena such as argument fronting, Locative Inversion, preposing around be, VP preposing and Negative Inversion, which in English are by and large restricted to main clauses. The unavailability of these MCP in temporal adverbial clauses follows directly from the movement account. The movement analysis will be extended to conditional clauses and factive clauses.
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Vikner, Carl. "The semantics of Scandinavian ‘when’-clauses." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 27, no. 2 (November 17, 2004): 133–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586504001209.
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The system of temporal connectives in Scandinavian exhibits an interesting variation in that Danish, like e.g. German, is a two-‘when’ language, i.e. it has two temporal connectives that have divided between them the semantic area covered in English by the single connective when. One of the two Danish connectives (da) is restricted to past episodic clauses, while the other one (når) may be used in past and present habitual clauses and in future clauses. Swedish, on the other hand, like e.g. English, is a one-‘when’ language: it has only one temporal connective corresponding to the two Danish ones, whereas Norwegian presents an intermediate situation, possibly a stage in the development from a two-‘when’ to a one-‘when’ system. This paper proposes a semantic analysis of the two ‘when’s in Danish: On the one hand, the semantics of da-clauses is similar to the semantics of definite DPs in that a da-clause presupposes that, in the current discourse situation, there is one and only one eventuality corresponding to the description it conveys. This makes it possible for a da-clause to have a reference-setting function with respect to its superordinate clause. On the other hand, når-clauses are similar to indefinite DPs in that they contribute propositions with an unbound eventuality argument, and therefore they yield descriptions of eventualities that never get referentially bound, but always occur in the scope of a non-existential quantifier. This restricts the use of når-clauses to habitual sentences and future sentences. This analysis involves the elaboration of a novel and more adequate formal semantic description of habitual sentences.
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Ngo, Thanh. "A comparative account of the interpretation of temporal relations in narrative in Vietnamese and English." Languages in Contrast 15, no. 2 (November 6, 2015): 208–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.15.2.03ngo.
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This paper provides a comparative account of the interpretation of temporal relations in Vietnamese and English narrative, using a bi-directional corpus of 3,082 clauses of narrative passages originally written in Vietnamese and their English translations and 3,124 clauses of narrative passages originally written in English and their Vietnamese translations. It is shown that the principles for the interpretation of temporal relations between situations in narrative are similar for both English and Vietnamese despite the fact that English has a well-developed tense system, while Vietnamese is a widely-known tenseless language. The principles are based on the temporal properties of situation aspect and the discourse relations between the clauses, which are elicited from pragmatic inferences.
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Arregui, Ana, and Kiyomi Kusumoto. "Tense in Temporal Adjunct Clauses." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 8 (October 6, 1998): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v8i0.2814.
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The behaviour of tense in subordinate clauses is not uniform across languages and theories that deal with the interpretation of tense try to explain this. The interpretation of past and present tense in complement clauses is one of the well known puzzles. Languages differ on this respect, and have been classified accordingly as sequence of tense languages (e.g. English) and non-sequence of tense languages (e.g. Japanese). In this paper we will be concerned mainly with the interpretation of tenses in temporal adjunct clauses (TACs). We will discuss the analysis proposed by Ogihara [1994, 1996] and argue that the differences in tense distribution that we observe between English and Japanese TACs are not to be explained as a case of sequence of tense.
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Zhao, Lucy Xia. "Ultimate attainment of anaphora resolution in L2 Chinese." Second Language Research 30, no. 3 (June 3, 2014): 381–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658314521107.
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The current study tests the Interface Hypothesis through forward and backward anaphora in complex sentences with temporal subordinate clauses in highly proficient English-speaking learners’ second-language (L2) Chinese. Forward anaphora is involved when the overt pronoun ta ‘he/she’ or a null element appears in the subject position of the main clause, whereas backward anaphora is involved when it is in the subject position of the temporal clause, because the main clause always follows the temporal clause in Chinese. Specifically, the article tests the syntactic and discourse constraints in the interpretation and representation of ta and the null element in complex sentences. Ta is constrained by the syntactic cyclic-c-command condition. Thus it is possible for ta to refer to the other sentential subject in forward anaphora, but not in backward anaphora in Chinese. Unlike English, Chinese allows a null element in subject positions of finite subordinate and main clauses. It is proposed in the article that the null element in these positions is a Øtopic, a syntax–discourse interface category. Results from an acceptability judgement task and a picture judgment task indicate that Øtopic at the external interface has been acquired, whereas the cyclic-c-command condition within narrow syntax is fossilized in L2 Chinese.
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Sun, Hongyuan, and Hamida Demirdache. "Time Reference in Mandarin Relative Clauses." Languages 7, no. 3 (July 5, 2022): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages7030170.
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In this paper, we investigate constraints on the time reference of embedded clauses in Mandarin. We show that while English past-tensed embedded clauses disallow later-than-matrix readings in intensional contexts on a de dicto construal, Mandarin relative clauses with bare predicates yield temporally free readings across the board. We argue that the contrast between the temporal interpretations of bare embedded clauses in Mandarin vs. past-tensed embedded clauses in English is not due to a putative contrast between ‘tenseless’ languages (as Mandarin is traditionally assumed to be) and ‘tensed’ languages such as English. Mandarin is indeed not tenseless, but rather has a covert Non-Future tense, restricting the reference time of bare sentences to non-future times. Moreover, Mandarin superficially tenseless embedded clauses with overt—be it perfect, perfective, durative/progressive—aspectual marking do not allow later-than-matrix readings on a de dicto construal, just like tensed embedded clauses in English. We conclude that the freedom of interpretation of bare embedded clauses in Mandarin cannot be imputed to null semantically underspecified tense, but rather to null semantically underspecified aspect. Our analysis provides, to our knowledge, the first arguments for Non-Future tense in embedded contexts.
