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1

Prior, Charles W. A. "Rethinking church and state during the English Interregnum." Historical Research 87, no. 237 (October 21, 2013): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12042.

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2

Lake, Peter. "The “Political Thought” of the “Monarchical Republic of Elizabeth I,” Discovered and Anatomized." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 2 (April 2015): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.3.

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AbstractThis paper uses two manuscript tracts to reconstruct the vision of the English polity underpinning Lord Burghley's interregnum proposals of 1584–85. These proposals famously prompted Patrick Collinson's work on “the monarchical republic of Elizabeth I,” which in turn became embroiled in subsequent attempts to recuperate distinctively “republican” strands of thought and feeling in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. Written by two clients of central figures in the regime, the two texts are replies to a tract by John Leslie outlining Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne. This tract was republished in 1581 in Latin and then in 1584 in English as part of a Catholic propaganda offensive of the summer of 1584 to which, in turn, the Bond of Association and the interregnum scheme itself were responses. By comparing different versions of the two texts with one another and with Thomas Bilson's later printed tract,The true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion, something like the structuring assumptions, indeed the political thought, underlying the interregnum scheme can be recovered and analyzed and the republican nature of the monarchical republic assessed in detail for the first time.
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3

Pesante, Maria Luisa. "Paradigms in English political economy: Interregnum to Glorious Revolution." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 3, no. 3 (September 1996): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427719600000038.

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4

Bennett, Martyn. "Exact Journals? English Newsbooks in the Civil War and Interregnum." European Journal of Marketing 21, no. 4 (April 1987): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000004689.

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5

Como, David R., and Jason Peacey. "Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 759. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477994.

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6

Davenport, Anne. "Scotus as the Father of Modernity. The Natural Philosophy of the English Franciscan Christopher Davenport in 1652." Early Science and Medicine 12, no. 1 (2007): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338207x166399.

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AbstractThis article examines the philosophical teaching of a colorful Oxford alumnus and Roman Catholic convert, Christopher Davenport, also known as Franciscus à Sancta Clara or Francis Coventry. At the peak of Puritan power during the English Interregnum and after five of his Franciscan confrères had perished for their missionary work, our author tried boldly to claim modern cosmology and atomism as the unrecognized fruits of medieval Scotism. His hope was to revive English pride in the golden age of medieval Oxford and to defend English Franciscans as more legitimately patriotic and scientifically progressive than Puritan millenarians.
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Raymond, Joad. "Review: Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum." Library 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 464–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/7.4.464.

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8

Reichardt, Dosia. "Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum (review)." Parergon 22, no. 2 (2005): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2006.0040.

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9

Langley, Chris R. "Parish Politics and Godly Agitation in Late Interregnum Scotland." Church History 90, no. 3 (September 2021): 557–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002122.

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AbstractFollowing the English invasion of Scotland in July 1650, ministers and laymen in the Church of Scotland splintered between Protester and Resolutioner factions: The Protesters argued that the Church of Scotland required further moral reformation in order to appease a vengeful God, and the Resolutioners were more content to accept the reintegration of former royalists into places of trust following the civil wars. This article explores the profound ways in which this split fundamentally altered relationships in the unusually well-documented parish of Crichton in Midlothian. Unlike other studies that have emphasized the ways in which the Protesters moved toward a position of separation from the rest of the kirk, this article explores a group of Protesters who sought to actively reform the kirk from within. Godly agitation in parish affairs was characterized by three traits: it was coordinated, remarkably litigious, and disseminated in manuscript libels and petitions rather than print. Ultimately, while this godly elite was adept at agitating for further reformation at the parish level, it did so without seceding from the structures of the national church altogether.
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Bywaters, D. "Representations of the Interregnum and Restoration in English Drama of the early 1660s." Review of English Studies 60, no. 244 (April 18, 2008): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgn041.

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11

Birch, Ian. "The ministry of women among early Calvinistic Baptists." Scottish Journal of Theology 69, no. 4 (November 2016): 402–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930616000387.

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AbstractAlthough there is considerable documentation of women preachers during the English Civil War period and the Interregnum, it is clear that such activities were not encouraged among English Calvinistic Baptists, and most especially among Particular Baptists. Yet there was a tension in even the most restrictive Baptist teaching on this subject. For since Baptists had opened the door to congregational participation in the public ministry of the church, they were faced with the problem of partially closing that door in order to restrict the ministry of women to that ofdiakonia, and good works. Nevertheless, a small number of women have been identified as both prophets and Particular Baptists, and the nature and context of their ministry illustrates the role of women in early Baptist communities.
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12

NEUFELD, MATTHEW. "The Politics of Anglican Martyrdom: Letters to John Walker, 1704–1705." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62, no. 3 (June 3, 2011): 491–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909991370.

