Journal articles: 'English church history'

1

Podmore, Colin. "Zinzendorf and the English Moravians." Journal of Moravian History 3, no. 1 (2007): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179832.

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Abstract This article begins by pointing to the tendency among British Moravians to downplay Zinzendorf's role in their church's history and arguing that that the difficult aspects of the relationship between the Count and the English Moravians of his day, which the article charts, help to explain that tendency. Zinzendorf's priority in England was relations with the Church of England. Recognition of the Moravian Church as a foreign episcopal sister church of the Church of England was important for the position of ordained Moravians working as missionaries in the British colonies. Zinzendorf feared that if the Moravian Church developed as a free church in England that would endanger such recognition. It would also conflict with his understanding of the 'Brüdergemeine' as a fellowship of awakened Christians within the existing churches. Evangelistic activity which effectively competed with the established church would similarly imperil recognition. British Moravians did not share these views.

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MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "The Myth of the English Reformation." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385971.

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The myth of the English Reformation is that it did not happen, or that it happened by accident rather than design, or that it was halfhearted and sought a middle way between Catholicism and Protestantism; the point at issue is the identity of the Church of England. The myth was created in two stages, first in the middle years of the seventeenth century, and then from the third decade of the nineteenth century; and in either case it was created by one party within the church, largely consisting of clergy, with a particular motive in mind. This was to emphasize the Catholic continuity of the church over the break of the Reformation, in order to claim that the true representative of the Catholic church within the borders of England and Wales was not the minority loyal to the bishop of Rome, but the church as by law established in 1559 and 1662. In the seventeenth century the group involved was called Arminian by contemporaries, and in later days it came to be labeled High Church, or Laudian, after its chief early representative William Laud. In the nineteenth century the same party revived was known variously as Tractarian, Oxford Movement, High Church, Ritualist, and, most commonly in the twentieth century, Anglo-Catholic. Here are two characteristic quotations from one of the most distinguished of this nineteenth-century group, John Henry Newman, before his departure for Rome and a cardinal's hat. First, when defending himself against the charge of innovation: “We are a ‘Reformed’ Church, not a ‘Protestant’ … the Puritanic spirit spread in Elizabeth's and James's time, and … has been succeeded by the Methodistic. …We, the while, children of the Holy Church, whencesoever brought into it, whether by early training or after thought, have had one voice, that one voice which the Church has had from the beginning." Second, introducing the characteristic Anglican expression of the idea of continuity, the notion of the via media: “A number of distinct notions are included in the notion of Protestantism; and as to all these our Church has taken a Via Media between it and Popery.

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Stocker, David. "English Medieval Church Towers: The Northern Province." Northern History 56, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2019): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2019.1617467.

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GRIBBEN, CRAWFORD. "The Church of Scotland and the English Apocalyptic Imagination, 1630 to 1650." Scottish Historical Review 88, no. 1 (April 2009): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000572.

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This article explores the evolution of the eschatological identity of the Church of Scotland within the framework of English puritan apocalyptic thought in the period 1630–50. From the beginnings of reformation, English protestant theologians constructed an elaborate series of readings of Biblical apocalyptic texts through which they attempted to understand contemporary events. By the 1630s, English puritan exegetes had begun to identify within the Biblical text a distinctive role for Scottish Presbyterianism. The Scottish church, which, in the opinion of many English puritans, moved towards a more rigorously reformed ecclesiology as the 1630s progressed, was identified as a harbinger of the millennial glory that English puritans would shortly share. But as the relationship between Parliament and Presbytery turned sour, English puritans increasingly identified the Scottish church as the apocalyptic menace that stood in the way of their millennial fulfilment – a feeling made vivid in the rhetoric of the Cromwellian invasion.

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Jones, Matthew C. "“A True and Patriotic Band!”: Welsh Anglican Resistance to a Colonial Victorian Church." Church History 88, no. 4 (December 2019): 953–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719002476.