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WIECHMANN, DANIEL, and ELMA KERZ. "The positioning of concessive adverbial clauses in English: assessing the importance of discourse-pragmatic and processing-based constraints." English Language and Linguistics 17, no. 1 (February 11, 2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674312000305.
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English permits adverbial subordinate clauses to be placed either before or after their associated main clause. Previous research has shown that the positioning is conditioned by various factors from the domains of semantics, discourse pragmatics and language processing. With the exception of Diessel (2008), these factors have never been investigated in concert, which makes it difficult to understand their relative importance. Diessel's study, however, discusses only temporal constructions and identifies iconicity of sequence as the strongest predictor of clause position. Since this explanation is, in principle, unavailable for other types of subordinate clauses, the generalizability of Diessel's findings is somewhat limited. The present study offers a multifactorial analysis of 2,000 concessive constructions from the written part of the BNC and assesses the variable importance of six factors for the ordering choice, showing that semantic and discourse-pragmatic factors are much stronger predictors of clause position than processing-based, weight-related ones. On a methodological note, the study proposes that random forests using conditional inference trees constitute the preferred tool for the general type of problem investigated here.
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Asic, Tijana, Yves Bardiere, Tatjana Grujic, and Frederic Torterat. "Da, pour and to clauses in gradually teleonomic verb constructions. A comparative approach to Serbian, French and English." Juznoslovenski filolog 73, no. 1-2 (2017): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1702009a.
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This paper examines how the Serbian ?da? subordinate clause, the French preposition pour and the English particle to, mainly used in clauses expressing purpose, can become linguistic forms expressing temporal and oppositional values. In other words, it represents an original analysis of what we call non/pseudo-teleonomic clauses in Serbian, French and English. It examines the similarities and differences between the three languages and shows that the ?da? subordinate clause in Serbian has a much more extensive scope than pour in French, which in turn has wider applications than to in English. The study is illustrated by concrete and genuine examples primarily drawn from the press in the three languages. It aims at reaching generalization via the principle of continuum which makes it possible to tackle teleonomic vs pseudo-teleonomic issues not in terms of binary opposition but in terms of gradience.
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Berezowski, Leszek. "Curious Legal Conditionals." Research in Language 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2011): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-011-0002-4.
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The paper examines the use of the modal verb SHALL in the if clauses of conditionals found in legal English. The study traces the history of such usages and compares them to two uses of WILL attested in the same grammatical environment: a temporal use and a nonepistemic modal use. The comparison provides the foundation for examining the use of SHALL in Biblical translations, where this verb has outlived its demise in general English, and both of these sources inform the analysis of SHALL in legal conditionals. Specifically, it is claimed that SHALL is not inherently deontic in legal English but is used as an explicit marker of the authority vested in the author or authors of spoken and written texts. This approach explains why authority conscious drafters can use SHALL in the if clauses of conditionals and in temporal clauses whenever they want to and why the proponents of the plain language movement advocate simply deleting SHALL from legal writing and not replacing it with more popular modals expressing deontic meanings, e.g. HAVE TO, MUST, etc. It is claimed that no such replacements are recommended because there is no deontic meaning to replace and the authority designated by SHALL can be inferred from the context.
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Tuhai, O. "THE STUDY OF COMPLEMENTARY COMPLEXES IN MODERN GRAMMAR SCHOOLS." Studia Philologica, no. 2 (2019): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2019.13.12.
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The article focuses on the basic theoretical approaches to the analysis of complementary complexes in modern grammar paradigms. The phenomenon of clausal complementation has been presented. Subordinate sentences are characterized as object clausal complements with the status of a core internal argument of the main predicate. Grammatical configuration and functioning of finite/infinitive complementary sentences in English have been revealed. Grammatical status of clauses under the study is postulated as object predication or the internal verbal complement in the function of an object. Grammatical indicators of finite sentences are analyzed considering specific that/wh- markers of complementation, semantics of matrix verbs as well as temporal tense-form feature in a verbal phrase. Grammatical configuration of infinitive sentences is denoted by to-/wh-markers and noun phrases in a certain case. Identifying criteria of verbal clausal complements have been distinguished. Morphology of the predicate, internal/external syntax of a complementary construction are grounded as leading features of their definition. Typology of verbal complementation in terms of transitivity, complement attachment to the perculia part of speech, functional communicative approach has been reviewed. General monotransitive, complex-transitive and ditransitive complementation has been outlined. When being attached to a particular language constituent a clause is determined as nominal, adjective or verbal complement. Due to communicative peculiarity finite subordinate clauses are positioned as content declarative, interrogative and exclamative.
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Travis, Catherine E., and Amy M. Lindstrom. "Different registers, different grammars? Subject expression in English conversation and narrative." Language Variation and Change 28, no. 1 (February 23, 2016): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394515000174.
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AbstractAs a so-called non-null subject language, it has been proposed that in English, unexpressed subjects occur only in registers that have specific grammatical properties. We test this hypothesis through a comparison of the conditioning of subject expression for third-person singular human specific subjects in English conversation and narrative. Despite a stark difference in the rates of nonexpression (4% in conversation vs. 22% in narratives), there is no evidence of different grammars across the registers—in both, outside of coreferential clauses conjoined with a coordinating conjunction, unexpressed subjects only occur in prosodic initial position in main clause declaratives. Within the variable context, in both registers, expression is sensitive to accessibility, priming, and temporal sequentiality. A register effect is, however, evident in the contextual distribution, with a larger proportion of the narrative tokens occurring in contexts propitious to unexpressed subjects, and it is this that accounts for the higher rate of nonexpression in this register.
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Rossette, Fiona. "Translating asyndeton from French literary texts into English." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 21, no. 1 (July 24, 2009): 98–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.21.1.05ros.