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This article explores the political significance of past Christian suffering at the dawn of the Augustan era through an analysis of correspondence containing accounts of hardships endured by conforming clergymen during the English civil wars and Interregnum. The politics of martyrdom to be derived from letters to John Walker was grounded on the correspondents' conviction that their epistles conveyed accounts of sequestered clergymen and their families who had suffered for their profession of Christian truth. The persecutions that loyal clergy had endured during the 1640s and 1650s were signs that the Church by law established, both then and now, was the true English Church. Furthermore, as documentary witnesses to oral testimonies which identified the genuine sufferers for Christian truth within recent memory, the epistles themselves aspired to be martyrological relics.
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Bowen, Lloyd. "Representations of Wales and the Welsh during the civil wars and Interregnum." Historical Research 77, no. 197 (July 1, 2004): 358–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00214.x.

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Abstract This article examines how Wales and the Welsh were represented in the pamphlet literature of the civil war and early Interregnum. It considers the historical construction of the Welsh image in English minds, and traces how this image came to be politicized by Welsh support for Charles I during the sixteen-forties. An examination of the public controversies surrounding the state-sponsored evangelization programme in Wales during the early sixteen-fifties shows how the contested image of Wales in the public sphere interacted with high politics at the centre. This study contributes to our understanding of the interplay between ethnicity, identity and politics during the sixteen-forties and fifties, and demonstrates how imagery and representation informed political discourse in the mid seventeenth century.
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Ito, Seiichiro. "Registration and credit in seventeenth-century England." Financial History Review 20, no. 2 (May 14, 2013): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565013000097.

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The English law reform movement produced numerous proposals for land registries during the Interregnum, but the idea of land registration took on economic connotations only after the Restoration, when controversy arose over the role of registration as a settled and reliable basis of credit. While the discourse of law reform was confined to the context of English law, the debate over whether and how land registries should be established extended to the economic field, and to international arenas in which England competed with, and sometimes imitated, her rivals in trade, particularly Holland. On one side of the debate, advocates of land registration insisted that registries would clarify the ownership of land, offer a firm foundation for credit, and consequently, improve English trade. On the other side, opponents of registration argued that such excessive openness of information would be hazardous to credit. For both advocates and opponents alike, the central issue was the role of registration in creating more reliable credit.
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Underdown, David. "Historians, Puritanism, and the English Revolution: The Religious Factor in English Politics before and after the Interregnum. Michael G. Finlayson." Journal of Modern History 57, no. 3 (September 1985): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/242871.

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Collins, John M. "Hidden in Plain Sight: Martial Law and the Making of the High Courts of Justice, 1642–60." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 4 (October 2014): 859–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.113.

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AbstractThis article traces the transformation of martial law during the Civil Wars and Interregnum culminating with the creation of the High Courts of Justice in the 1650s. The Long, Rump, and Protectorate parliaments used, adapted, and combined martial law procedures with others to solve some of the most difficult and pressing legal problems they faced. These problems included the trial of spies, traitors to the parliamentary cause, Charles I and his royalist commanders of the Second Civil War, and conspirators, plotters, and rebels during the 1650s. The Long Parliament, the English Commonwealth, and the Protectorate governments used these legal innovations to control discretion at law, and to terrorize dissidents into obedience. The Petition of Right, whose makers had demanded that English subjects only be tried by life and limb by their peers in peacetime, was overturned in order to meet these challenges.
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17

Field, Clive D. "Adam and Eve: Gender in the English Free Church Constituency." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 1 (January 1993): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900010204.

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The vital contribution of women to the early development of English dissent, especially during the era of the Civil War and Interregnum, has received considerable scholarly attention since the appearance of Keith Thomas's seminal study in 1958. However, the focus of interest has chiefly been on the roles played by individual women as preachers or church founders, and no concerted attempt has yet been made to replicate analyses of New England Puritanism during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which have highlighted the disproportionate numbers of women in church membership. There has been a similar lack of effort to document the effects of gender in determining English religious practice in the period after 1700, despite the beginnings of academic preoccupation with women's experience of Christianity in the eighteenth to twentieth centuries, and despite an abundance of evidence from sociologists and statisticians since the Second World War about women's greater performance on most indicators of religious belief and behaviour. This brief article therefore hopes to break new ground in assembling evidence about the strength of female support for Protestant Nonconformity in England from 1650 to the present day, using three distinct assessment criteria: membership, attendance, and profession.
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18

Finlayson, Michael. "Clarendon, Providence and the Historical Revolution." Albion 22, no. 4 (1990): 607–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051392.