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This essay examines the colonial relationship between the Anglican Church and the British Empire's Welsh subjects across the nineteenth century. Focusing on the small output of a group of exiled Welsh clergymen (known as The Association of Welsh Clergy in the West Riding of the County of York), I consider Welsh Anglican responses to the church's neglect of Wales (exemplified by no Welsh-speaking bishop being assigned to a Welsh diocese between 1727 and 1870, despite the majority of the population not speaking English). The association believed that preaching in a foreign language such as English constituted a perversion from proper church practice and that this both reflected hegemonic attitudes toward indigenous and non-English speaking populations and pushed the Welsh population toward dissent. In response, the association sought to combine church reform with Welsh nationalism by elevating Welsh speakers as the spiritual inheritors of the true and primitive British church. They promulgated their visions in annual reports published between 1852 and 1856 into which they channeled other contemporary voices speaking against tyrannical and “Romish” Anglican Church practices. Through an analysis of post-Reformation Welsh church histories and the reports’ usages of such terminology as “alienation,” “Catholicism,” and “patriotism,” I reveal how the Welsh national identity the association fashioned at once operated within and aspired to correct the Anglican Church.

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Cragoe, Carol Davidson. "The custom of the English Church: parish church maintenance in England before 1300." Journal of Medieval History 36, no. 1 (March 2010): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmedhist.2009.11.001.

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KAUFMAN, LUCY M. "ECCLESIASTICAL IMPROVEMENTS, LAY IMPROPRIATIONS, AND THE BUILDING OF A POST-REFORMATION CHURCH IN ENGLAND, 1560–1600." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000491.

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ABSTRACTOne of the more difficult practical questions raised by the English Reformation was just how to support its clergy and its fabric. Despite extensive resistance from the godly members of church and state, the Elizabethan church maintained the pre-Reformation system of impropriations, lay ownership of ecclesiastical tithes. This article examines the historical, practical, and ideological stakes of these everyday economics in the late sixteenth century. It argues that the majority of impropriators were responsive to the needs of the church, sustaining rather than undermining the nascent English church. In the space opened up by the Reformation's rents in the social and physical fabric of the parish, new bonds between church, state, and society were knit. This process of building the post-Reformation church thus tied the laity closer to the interests and activities of the church in England.

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Urdank, Albion M., and Frances Knight. "The Nineteenth-Century Church and English Society." American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (December 1997): 1483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171122.

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9

Jared, Lauren Helm. "English Ecclesiastical Vacancies During the Reigns of William II and Henry I." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 3 (July 1991): 362–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900003353.

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The Church of post-Conquest England experienced a number of ecclesiastical and administrative changes brought on, in part, by the Normans’ implementation of Gregorian reform. Despite the growing fervour for non-lay intervention in ecclesiastical matters, many of the Norman innovations actually increased the king’s involvement with the Church. For example, a new practice emerged whereby the king appropriated a church's revenues upon the death of its abbot or bishop. Before this time, vacant houses were apparently cared for by their priors or other ecclesiastics and the king played little or no role in their administration. William the Conqueror altered forever this custom when he took direct control of vacant churches and placed their administration, although generally not their revenue, in the hands of royal officials.

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Sprey, Ilicia J., Dominic Aidan Bellenger, and Stella Fletcher. "Princes of the Church: A History of the English Cardinals." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 1233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061729.

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11

Bursell, Rupert. "What is the Place of Custom in English Canon Law?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 1, no. 4 (January 1989): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00007213.

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It is now generally recognised that as a matter of history the canon law was applied, subject to variations by local custom, in pre-Reformation England just as much as throughout the rest of Western Christendom. Indeed such local variations were permitted by the canon law itself. As Professor Brooke concluded in The English Church and The Papacy From The Conquest To The Reign of King John:“The English Church recognised the same law as the rest of the Church; it possessed and used the same collections of Church law that were employed in the rest of the Church. There is no shred of evidence to show that the English Church in the eleventh and twelfth centuries was governed by laws selected by itself.”The same was also true until the Reformation.

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JASPER, DAVID, and JEREMY SMITH. "‘The Lay Folks' Mass Book’ and Thomas Frederick Simmons: Medievalism and the Tractarians." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 4 (April 26, 2019): 785–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691900054x.

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Thomas Frederick Simmons (1815–84) combined his ecclesiastical duties and liturgical interests with editing the fourteenth-century Middle EnglishLay folks’ mass book(1879) for the Early English Text Society, with the aim of showing the continuity of the English Church from the medieval period through the Reformation. In the light of modern scholarship, this article recontextualises both medieval text and Simmons's own editorial practice, and shows how Simmons, as a second-generation Tractarian churchman, sought in this text – and others associated with it – evidence for the Church of England's Catholic underpinning in an imagined medieval English Church.

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Thompson, S. "Bishops and Reform in the English Church, 1520-1560." English Historical Review 117, no. 471 (April 1, 2002): 465–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.471.465.