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While asyndeton between finite clauses within the sentence may be considered a marginal construction, compared for example to coordination or subordination, it is more frequent in French than in English, in which it is limited with respect to genre. Particularly interesting examples, both quantitively and qualitively, can be found in French literature, notably in the fiction of Marguerite Duras, who made asyndeton her hallmark. This study documents the choices made by English translators of Duras, and of three other French writers who exploit asyndeton. Literature aside, asyndeton in French texts is not carried over into English, in what can be qualified as norm-governed translation. However, asyndeton in literary texts is carried over into English in up to fifty percent of cases, reflecting a certain compromise between norms in the source language and those in the target language. Apart from describing Duras’ specific use of asyndeton, and illustrating the difficulty of translating any element that is an essential ingredient of a writer’s style, which, by definition, represents a departure from an accepted norm, this study brings to light certain aspects governing clause combining in English. Certain linguistic parameters that favour the exploitation of asyndeton in English are systematised, specifically concision, rhythm and isotopy. Semantic, temporal and/or aspectual constraints are also highlighted.
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Brand, Christiane, and Sandra Götz. "Fluency versus accuracy in advanced spoken learner language." International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 16, no. 2 (May 26, 2011): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijcl.16.2.05bra.
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In this paper we present a possible multi-method approach towards the description of a potential correlation between errors and temporal variables of (dys-)fluency in spoken learner language. Using the German subcorpus of the Louvain International Database of Spoken English Interlanguage (LINDSEI) and the native control corpus Louvain Corpus of Native English Conversation (LOCNEC), we first analysed errors and temporal variables of fluency quantitatively. We detected lexical and grammatical categories which are especially error-prone as well as problematic aspects of fluency for all learners in the LINDSEI subcorpus, e.g. confusion in tense agreement across clauses or an overuse of unfilled pauses. In the ensuing qualitative analysis of five prototypical learners, no trend for a possible correlation of accuracy and fluency could be observed. Fifty native speakers’ ratings of these five learners revealed that the learner with an average performance across the investigated variables received the highest ratings for overall oral proficiency.
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Zipoli, Richard P. "Unraveling Difficult Sentences." Intervention in School and Clinic 52, no. 4 (September 24, 2016): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1053451216659465.
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The ability to understand sentences contributes to students’ reading comprehension. However, many reading programs tend to underemphasize explicit instruction aimed at enhancing students’ knowledge of sentence structures. Children with language impairments, students with learning disabilities, and English language learners may particularly benefit from instruction that targets potentially challenging sentence structures. This article is designed to help educators and clinicians more effectively identify and teach several sentence structures that can compromise elementary and middle school students’ understanding of written text. Four types of sentence structures that may be difficult to process are introduced and systematically explored: (a) sentences with passive verb constructions, (b) adverbial clauses with temporal and causal conjunctions, (c) center-embedded relative clauses, and (d) sentences with three or more clauses. Information is presented on syntactic structures, sources of confusion, developmental considerations, assessment caveats, and instructional strategies.
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Sinh, Nguyen Dinh. "THE TRANSLATION OF ENGLISH TENSES AND ASPECTS IN NARRATIVE MODE INTO VIETNAMESE." VNU Journal of Foreign Studies 36, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.25073/2525-2445/vnufs.4633.
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Confusion due to ambiguity in tenses and aspects while translating from English into Vietnamese is still a common problem to translators. There are several causes to this problem, but the main cause is the difference in viewing tense and aspect notions in the two languages by researchers or scholars. The existence of tense and aspect identities in English clauses or sentences is a matter of fact whereas in Vietnamese they are the topic of controversy among linguists and educators. This article investigates some of the linguistic means that were employed to translate English tenses and aspects in narrative mode into Vietnamese by three well-known translators, namely Mặc Đỗ, Hoàng Cường and Trịnh Lữ. The results of the study prove the fact that though tenses and aspects are not always recognized in the Vietnamese language, they can be translated from the English language via the use of temporal adverbials, aspectual markers or situation types of Vietnamese verbs.
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Ji, Shaojun. "The iconicity assumption and the functional distribution of English temporal adverbial clauses: A textual perspective." Journal of Pragmatics 42, no. 12 (December 2010): 3163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2010.07.009.
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Krave, Maria Filiouchkina. "THE ENGLISH -ING PARTICIPIAL ADJUNCTS IN FIRST AND SECOND LANGUAGE WRITTEN DISCOURSE." Discourse and Interaction 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/di2012-2-17.
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The study reported on in this article shows that the -ing participial adjuncts are used differently by native speakers of English depending on the genre they occur in. A comparison of data from written re-narrations of a film with the data from argumentative essays shows that these constructions are more frequent in narrative texts. The -ing participial adjuncts are typically used to express temporal succession (e.g. Anteriority) in narrative texts, whereas Means is the most frequent function of these constructions in argumentative essays. The native speaker data is then compared to that of Norwegian learners of English. The non-native-like patterns in the L2 data are attributed to L1 transfer and lack of knowledge about the genre-specific uses of the -ing clauses.
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Torres Cacoullos, Rena, and Catherine E. Travis. "Variationist typology: Shared probabilistic constraints across (non-)null subject languages." Linguistics 57, no. 3 (May 27, 2019): 653–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0011.
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Abstract A key parameter in received classifications of language types is the expression of pronominal subjects. Here we compare variation patterns in conversational data of English – considered a non-null-subject language – and Spanish – a well-studied null-subject language. English has a patently lower rate of expression (approximately 3% unexpressed 1sg and 3sg human subjects vs. 60% in Spanish). Despite the stark difference in rate of expression, the same probabilistic constraints are at work in the two languages. Contrary to popular belief, VP coordination is neither a discrete nor a distinguishing category of English. Instead, a shared constraint is linking with the preceding subject, a refinement of accessibility to include, alongside coreferentiality, measures of structural connectedness – both prosodic and syntactic. Other shared constraints on unexpressed subjects are coreferential subject priming (a tendency to repeat the form of the previous mention) and lexical aspect (reflecting the contribution of a temporal relationship to subject expression). Where the languages most differ is in the envelope of variation. In English, besides coreferential-subject verbs conjoined with a coordinating conjunction, unexpressed subjects are limited to prosodic initial-position in declarative main clauses, a restriction that is absent in Spanish. We propose that the locus of cross-language comparisons is the variable structure of each language, defined by the set of probabilistic constraints but also the delimitation of the variable context within which these are operative.