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Historians and literary scholars have long agreed that the rate of change in English society in the seventeenth century was so great that only the label “revolution” can do justice to its magnitude. For the past hundred years, most historians who have written about the political upheavals of the middle decades of the century, for example, have taken it for granted that these events constituted a “revolution.” Indeed, the custom of referring to the political turmoil in England between 1640 and 1660 as the “English Revolution” is so established that many scholars would deny that they are relying upon an assumption at all, but would insist that they are simply stating an obvious fact. After 1660, most scholars agree, England's political and constitutional practices and presuppositions were fundamentally different from what they had been before 1640. The permanence of the change, combined with the extraordinary character of political events during the Interregnum, makes the label “revolution” the obvious and appropriate one.
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Perrie, Maureen. "The First English History of the Russian Time of Troubles: Samuel Purchas’s “Late Changes” (1625)." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 48, no. 1-2 (2014): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04801012.

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Samuel Purchas’s Hakluytus Posthumus, first published in 1625, is a collection of travel accounts similar to that edited by Richard Hakluyt in the late sixteenth century, but it also includes the earliest secondary history of the Time of Troubles in English. Purchas’s chapter entitled “The late changes and manifold alterations in Russia since Ivan Vasilowich to this present …” combines documentary publication with narrative history. This article examines the source materials used by Purchas and discusses his own commentary on events. Purchas considers that historians should demonstrate the justice of God’s providence in punishing a people’s sins, and he assesses the reigns of Ivan IV and Boris Godunov in this light. He enlivens his narrative with elaborate metaphors, including that of Russia during the interregnum of 1610–1612 as a “many-headed monster”. This metaphor was commonly used by conservative writers in early modern England to designate the ordinary people, but Purchas uses it more creatively in relation to Russia, to signify not only the multitude but also the rival candidates for the throne, including pretenders (samozvantsy).
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20

Gómez-Lara, Manuel J., and Antonio Rosso. "From Margaret Cavendish to Aphra Behn: A Quantitative Analysis of Stage Directions in Restoration Comedy." Restoration and Eighteenth-Century Theatre Research 33, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2021): 83–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/rectr.33.1-2.0083.

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Abstract Stage directions have not been a central topic in English Drama Studies until recently. Their format, purpose and when they became part of the conventional language of printed plays have been traditionally associated with pre-Interregnum authors, but this article concentrates rather on the Restoration years, when a set of cultural and social circumstances boosted the printing of plays. A quantitative examination of nearly nineteen thousand stage directions from the comedies produced between 1660 and 1682 can contribute to a better understanding of the dramatic activity during this period. Their classification and analysis offer useful insights into new staging practices—technical conditions of the scenic stages plus a more than likely evolution in acting techniques—and the authors' individual preferences regarding performance and their different degree of involvement with the politics of commercial drama.
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21

Jacob, James R. "Historians, Puritanism and the English Revolution: The Religious Factor in English Politics Before and After the Interregnum, by Michael George FinlaysonHistorians, Puritanism and the English Revolution: The Religious Factor in English Politics Before and After the Interregnum, by Michael George Finlayson. Toronto, Buffalo, London, University of Toronto Press, 1983. ix, 209 pp. $27.50." Canadian Journal of History 21, no. 1 (April 1986): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.21.1.89.

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22

BATES, LUCY. "THE LIMITS OF POSSIBILITY IN ENGLAND'S LONG REFORMATION." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 1049–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000403.

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ABSTRACTInterpretations that solely emphasize either continuity or controversy are found wanting. Historians still question how the English became Protestant, what sort of Protestants they were, and why a civil war dominated by religion occurred over a hundred years after the initial Reformation crisis. They utilize many approaches: from above and below, and with fresh perspectives, from within and without. Yet the precise nature of the relationship of the Reformation, the civil war, the interregnum and the Restoration settlement remains controversial. This review of recent Reformation historiography largely validates the current consensus of a balance of continuity and change, pressure for further reform and begrudging conformity. Yet ultimately it argues that continuity must form the foundation for any interpretation of the Reformation, for controversial or dramatic alterations to the status quo only made sense to contemporaries in the context of what had come before. Challenging ideas, like challenging individuals, did not exist in a vacuum devoid of historical context. The practical limits of possibility, constrained largely by the established norms and procedures, shaped the course of English Reformation. As such, practicality seems a unifying and central theme for current and future investigations of England's long Reformation.
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More, Ellen S. "Congregationalism and the Social Order: John Goodwin's Gathered Church, 1640–60." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 2 (April 1987): 210–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900023058.

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In 1644 the Puritan lawyer and parliamentary pamphleteer, William Prynne, voiced a question much on the minds of moderate Puritans: Would not Congregationalism ‘by inevitable necessary consequence subvert…all settled…forms of civil government…and make every small congregation, family (yea person if possible), an independent church and republic exempt from all other public laws’? What made Congregationalism seem so threatening? The calling of the Long Parliament encouraged an efflorescence of Congregational churches throughout England. While differing in many other respects, their members were united in the belief that the true Church consisted of individually gathered, self-governing congregations of the godly. Such a Church was answerable to no other earthly authority. The roots of English Congregationalism extended back to Elizabethan times and beyond. Some Congregationalists, in the tradition of Robert Browne, believed in total separation from the Established Church; others, following the later ideas of Henry Jacob, subscribed to semi-separatism, believing that a godly remnant remained within the Established Church. For semi-separatists some contact with the latter was permissible, as was a loose confederation of gathered churches. During the English civil wars and Interregnum, the Church polity of most leading religious Independents actually was semi-separatist.
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Phelan, Joseph. "“Bloomluxuriance”." Nineteenth-Century Literature 75, no. 1 (June 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.75.1.1.

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Joseph Phelan, “‘Bloomluxuriance’: Compound Words in the Poetry of the 1830s and 1840s” (pp. 1–23) The brief interregnum between Romanticism and Victorianism saw the emergence of and retreat from a number of formal and linguistic experiments in poetry. One of the most striking of these is the ostentatious employment of compound words; the early verse of Alfred Tennyson and some of his less-illustrious contemporaries is littered with coinages such as “tendriltwine,” “mellowmature,” and “bloomluxuriance.” The impetus behind this phenomenon came from developments in philology that emphasized the affinities between English and German and from the attempt to broaden the range of English verse by naturalizing metrical forms such as the hexameter, and was often associated with an impassioned if politically unfocused radicalism. In revising “Œnone” for republication in his 1842 Poems, Tennyson excised almost all of these compound words, a gesture of linguistic conformity that is the stylistic counterpart to what Isobel Armstrong calls the “loss of nerve” apparent in his work during this decade, and one that is paralleled in the work of some of his contemporaries. This experimental impulse did not disappear from Victorian poetry completely, however, and its survival helps to explain some of the quainter and more ungainly phenomena of later nineteenth-century verse.
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Connell, Philip. "Edmund Burke and the First Stuart Revolution." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 463–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.40.

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AbstractThis essay reconsiders the character and significance of Edmund Burke's attitude to the seventeenth-century civil wars and interregnum. Burke may have venerated the “revolution principles” of 1688–89 over those of the 1640s, not least in the Reflections on the Revolution in France in which he notoriously compares English dissenting radicals to regicidal Puritans. Yet his response to the first Stuart revolution is more complex than has commonly been allowed and is closely bound up with Burke's earlier parliamentary career as a prominent member of the Rockingham Whig connection. The revival of an anti-Stuart idiom within the extra-parliamentary opposition of the 1760s, together with the mounting conflict with the North American colonies, gave renewed prominence to the memory of the civil wars within English political discourse. The Rockinghamites attempted to exploit this development—without compromising their own, more conservative reading of seventeenth-century history—but they were also its victims. In the years that followed, Burke and his colleagues were repeatedly identified by their political opponents with the spirit of Puritan rebellion and Cromwellian usurpation. These circumstances provide a new perspective on Burke's interpretation of the nation's revolutionary past; they also offer important insights into his writings and speeches in response to the French Revolution.
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Fischer-Lichte, Erika. "Interweaving Cultures in Performance: Different States of Being In-Between." New Theatre Quarterly 25, no. 4 (November 2009): 391–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x09000670.

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In this article Erika Fischer-Lichte argues that, since the beginning of the twentieth century, in different parts of the world, modern theatre was invented by way of interweaving cultures in performance. Different examples from the early twentieth century and the 1990s show how theatre acted as a laboratory for testing and experiencing the potential of cultural diversity. An innovative performance aesthetics enabled the exploration of the emergence, stabilization, and destabilization of cultural identity, merging aesthetics with politics. Erika Fischer-Lichte is Professor of Theatre Studies at the Freie Universität in Berlin. She has published widely in the fields of the theory and history of the theatre, and is the author of numerous books, including, in English, Theatre, Sacrifice, Ritual: Exploring Forms of Political Theatre (2005) and The Transformative Power of Performance: a New Aesthetics (2008). In 2008 she established a new research programme, ‘Interweaving Cultures in Performance’, at the Freie Universität. This paper was given as a keynote lecture at the fourteenth Performance Studies International conference, ‘Interregnum: In Between States’, in Copenhagen, 20–24 August 2008.
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Hill, Errol. "Morton Tavares: Jamaican and International Actor." Theatre Research International 15, no. 3 (1990): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300009688.

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It is not widely known that the Caribbean island of Jamaica enjoys a tradition of live theatre that may well be second to none in the English-speaking world, save only in England itself. Conquered from Spain in 1655, the island boasted an active theatre as early as 1682, not very long after public playgoing had returned to England following the Cromwellian interregnum. Records are silent about theatre for the next several decades, but by the 1730s troupers from England had begun regular visits which culminated in the two long residencies of the famed Hallam Company that came to Virginia from London in 1752. Under the senior Hallam the company journeyed to Jamaica in 1754 and remained there, after Hallam's death, until 1758 when they returned to America, led by David Douglass. Again from 1775 to 1785 the company sojourned in Jamaica, waiting out the War of Independence, this time under Lewis Hallam junior. The record of their performances in the island has been chronicled in Richardson Wright's book Revels in Jamaica (1937), which has recently been reissued.
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Makepeace, Margaret. "English Traders on the Guinea Coast, 1657–1668: An Analysis of the East India Company Archive." History in Africa 16 (1989): 237–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171787.