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Valmala, Vidal. "VP Anaphor, the SIH, and the ISH." Coherence and Anaphora 10 (January 1, 1996): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.10.09elg.
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Abstract. This paper gives an account of some restrictions in the application of null VP Anaphor in English infinitives, showing how the Internal Subject Hypothesis and the Split Inflection Hypothesis affect the assumptions on which previous analyses were based. The ECP and the temporal interpretation of the infinitive are demonstrated to be irrelevant for licensing null VPs in English infinitival clauses. It is shown that VP Anaphor is better analyzed as involving deletion at the PF level or on the way to it, and that it can be applied if the antecedent and target VP are "identical" at LF. It also appears that independent conditions concerning the checking of features of infinitival have and be affect VP deletion applicability.
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Folmer, Margaretha. "The Translation of Biblical Hebrew Clauses with בְּ / כְּ + Construct Infinitive in Targum Onqelos." Aramaic Studies 11, no. 2 (2013): 113–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-13110211.
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The following article discusses Jewish Aramaic translations of the typical Biblical Hebrew constructions בְּ / כְּ + construct infinitive, which are usually translated with temporal clauses in English. In the Aramaic translations a variety of possible translations is attested. This study uncovers some of the principles which guided the translator(s) of Targum Onqelos in their choices. The discussion will be narrowed down to the representative examples of Genesis, since the evidence in Exod.–Deut. largely agrees with that found in Genesis. Finally, I will briefly refer to Targum Jonathan and the Palestinian Targumim.
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Chen, Sherry Yong, and E. Matthew Husband. "Contradictory (forward) lifetime effects and the non-future tense in Mandarin Chinese." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4296.
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Lifetime effects refer to the inferences about the life/death of the individual in sentences with individual-level predicates like ‘Mary is/was blue-eyed’. In English, contradictory lifetime inferences arise when the subject denotes one living and one dead individual (e.g. Saussuredead and Chomskyliving #are/??were both linguists.), but no such inferences arises in Mandarin Chinese, a language that has been considered “tenseless” due to the lack of past tense morphemes. This paper investigates the online processing of contradictory lifetime effects and presents additional empirical observations about “forward lifetime effects”, which suggest that both covert past tense and tenseless accounts of Chinese are inadequate for capturing temporal interpretations in this language; instead, finite clauses in Chinese display a Future/Non-Future distinction and are likely to possess a tense node. We discuss our findings in relation to the typology of tense as well as implications for other superficially tenseless languages.
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Bennett-Kastor, Tina. "Predications and nonreferential cohesion in Irish-speaking children's narratives." Functions of Language 6, no. 2 (December 31, 1999): 195–241. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.6.2.03ben.
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This work describes the manipulation of predication in the narratives of monolingual Irish (Gaelic)-speaking preschool children, and compares the development of nonreferential means of cohesion in a language that is typologically distinct to development in other languages, especially English. The examination presents general data on eight two through five year old children's use of finite and nonfinite verbs, of the complements and modifiers of verbs, and of textual devices to link clauses. Predication and other nonreferential devices function both to propel the narrative forward, and to provide cohesion at the local or global level through temporal, logical, or evaluative means. Four of the children's narratives are examined in greater detail. Despite the typological differences between Irish and many other European languages, predicate development seems to proceed similarly in many respects. The possible exception is the clitic-like copula and its various irregular forms, which did not appear to have been mastered until relatively late.
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DEHÉ, NICOLE. "Clausal parentheticals, intonational phrasing, and prosodic theory." Journal of Linguistics 45, no. 3 (September 30, 2009): 569–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222670999003x.
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This paper investigates the intonational phrasing of three types of parenthetical insertions – non-restrictive relative clauses (NRRCs), full sentences, and comment clauses (CCs) – in actual spoken language. It draws on a large set of data from a corpus of spoken British English. Its aim is twofold: first, it evaluates the correctness of previous claims about the intonational phrasing of parentheticals, specifically the assumption that parentheticals are phrased in a separate intonation domain; second, it discusses the implications of the intonational phrasing of parentheticals for prosodic theory. The results of the data analysis are as follows. First, the longer types of interpolations but not CCs are by default phrased separately. Second, both the temporal and the tonal structure of the host may be affected by the parenthetical. Third, CCs lend themselves more readily to the restructuring of intonational phrases such that they are phrased in one domain together with material from the host. Fourth, the prosodic results cannot be explained in syntactic accounts which do not allow for a syntactic relation between parenthetical and host. Fifth, the interface constraints on intonational phrasing apply to parentheticals. Sixth, the intonational phrasing of parentheticals supports the assumption of a post-syntactic, phonological component of the grammar at which restructuring applies.
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Lu, Wei-lun. "Time, tense and viewpoint shift across languages: A Multiple-Parallel-Text approach to “tense shifting” in a tenseless language." Cognitive Linguistics 30, no. 2 (May 27, 2019): 377–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog-2018-0039.
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AbstractThe paper discusses the role of tense and time from a cross-linguistic perspective by comparing English (a tensed language) and Mandarin (a language without formal tense marking). Multiple translations of the same literary piece are used to test the correspondence between the tense, the perfective aspect and temporal adverbials. In English, tense marking is found to work with at least two language-specific stylistic means, clause interpolation and inversion, to create a mixed narrative viewpoint. In Mandarin, neither the perfective aspect nor temporal adverbials, i.e., constructions that invoketime, are systematically used across the renditions, which shows the Mandarin system’s overall indifference totimein managing viewpoint in discourse. The Mandarin renditions, in addition to an overall indifference totime, feature consistent and frequent use of reduplication as the system’s distinctive viewpoint strategy. The paper concludes with a discussion of the cognitive consequence of a language using an obligatory marking system to piggyback the function of viewpointing narratives.