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English trade with Guinea in west Africa was regulated during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries by royal letters patent. In 1631 Charles I issued a patent which entitled the Guinea Company, headed by Sir Nicholas Crispe, to the monopoly of trade from Cape Blanco to the Cape of Good Hope for a period of thirty-one years. The Guinea Company continued to operate during the Interregnum in spite of increased competition both from freelance merchants, known as interlopers, and from rival European powers. The Council of State in 1651 decided to allow the monopoly to run for a further fourteen years, but restricted the Company to an area lying between two points set twenty leagues to the north of Cormantine, its headquarters in Guinea, and twenty leagues south of the fort at Sierra Leone, leaving the remainder of the coast open to all English traders.The East India Company was eager to gain a part in the Guinea trade because ships calling there on the way to India could exchange a cargo of European manufactured goods for a consignment of gold and ivory which was used to sustain operations at the factories in India. In this way the Company had less need to export large quantities of bullion from England to India, a practice which was both heavily criticized and formally restricted before 1660. In 1649 the East India Company reached an agreement with the Assada adventurers that the Guinea and East India trades should be united, but decided that this scheme could not be effected immediately.
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Bellany, Alastair. "Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. $104.95." Journal of Modern History 78, no. 3 (September 2006): 701–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/509161.

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30

Brown, Michael. "Aristocratic Politics and the Crisis of Scottish Kingship, 1286–96." Scottish Historical Review 90, no. 1 (April 2011): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2011.0002.

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In the ten years from 1286 Scotland experienced a crisis of royal succession and sovereignty which by 1296 seemed to have left it a conquered land in the hands of the English king. The activities of Scotland's leading magnates and prelates in this period have been analysed in terms of the divisive effects of a disputed royal succession and of the defence of collective liberties as a self-conscious community of the realm. However, as with political crises in other medieval realms, the leaders of this community also acted as individual lords with concerns of land, lordship and office. Such concerns were normal features of political life but between 1286 and 1296 had to be resolved in exceptional circumstances of interregnum and the loss of sovereignty. Events which derived from the interplay of aristocratic politics included the murder of Duncan, earl of Fife, the legal dispute over the lands of Macduff and rivalries between leading Hebridean lords. Issues like these fed into and shaped the issues confronting the Scottish guardians and King John and were significant elements in the crisis which engulfed the realm.
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WALSH, ASHLEY. "THE SAXON REPUBLIC AND ANCIENT CONSTITUTION IN THE STANDING ARMY CONTROVERSY, 1697–1699." Historical Journal 62, no. 3 (October 16, 2018): 663–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000316.

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AbstractThe pamphlet controversy caused by the proposal of William III to maintain a peacetime standing army following the Treaty of Ryswick (1697) tends to be understood as a confrontation of classicists and moderns in which the king's supporters argued that modern commerce had changed the nature of warfare and his opponents drew on classical republicanism to defend the county militia. But this characterization neglects the centrality of the Saxon republic and ancient constitution in the debate. English opponents of the standing army, including Walter Moyle, John Trenchard, and John Toland, went further than adapting the republicanism of James Harrington, who had rejected ancient constitutionalism during the Interregnum, to the restored monarchy. Their thought was more Saxon than classical and, in the case of Reverend Samuel Johnson, it was entirely so. However, the Scot, Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, adapted neo-Harringtonian arguments to argue that modern politics could no longer be understood by their Gothic precedents. Above all, the king's supporters needed either to engage ancient constitutionalists on their own terms, as did one anonymous pamphleteer, or, as in the cases of John, Lord Somers, and Daniel Defoe, reject the relevance of ancient constitutionalism and Saxon republicanism completely.
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Greenberg, Stephen J. "Dating Civil War Pamphlets, 1641–1644." Albion 20, no. 3 (1988): 387–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049735.

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The English Civil War and Interregnum produced an astounding number of political tracts, pamphlets, and broadsides that have long fascinated historians and bibliographers. The lack of any effective control over pamphlet content after the elimination of the Court of Star Chamber in the summer of 1641, coupled with the use of printed propaganda by both the king and Parliament, combined to create a body of free-speaking literature that is unmatched in scope and daring. Extensive microfilming and cataloguing projects have made the pamphlets widely accessible to study, but have failed to answer basic questions about the nature of the pamphlets themselves. Fbr example, how soon after an event could a pamphlet be available? How many pamphlets were actually being printed (and when) as opposed to what was being entered in the registers of the Stationers' Company of London? In other words, what could a concerned citizen find for sale at the bookstalls on a given morning?It is probably impossible to answer these questions for more than a fraction of the pamphlets. Yet, by examining what records do remain, it is possible to gain at least a sense of what the pamphleteers were capable of in serving a public avid for news.
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Moore, Susan Hardman. "Arguing for Peace: Giles Firmin on New England and Godly Unity." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015448.

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Richard Baxter admired the qualities Giles Firmin brought to religious controversy: ‘Candor, Ingenuitie, Moderation, Love and Peace’. Firmin, Vicar of Shalford, Essex, 1648–62, argued for peace during the Interregnum, at a time when disputes fractured the churches of his county. Factions of Presbyterians and Independents still fought about the right path to religious reform, in terms dictated by polemic of the 1640s, while sects like the Quakers rattled confidence in a united Church. Firmin devised arguments that crossed party lines, to unite against sectarianism. He wrote from an unusual perspective. He had been to Massachusetts and come home. He had taken part in the colony’s bold experiment in Congregationalist church order, which inspired English Independents, but came back into parish ministry in Essex without repudiating his colonial experience. Modern historians, like seventeenth-century Presbyterians, struggle to explain why New England’s churches claimed unity with England, but acted differently. Firmin’s outlook sets contemporary polemic in a fresh light. Nowadays, he is better known for his anecdotes than for his views, because he scattered his tracts with stories about people he had known in colony and homeland. His opinions tend to escape notice. Yet Firmin used his experience in Old and New England to make a distinctive appeal for unity.
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McGiffert, Michael. "Henry Hammond and Covenant Theology." Church History 74, no. 2 (June 2005): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110236.

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Henry Hammond (1605–60), the learned and practical English priest who during the Interregnum did as much as any man and a good deal more than most to reinforce and renew the ideational underpinnings of his Church, is a familiar figure in seventeenth-century Anglican studies. Historians speak of his captaincy of a circle of Anglican divines. One names him the “oracle of the High Church party”; another sees him as the principal transformer of Anglicanism. The Independent John Owen likened him to a clerical Atlas bearing on his shoulders “the whole weight of the episcopal cause.” The scholars just quoted call Hammond a “Laudian” but are uneasy with the label and loath to defend it. He appears in their work as an exemplary High Churchman standing for de jure episcopacy, Prayer-Book piety, the Eucharist, and royal headship of the Church. His intransigent Churchmanship contrasts in some degree with his character and temperament. He comes down to us as “the spokesman of those who would make no concession,” yet Richard Baxter, who thought him “the fons et origo of the prelatical bigotry of his day, wrote that he “took the death of Dr. Hammond … for a very great loss; for his piety and wisdom would sure have hindered much of the violence” of the Restoration.
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Dailey, Barbara Ritter. "The Visitation of Sarah Wight: Holy Carnival and the Revolution of the Saints in Civil War London." Church History 55, no. 4 (December 1986): 438–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166367.

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Historians of English Puritanism concede that by the 1650s the revolution of the saints had run its course. The political activism of the Presbyterians, Independents, and radical sects during the war gave way in the Interregnum period to more private concerns of personal and collective piety. The pattern of changing popular mood in an unstable political environment is clear enough, but the social meanings of religion as devotional practice are more obscure. Lost in the historical analysis is the realization that piety is an expressive form of communication in the politics of social life. In times of militant controversy the public role of piety is more obviously ideological, and devotional literature achieves publicity in the sense of promoting sectarian reformation. From this perspective, I shall focus on Henry Jessey's The Exceeding Riches of Grace Advanced (London, 1647) and will place it in the context of the art of dying (ars moriendi) tradition and of factional pluralism in civil war London. The story of Sarah Wight's illness and conversion experience attempted to unify religious and political divisions in a crucial revolutionary year. Within a traditional framework of devotional literature, Jessey communicated a political message. Sarah Wight herself was not a passive recipient of ministerial advice, but an influential teacher of radical theology. In fact, it was the customary form of the artes moriendi tradition that allowed her conversion to become an occasion for lay preaching.
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Shedd, John A. "Jason Peacey. Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. $104.95 (cloth). ISBN 0-7546-0684-8." Journal of British Studies 44, no. 3 (July 2005): 652–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/432222.

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Worden, Blair. "Ann McGruer . Educating the “Unconstant Rabble”: Arguments for Educational Advancement and Reform during the English Civil War and Interregnum . Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 2010. Pp. 213. $59.99." American Historical Review 116, no. 5 (December 2011): 1564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.5.1564.

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Knyazev, Pavel. "The Images of Power in the Public Space of Early Restoration England." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019015-5.