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Wurmbrand, Susi. "Tense and Aspect in English Infinitives." Linguistic Inquiry 45, no. 3 (July 2014): 403–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00161.
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This article investigates the temporal and aspectual composition of infinitival complementation structures in English. I show that previous classifications of tense in infinitives are insufficient in that they do not cover the entire spectrum of infinitival constructions in English. Using the distribution of nongeneric, nonstative, episodic interpretations as a main characteristic, I show that infinitival constructions fall into three classes: future irrealis infinitives, which allow episodic interpretations with bare VPs; simultaneous infinitives that do not allow episodic interpretations; and simultaneous infinitives that allow episodic interpretations depending on the matrix tense. I argue that the three classes of infinitives are derived from the following properties: future infinitives are tenseless but involve a syntactically present future modal woll; simultaneous propositional attitude infinitives impose the now of the propositional attitude holder as the reference time of the infinitive; and certain simultaneous infinitives form a single temporal domain with the matrix clause. The analysis proposed has consequences for the composition of tense and aspect, the syntax of infinitives, and the way selection is determined.
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Mihaljević Djigunović, Jelena. "Language anxiety and language processing." EUROSLA Yearbook 6 (July 20, 2006): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.6.12mih.
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This paper focuses on two studies into the effects of language anxiety on language processing. Using samples of Croatian L1 — English L2 speakers performing two picture description tasks (one in L1 and one in L2), the studies analysed their oral productions in order to identify a number of temporal and hesitation signals of planning processes. The findings suggest that observing learners using audio and video equipment and trying to increase their anxiety through interpersonal style does not produce a significant difference. However, learners watching someone apparently taking notes on their performance seemed to be significantly anxiety provoking. Qualitative analysis suggests that, in comparison with low anxiety language users, high anxiety language users produce longer texts in L2 than in L1, produce smaller amounts of continuous speech in both L1 and L2, produce filled pauses with a higher mean length in L2 than in L1, have longer mid-clause pauses, fewer repetitions, and make more false starts.
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Sipayung, Kammer Tuahman, Syahron Lubis, Edi Setia, and Roswita Silalahi. "Explicitation and Implicitation of Conjuctive Relation in Target Text of Principle Language Learning and Teaching(PLLT)." IJELTAL (Indonesian Journal of English Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics) 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21093/ijeltal.v2i1.66.
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Explicitation, implicitation and meaning change are the kinds of cohesion shift which is the important topic to investigate in translation. The confirmation of explicitation and implicitation translation process and its devices that is adopt by Noor Cholis and Yusi Avianto Pareanom in translating conjuction activites between sentences and clauses from English (ST) to Bahasa (TT). The data of this research are several conjuction which is appear in every chapter from Principle of Language Learning Language. To prove the hypothesis of explicitation based on Blum-Kulka (1986) is also the aim of this research then the analysis about conjuntive relation is done based on Haliday and Hasan (1976). The result of this reaserach shown us that 1) The hypotheis is positive or the portion of explicitation is bigger (63,52%), Implicitation (28,93%), meaning change (7,54%). 2) Addition is 16 devices and omision 24 devices of conjuction are adopted by the translator. 3) translators applied explicitated to the four types of conjuction such as: additive (39,60% ), adversative (26,73% ), causal (10,89% ) and temporal (22,77%) and implicitated to the four types of conjuction additive (26,08% ), adversative (39,13% ), causal (23,91% ) and temporal (10,86%) while the meaning change on additive (66,66% ), adversative (33,33% ), causal (0% ) and temporal (0%). From the finding above, it is described that additive conjunction potrayed more explicit than other and adversative conjunction more implicit than the other while additive conjunction experiences more meaning change than the other types of conjuction.
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Andrushenko, Olena. "SPECIFICS OF OLD ENGLISH SYNTAX AS THE BASIS FOR GRAMMATICALIZATION OF FOCUSING ADVERBS." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu «Ostrozʹka akademìâ». Serìâ «Fìlologìâ» 1, no. 11(79) (September 29, 2021): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2519-2558-2021-11(79)-111-115.
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The article deals with the preconditions of focusing adverbs grammaticalization in Old English, which function as one of the markers of sentence information structure in Modern English. With major strategies of highlighting the components of information structure in the language of VII-XI cen. being analyzed, the study found that the order of arranging the elements in the sentence was, namely, most sensitive to old/new information allotment, as well as, sentence topic and focus marking, which explains the word order variations in the clause. Adverbs as a class in this period were represented by temporal, VP- and sentential ones. All these types have relevance for the current study given that they may serve as one of the sources of grammaticalization for focusing adverbs in further periods of the English language development. The other source for the highlighted adverbs formation were adverbial suffixes -ly or -e added to adjectives, nouns and verbs. It was proved that the major adverbial discourse markers in Old English are temporal adverbs þa/thonne, her and nu. Therefore, this class presumably served the basis for the formation of new focusing adverbs at further stages of the language evolution.
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Ojea López, Ana Isabel. "Propositional Gerunds in English and Spanish." Journal of English Studies 9 (May 29, 2011): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.170.
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This paper offers a characterization of Propositional Gerunds in English and Spanish that hinges on the different feature specification of the gerund morpheme in each language. I first propose an analysis of the construction in English as a defective clausal structure (AspP or TP), which can optionally project a [+N] feature in a GerP. Then I justify the same syntactic analysis for Spanish, but in this case the adverbial source of the V-ndo head prevents the projection of this nominal feature. My proposal is that most of the peculiarities of Propositional Gerunds in both languages actually follow from their defective structure and from the feature specification forced by the gerund suffix in each case. Along these lines I contrastively account for the syntactic positions in which a Propositional Gerund may appear, and also for its main structural characteristics, as the morphological Case of its subject or the (im)possibility of temporal/aspectual modification in the construction.