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The article deals with the main features of the public representation of the power images during the early Stuart Restoration. The problem is studied on the material of the solemn entry of the English King Charles II into London on the eve of his coronation, April 22, 1661. Prior to this event, four triumphal arches were built in the city center, using the main symbols and allegories associated with the restoration of the monarchy. Based on a wide range of sources (official descriptions of celebrations, engravings, poetic works and diaries), the authors study the characteristic features of the power images of the early Restoration. Firstly, an important role in the construction of these images was played by the use of the heritage of the Antiquity, mainly of the works of Virgil. England was represented as the new Rome, and Charles II was seen as the new Augustus. Secondly, like the early Stuarts, Charles II sought to present his rule as a new “Golden Age” — the era of prosperity and abundance. The latter, according to the architects of the arches, came to replace the chaos, desolation and discord of the civil wars and of the Interregnum. The symbolism of the arches helps us understand, how the legacy of that period was refracted in official rhetoric and in the minds of the Englishmen of the Restoration era. Finally, the images on the triumphal arches reflected the plans and aspirations of the new government, being a kind of “manifesto” of the new monarchy.
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Legon, Ed. "Sadler Saddled: Reconciliation and Recrimination in a Restoration Parish." English Historical Review 136, no. 582 (October 1, 2021): 1164–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab278.

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Abstract The Surrey town of Mitcham attracted national attention in 1665 when a brief pamphlet war erupted between its vicar, Anthony Sadler, and his parishioners. In this testy public altercation, Sadler accused his patron, the local landowner Robert Cranmer, not only of neglecting his duty to maintain the ruinous vicarage and of misusing tithes, but also of disloyalty and nonconformity. Cranmer was vindicated in print by a neighbour who dismissed and ridiculed Sadler, pointing to the patron’s presentation of future Anglicans to the vicarage during the Interregnum. This article uses a remarkable body of evidence from ecclesiastical court records and elsewhere to unpick these claims and counter-claims to conformity and loyalty. In doing so, it demonstrates that the protracted dispute between Sadler and his parishioners, of which the pamphlets of 1665 were only one manifestation, was borne along by the development of equally strong but opposing positions with respect to the thorny issue of how to bridge the divisions of civil war and revolution. Moreover, the article demonstrates that this positioning had the effect of prolonging the dispute until Sadler resigned from the parish in 1669, and bringing it into several other venues of conflict resolution. This episode sheds light on several features of English society in the decades immediately before and after the Restoration, especially change and continuity in a parish within a shifting national political and religious context; the participation of men and women in law and religion; and the enduring and volatile legacy of civil conflict.
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Rosenheim, James M. "Documenting Authority: Texts and Magistracy in Restoration Society." Albion 25, no. 4 (1993): 591–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051312.

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Despite the initial welcome extended to him, Charles II returned to the English throne in 1660 accompanied by skepticism and even hostility from substantial numbers of his subjects. In the years immediately following the Restoration, the king, his government and the landed order, all uncertain of the extent of their power, strove together to define, reassert, and make it permanent. This was no easy task, in part because the messages of the Restoration were confusing. One was conciliatory, acknowledging that the events of the 1640s and 1650s could not be undone and had to be accommodated in some manner by the new regime. Legal proceedings under the republic were confirmed, passage of the Act of Indemnity signalled the eschewal of systematic revenge, and the retention of Interregnum officials, especially in local administration, deprived triumphant Anglican royalists of the monopoly of power and office for which they had hoped. The other message was conveyed in harsher terms. In many places and from many institutions, adherents of the revolutionary regime did lose their positions, while followers of recently-respectable creeds were now cast as enemies of the state and good order. The new monarchical order held no brief for republicans, and many dissenters of no very radical stripe were quickly placed beyond an official pale because they could not accept a prayer-book order in the church. In the early years of the Restoration, then, policies of accommodation coexisted with those of repression, and we may well ask how in these circumstances an enduring regime was reconstructed.
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Backscheider, Paula R. "Behind City Walls: Restoration Actors in the Drapers' Company." Theatre Survey 45, no. 1 (May 2004): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404000067.

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In 1934, Louis B. Wright wrote, “All the world knows since the publication of studies by Professors Graves, Rollins, and Hotson that . . . [the drama's] light never went out completely.” Yet in a 2001 reference book, a contributor writes, “After an eighteen year hiatus. . . .” No wonder that Dale Randall could legitimately write in 1995, “We are asked to believe that little or nothing happened in English drama for the next eighteen years” beginning in 1642. His Winter Fruit is an important survey of dramatic activity during the Interregnum, and scholars continue to document the varieties of theatrical activities in the period. My essay is a modest contribution to the accumulation of details about a lingering, integral puzzle: how two London companies with experienced actors and new stars came into existence so quickly in 1660. It also shows that the Old City of London was not as inhospitable to drama as it is often portrayed. The piece of this puzzle that I can supply is the picture of John Rhodes and the Drapers' Company. Of Rhodes, John Downes wrote that in the winter of 1659–60 he “fitted up a House then for Acting call'd the Cock-Pit in Drury-Lane, and in a short time Compleated his Company.” Downes supplies a list of plays acted there beginning in February and comments that one of these new actors, Thomas Betterton, then “but 22 Years Old, was highly Applauded for his Acting . . . ; his Voice being then as Audibly strong, full and Articulate, as in the Prime of his Acting.”
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42

Maguire, Nancy Klein. "The Theatrical Mask/Masque of Politics: The Case of Charles I." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 1 (January 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385923.