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Yuan, Chen. "Studies on the Backward Transfer of Interlanguage Syntactic Structure—Taking Temporal Adverbial Clause as an Example." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 10, no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1006.10.
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The research focuses on the language transfer in L2 and L1 environment. The paper explores the language backward transfer from L2 (English) to L1 (Chinese) for mainland Chinese students in Australia as well as in China. With long time scholars concentrated on the forward transfer from L1 to L2 and profited a lot. However, there is some evidence reflected that backward transfer from L2 to L1 may take place in L2 and L1 environment, even in some academic occasion, L1 syntactic rules are losing. In this study, participants are mainland Chinese undergraduates from University of Newcastle and Hei Longjiang Bayi Agricultural University to complete translation and writing tasks. The aim of the paper is to investigate whether the backward transfer occurs in sentence translation and discourse level and the relationship between the backward transfer and L2 proficiency. The expected results are that backward transfer can happen both in L2 and L1 environment and the higher L2 proficiency can decrease backward transfer. In view of this, the research can reflect the complexity of language backward transfer and the relationship with L2 proficiency.
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LEE, EUNHEE. "Discourse properties of now." Journal of Linguistics 53, no. 3 (November 16, 2015): 613–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226715000432.
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This paper proposes an updated analysis of the uses of now to modify past-tense clauses in narratives. It is by now well known that indexical expressions such as now are not as rigid as previously thought and can shift in some contexts (e.g. a literary style like Free Indirect Discourse in English or under report verbs in some languages). What is interesting about shifted now is that its distribution is much broader than these limited contexts. The conditions under which it can shift, however, are unclear and still under debate. Many recent proposals have tried to derive this property from the lexical meaning of now, thus treating it as a special case. Unlike previous analyses, I argue that the temporal perspective shift and temporal relations are functions of narrative discourse itself rather than the lexical semantics of now. The lexical meaning of now, I contend, is that it refers to a contextually salient time, regardless of whether it derives from actual speech context or discourse context. In addition, now invariably indicates a change of state, denoting the turning point dividing the past and the future seen from this contextually salient time. My claim is based on a quantitative study of naturally occurring narrative examples from the British National Corpus, and formalized in the discourse-level formal framework of Discourse Representation Theory.
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Tuhai, O. "Modality of volition of a complex sentence in synchrony." Studia Philologica 2, no. 17 (2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2021.178.
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The proposed article reveals the modality of volition of a complex sentence in the historical development of the English language in synchrony, namely in the Early New English language. The modality of a complex sentence is defined as a functional-semantic category with the relationship of the statement content to reality taking into account the predicative features of the category of time and volitional modality as the realization of an event or a situation. The syntactic category of the modality of volition is fixed in the paradigm of modus-dictum relationships with the emphasis on modus predicates to fix the fact of the actual speech situation and the expression of the addresser’s proposal. The communicative purpose of the modality of volition of a complex sentence is outlined in terms of the speaker’s attitude to the propositional or dictum basis of the statement content. The categories of subjective and objective modalities in a complex sentence of volitional semantics of the Early New English language are distinguished. Subjective modality is defined as the volitional modality in the main clause of a sentence with differentiation on voluntary and optative modalities with the meanings of the addresser’s will manifestation of order, command, desire, request, intention etc. Objective modality is determined as the propositional modality in a subordinate finite or infinitive predicative clause as the realization of a sentence proposition. The modal-pragmatic perspective of a complex sentence with the finite and infinitive predication of verbs of volition is outlined. The subjective volitional (voluntary and optative) modality is established to be realized in the modus modal-pragmatic framework while the objective propositional modality is explicated in the dictum modal-pragmatic framework of the studied sentence. The realization of subjective-objective modal relationships in an Early New English complex sentence is analyzed. Voluntary modal relationships are proved to be expressed in the paradigm «voluntary modus – propositional dictum» whereas optative modal relationships are actualized in the paradigm «optative modus – propositional dictum». The realization of voluntary and optative modalities of addresser’s will manifestation and the modal-temporal paradigm of the situation actualization is witnessed in the studied sentences-statements. The voluntary modality defines the modal relationships as «actual (potential) – real / real (unreal)» to denote the actual / potential real or the unreal situation. The modal relationships of the optative modality are established as «actual (potential) – unreal (real) / unreal» to denote the actual / potential unreal or real, but the impossible realized situation. The modal-temporal paradigm of the situation realization in complex sentences is fixed in the paradigm «indicative / imperative – subjunctive / infinitive».
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Kirk, John M. "Subordinate Clauses in English." Journal of English Linguistics 25, no. 4 (December 1997): 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007542429702500409.
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Broekman, H. W. "Medieval English root clauses." Literator 14, no. 2 (May 3, 1993): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v14i2.705.
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The movement operation Verb Second moves the finite verb from its base-generated position in VP to C via the I node within the Chomsky (1986) framework. As the finite verb and the complementiser are in complementary distribution, the above predicts that, contrary to fact, Verb Second is not possible in embedded clauses. However, in Frisian and Swedish Verb Second does occur in embedded clauses. This entails that a lexical complementiser does not always prevent a finite verb from undergoing Verb Second. 'The aim of this paper is to provide a survey of Old English and Middle English root clauses particularly with respect to Verb Second. Old English does not strictly conform to Verb Second in declarative root clauses. In Old English finite verbs also occur in first position and in third position in declarative root clauses. A comparison with Icelandic data will be provided as this language displays all three verb placements in declarative head main clauses as well.
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Condoravdi, Cleo. "NPI licensing in temporal clauses." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 28, no. 4 (November 2010): 877–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-010-9115-z.
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Loss, Sara S., and Mark Wicklund. "Is English resumption different in appositive relative clauses?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 65, no. 1 (August 13, 2019): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2019.19.
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AbstractResumptive pronouns are produced in English in unguarded speech in restrictive relative clauses and appositive relative clauses. However, numerous studies have found that resumptive pronouns in restrictive relative clauses are not acceptable. To our knowledge, no studies have examined the acceptability of resumptive pronouns in appositive relative clauses, despite hints in the literature that they may be more acceptable in appositive than in restrictive relative clauses. This article fills that gap. We found that resumptive pronouns were rated as more natural in appositive relative clauses than in restrictive relative clauses. These findings may be due to which currently undergoing a reanalysis from a relative pronoun to a solely connective word, as has been suggested in the literature. A small-scale corpus search also reveals that appositive relative clauses with resumptive pronouns are increasing in American English.
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Ordem, Eser. "Acquisition of Zero Relative Clauses in English by Adult Turkish Learners of English." Journal of Education and Training Studies 5, no. 1 (January 3, 2017): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v5i1.2056.
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Studies on acquisition of relative clauses by first and second language learners have evoked considerable interest in recent decades. In line with such studies, in this present study we aim to show the possible effect of first language (Turkish) on second language (English) in zero relative clause constructions. English uses certain stranded prepositions in zero relative clauses, whereas Turkish uses the same suffix in non-subject relative clause constructions. This observation in two typologically different languages led the study to claim that Turkish word order in non-subject relative clauses affects the acquisition of zero relative clauses in English. Fifty sentences in Turkish were prepared and composed of five categories. Each category consisted of ten sentences. Each category referred to one of the five cases in Turkish. These cases were accusative, locative, ablative, dative and instrumental. The participants (N=91) were asked to translate these Turkish sentences into English. The results showed that the participants tended to omit prepositions in English zero relative clauses except the construction that did not entail any preposition. Therefore, the study implies that Turkish language learners may be under the effect of their mother tongue while producing zero relative clauses in English.
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Fox, Barbara A., and Sandra A. Thompson. "Relative Clauses in English conversation." Studies in Language 31, no. 2 (April 6, 2007): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.31.2.03fox.
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This paper is a usage-based study of the grammar of that set of English Relative Clauses with which a relativizer has been described as optional. We argue that the regularities in the use of relativizers in English can be seen as systematically arising from pragmatic-prosodic factors, creating frequency effects, resulting in some cases highly grammaticized formats: the more the Main Clause and the Relative Clause are integrated with each other, that is, approach monoclausal status, the more likely we are to find no relativizer used; conversely, the more separate the two clauses are, the more likely we are to find an overt relativizer. These findings have led us to suggest that the more monoclausal combinations have become unitary storage and processing chunks. We thus see these findings as a contribution not only to our understanding of Relative Clauses, but to our understanding of syntactic organization in general and of the nature of the grammatical practices in which speakers engage in everyday interactions.
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Ito, Akihiro. "Japanese EFL Learners' Processing in English Relativization." ITL - International Journal of Applied Linguistics 133-134 (January 1, 2001): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/itl.133-134.07ito.
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Abstract The purpose of the present study is to investigate the effects of branching type (Factor 1) and grammatical function of noun phrase (NP) (factor 2) of English relative clauses on interlanguage performance among Japanese learners of English as a foreign language (EFL). The sentence combining test was administered to Japanese learners of English. Results indicated that both of the two factors significantly determine the difficulty of English relative clauses. Left-branching (center-embedded) relative clauses have a tendency to be more difficult than right-branching ones. Moreover, it is implied that subject-relative clauses are answered more accurately than object-relative clauses. These findings suggested that branching type and grammatical function of the noun phrase are complimentary determine the difficulty level of English relative clauses. The results implied the validity of KAWAUCHl's (1988) hypothesis that the difficulty order of relative clauses is as follows : OS > 00 > SS > SO. The results are also discussed with the recent theoretical frameworks in psycholinguistic research. The limitation of the present investigation and the directions of the further research are also discussed.
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Cichosz, Anna. "The V-2 rule in Old English conjunct clauses." Folia Linguistica 39, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 253–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2018-0010.
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Abstract This study shows that Old English conjunct clauses, i.e. main declarative clauses introduced by the coordinating conjunctions and and ac, resemble non-conjunct main clauses as far as the V-2 rule is concerned. Most importantly, this study reveals that the mechanism of SV inversion observed in OE conjunct clauses works according to all the principles defined for non-conjunct main clauses. The only difference, driven by the main discourse function of conjunct clauses, is that the clause-initial element in these clauses is usually the subject. However, if the subject is preceded by some other fronted constituent (e.g. an object, a complement, an adverb or a prepositional phrase), SV inversion is typical with nominal subjects, while personal pronoun subjects are only inverted if the clause-initial constituent belongs to a limited set of adverbs, i.e. þa and þonne (‘then’). In this way, this study reveals that the difference between Old English conjunct and non-conjunct main clauses is not as clear-cut as has traditionally been suggested.
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Harvey, Arlene. "Definitions in English technical discourse." Functions of Language 6, no. 1 (November 26, 1999): 53–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.6.1.03har.
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This paper explores degrees of equivalence constructed in English technical definitions. From an ergative perspective, the degree of equivalence depends upon the effectiveness of the clause (i.e. effective vs middle). Effective clauses tend to be encoding in orientation (i.e. the direction of the coding in the clause is from the gloss to the term) whereas middle clauses tend to be decoding (from term to gloss) (Halliday 1967/8, 1994; Davidse 1992a, 1996). In technical definitions, ideational meaning (expressed in relational clauses) is typically metafunctionally dominant and lexicogrammatically "deautomatized" (Mukarovsky 1977), while interpersonal meanings (expressed in mood and modality) are less dominant and "automatized". In technical definitions, the source of knowledge is either absent but probeable or absent and non-probeable. It is argued here that, despite the general automatization of interpersonal meaning in definitional clauses, a residue of interpersonality is in fact critical to the degree of equivalence constructed in the clause.
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Adika, Dimas. "TELAAH FUNGSI MAKNA LOGIS PADA CERITA RAKYAT TIMUN EMAS DAN TERJEMAHANNYA." PRASASTI: Journal of Linguistics 3, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/prasasti.v3i2.12862.