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Britain now wear's the sock; the Theater's clean Transplanted hither, both in Place and Scene.Martin Butler and Jonathan Dollimore have recently documented the importance of drama in English political life before 1642. Such scholarship, however, has stopped cold at the great divide of 1642. Except for Lois Potter in “‘True Tragicomedies’ of the Civil War and Interregnum,” no one has considered the relationship between politics and theater while the theaters were officially closed. Scholars have thereby missed a seminal question in understanding the discourse and complex political maneuvering enveloping the act of regicide in 1649. What is the relationship between the theatrical tradition and the execution of Charles I?Even though historians frequently comment on the “tragic” nature of the execution of Charles I, thus far neither historian nor literary person has bothered to examine the immediate and popular reactions to the act of regicide. This is understandable. An odd mix of imaginative projection and verifiable fact enshrines the execution of Charles, and documentation is admittedly difficult. The available assortment of primary literature, however, indicates that many Englishmen responded to the execution as theater, more specifically, the dramatic genre of tragedy. A 1649 sermon (attributed to the Royalist Robert Brown) exemplifies both the tragic response to the act of regicide and the mid-century employment of the theatrical tradition: Brown describes the execution as “the first act of that tragicall woe which is to be presented upon the Theater of this Kingdome, likely to continue longer then the now living Spectators.”
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Coster, Will. "Justice to the Maimed Soldier: Nursing, Medical Care and Welfare for Sick and Wounded Soldiers and Their Families During the English Civil Wars and Interregnum, 1642-1660 (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 1 (2003): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0019.

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44

Reznick, Jeffrey S. (Jeffrey Stephen). "Justice to the Maimed Soldier: Nursing, Medical Care and Welfare for Sick and Wounded Soldiers and Their Families during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum, 1642-1660 (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78, no. 4 (2004): 891–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2004.0185.

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LOVEMAN, KATE. "POLITICAL INFORMATION IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 555–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004516.

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Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.
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Randall, David. "Recent Studies in Print Culture: News, Propaganda, and Ephemera:Elizabethan News Pamphlets: Shakespeare, Spenser, Marlowe, and the Birth of Journalism;The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe;Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum;Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain." Huntington Library Quarterly 67, no. 3 (September 2004): 457–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hlq.2004.67.3.457.

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Peacey, Jason. "Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars, edited by Jason McElligott and David L. Smith. and, Hobbes, Bramhall and the Politics of Liberty and Necessity. A Quarrel of the Civil Wars and Interregnum, by Nicholas D. Jackson.Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars, edited by Jason McElligott and David L. Smith. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007. xiv, 252 pp. $99.00 US (cloth).Hobbes, Bramhall and the Politics of Liberty and Necessity. A Quarrel of the Civil Wars and Interregnum, by Nicholas D. Jackson. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007. xviii, 331 pp. $99.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 44, no. 1 (April 2009): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.44.1.123.

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Wilson, Philip K. "Eric Gruber von Arni, Justice to the maimed soldier: nursing, medical care and welfare for sick and wounded soldiers and their families during the English civil wars and Interregnum, 1642–1660, The History of Medicine in Context, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2001, pp. xv, 283, £40.00 (hardback 0-7546-0476-4)." Medical History 47, no. 4 (October 2003): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300057537.

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Van BREUDEN, KYLE. "Justice to the Maimed Soldier: Nursing, Medial Care and Welfare for Sick and Wounded Soldiers and their Families during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum, 1642–1660, The History of Medicine in Context Series (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2001). ISBN: 0-7546-0476-4 (HB). 4 B&W illustrations, 15 Tables, and 8 maps, xv + 283pp." Health and History 14, no. 1 (2012): 213–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hah.2012.0016.

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Belz, Malte, Simon Sauer, Anke Lüdeling, and Christine Mooshammer. "Fluently disfluent?" Segmental, prosodic and fluency features in phonetic learner corpora 3, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 118–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijlcr.3.2.02bel.

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Abstract In this article, we explore the disfluencies of advanced learners and native speakers of German in spontaneous speech. We focus on the frequency, form, and place of silent and filled pauses as well as self-repairs. Frequency significantly differs for silent pauses only. As to form, the distribution for both filled pauses and repair types significantly differs between the groups, while the proportion of within-repair hesitations (‘interregna’) is similar. For the neighbouring tokens of filled pauses, learners adhere to the pattern of their native language English, which is significantly different from the pattern we find for native German. Our results indicate that for some aspects of disfluencies, it seems that learners can adapt to a native-like pattern, while others are imported from the L1. Still others are significantly different from both the target and the native pattern. We present different possible explanations for all these cases.
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