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<p>This article discusses the function of logical meaning which can be identified from logico-semantic and taxis interdependence. This descriptive-qualitative research employs systemic functional linguistics approach. The data sources are all clause complexes in the Timun Emas folkflore written by the best IKAPI writer and translated into English by the translator of Litte Serambi. The function of logical meaning (projection, enhancement and extension) in source and target language spreads to all text structures, started from orientation, complication, evaluation, resolution and coda. The complication had distinctive feature of projection showed by dialogues between characters. Temporal series in the enhancement (time) plays pivotal role in constructing events. Then, the the extension function in Timun Emas folklore and its translation is worthwhile to give information for the comprehensible narrative with the help of chronological series from enhancement (time) function.Next, some changes of the logical meaning after translation process do not seemingly influence to the text structure of this folklore. </p><p> </p><p>Artikel ini membahas fungsi makna logis yang bisa dilihat dari hubungan semantik logika dan ketergantungan klausa dalam klausa-klausa kompleks. Penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif kualitatif dan menggunakan pendekatan linguistik sistemik fungsional. Sumber data berupa seluruh klausa kompleks dalam cerita rakyat Timun Emas yang ditulis penulis terbaik IKAPI beserta terjemahan yang dihasilkan penerbit Little Serambi. Fungsi proyeksi, ganda dan ekstensi baik pada bahasa sumber maupun bahasa sasaran terdapat pada seluruh bagian struktur teks dimulai dari orientasi, komplikasi, evaluasi, resolusi dan koda. Bagian komplikasi menjadi khas dari fungsi proyeksi lokusi parataksis yang berupa dialog antar tokoh. Rangkaian temporal dalam fungsi ganda (waktu) memerankan peranan yang penting dalam konstruksi kejadian. Kemudian, kemunculan fungsi ekstensi cerita rakyat Timun Emas dan terjemahannya bermanfaat untuk memberikan informasi agar pembaca mudah memahami cerita dengan bantuan rangkaian kronologis fungsi ganda (waktu). Terakhir, beberapa perubahan fungsi logis setelah diterjemahkan tidak berpengaruh kepada struktur teks narasi cerita rakyat ini.</p>
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Pintzuk, Susan, and Eric Haeberli. "Structural variation in Old English root clauses." Language Variation and Change 20, no. 3 (October 2008): 367–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095439450800015x.
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AbstractA standard observation concerning basic constituent order in Old English (OE) is that the position of finite verbs varies by clause type. In root clauses, the finite verb tends to occur toward the beginning of the clause, and we frequently find Verb Second (V2) order. In contrast, in subordinate clauses, finite verbs generally occur toward the end of the clause, and these clauses are frequently verb-final. We challenge the traditional assumption that verb-final orders and, hence, the occurrence of the finite verb in a head-final structural position are rare in OE root clauses. We present new data demonstrating that the frequency of head-final structure in OE root clauses is much higher than previously acknowledged. We then explore some of the implications of this finding for the general structural analysis of OE.
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Ilc, Gašper, and Irena Zovko-Dinković. "Subordinate Unless-Clauses." Rasprave Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje 45, no. 2 (December 13, 2019): 473–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.31724/rihjj.45.2.12.
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The complex subordinator unless (Cr. osim ako; Sl. razen če) introduces subordinate conditional clauses carrying exceptive meaning. It is usually assumed that unless-clauses are akin to (and replaceable by) negative if-conditional clauses, with the choice of one over the other being governed by semantic and pragmatic factors. This paper investigates subordinate unless-clauses in Croatian and Slovenian in comparison to English, primarily with regard to their interpretation, the possibility of expressing hypothetical and factual meanings, and the (non-)occurrence of pleonastic negation. Based on the data collected from referential corpora of Croatian, Slovenian and English we aim to establish not only the similarities that exist regarding unless-clauses across the three languages, but also some significant differences: as opposed to Croatian and Slovenian, English unless-clauses rarely/ /untypically express hypothetical meanings. As for the occurrence of pleonastic negation in unless-clauses, it never appears in English while in Croatian and Slovenian it is common but completely optional, with Slovenian displaying both properties of pleonastic negation – the assignment of the genitive of negation and no licensing of strong NPIs – and Croatian only one (no strong NPI licensing). Even though unless-clauses in both Slavic languages display very similar properties, their distribution with regard to negation is to some extent different: affirmative unless-clauses are more frequent in Slovenian than in Croatian, while the number of those with overt pleonastic negation is significantly smaller. We conclude that unless-clauses are an example par excellence of the fine-grained interplay of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, which primarily mediates the speaker’s communicative needs and intentions.
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KILLIE, KRISTIN, and TORIL SWAN. "The grammaticalization and subjectification of adverbial -ing clauses (converb clauses) in English." English Language and Linguistics 13, no. 3 (October 19, 2009): 337–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674309990141.
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The present article discusses the development of adverbial -ing clauses, so-called ‘converb clauses’, in English. We argue that Middle English does not have a category of truly subordinate adverbial clauses in -ing, but that such clauses have developed on the basis of semi-coordinate -ing clauses denoting an accompanying circumstance or exemplification/specification. In the course of the Middle English period, such clauses began to be reinterpreted as clauses expressing adverbial relations such as time, condition, cause, purpose, etc. Another likely source of converb clauses is participial relative clauses. We see the development of converb clauses as an instance of grammaticalization, as it involves the development of a grammatical means of expressing a rhetorical function, viz. the ‘Nucleus-Satellite’ relation (Mathiessen & Thompson 1988). This grammaticalization process also involves subjectification, given that the source constructions are propositional, while time and cause clauses have textual and expressive functions/meanings. The grammaticalization process was probably also fed by other participial structures – notably the progressive and the gerund, which were being grammaticalized at the same time – and also nonclausal adverbial structures.