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PATTERSON, W. B. "William Perkins as Apologist for the Church of England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 2 (March 30, 2006): 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905005233.

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William Perkins, usually described as an Elizabethan Puritan, was significant in ways that are only beginning to be recognised by historians. His writings, published in numerous editions in England and on the continent and translated into Latin and half a dozen vernacular languages, made him the most prominent English theologian of his day. This article contends that his career was devoted not to bringing about changes in the Established Church but to making that Church's teachings better known and appreciated. Perkins should be seen as a leading apologist for the Elizabethan Church of England.

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David, Zdeněk V. "The Strange Fate of Czech Utraquism: The Second Century, 1517–1621." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 4 (October 1995): 641–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080477.

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This article aims to reassess current historical judgements on the Czech Utraquist Church during the second century of its existence, from 1517 to 1621. It seeks to outline the special problems which Bohemian Utraquism faced as a religious via media, partly viewed from the comparative perspective of the kindred phenomenon of the post-Reformation Church of England. After a discussion of the historiographic issues, the focus is on the distinctive development of sixteenth-century Utraquism and its relations to English theology and eastern Orthodoxy. The Church's intermediate position between the Church of Rome and the fully reformed Protestant Churches is then explored more systematically through the writings of the authoritative, but neglected, theologian of sixteenth-century Utraquism, Bohuslav Bílejovský.

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Aieta, Joseph, and John A. Taylor. "British Monarchy, English Church Establishment, and Civil Liberty." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543492.

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17

Greig, Martin. "Heresy hunt: Gilbert Burnet and the convocation controversy of 1701." Historical Journal 37, no. 3 (September 1994): 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014886.

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ABSTRACTThe aim of the high church agitation in the 1690s for a convocation was to establish doctrinal discipline within the anglican church. When convocation met in 1701 the lower house produced censures on Toland's Christianity not mysterious and Burnet's Exposition of the thirty-nine articles.It was Francis Atterbury who insisted that Burnet's Exposition was heretical. He had long been critical of Burnet's views on the trinity and his erastian interpretation of English church history in his History of the reformation. And if Burnet's History was an attempt re-write English church history from the perspective of a latitudinarian, then his Exposition was its theological counterpart.It was assumed that the charges against Burnet were lost. But a copy of them has surfaced and it confirms that it was the connection between latitudinarians and dissent which led to the attack on Burnet. In his zeal to heal divisions within anglicanism and between anglicans and other protestants Burnet had introduced a ‘latitude and diversity of opinions’ which misrepresented true anglican doctrine. This was dangerous, because Burnet intended his Exposition as ‘a platform laid for Comprehension’ with the dissenters and other ‘Adversaries of our Church’. These included obvious heretics like socinians and the deist Toland.

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Powell, Raymond A. "The English Church at the Frontier of Early Modern Catholicism." Medieval History Journal 14, no. 1 (April 2011): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194581001400105.

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Haigh, C. "Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church, c. 1560-1660." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 703–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.703.

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Bernard, G. W. "The Reformation of the English Parish Church, by Robert Whiting." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 519 (April 1, 2011): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer054.

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Elewononi, Sarah Mount. "O Sing Unto the Lord: A History of English Church Music." Methodist History 58, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2020): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.58.1-2.0109.

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22

DURSTON, CHRISTOPHER. "Edward Fisher and the Defence of Elizabethan Protestantism during the English Revolution." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 4 (October 2005): 710–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690500429x.

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During the seventeenth century several attempts were made to change fundamentally the character of the Church of England founded by Elizabeth I. The innovations introduced by Laud in the 1630s precipitated a civil war and brought to power godly governments which restructured the Church on a Presbyterian model. The amateur theologian, Edward Fisher, opposed this new godly establishment, arguing for the continued celebration of Christmas, and against sabbatarianism and sacramental examination and suspension. His tracts in support of ‘Elizabethan Protestantism’ proved popular in the 1650s and helped to cement attachment to a more inclusive vision of the English Church.

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MARSHALL, PETER. "JOHN CALVIN AND THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS, c. 1565–1640." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 849–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000488.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the assessments of John Calvin's life, character, and influence to be found in the polemical writings of English Catholics in the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods. It demonstrates the centrality of Calvin to Catholic claims about the character and history of the established church, and the extent to which Catholic writings propagated a vibrant ‘black legend’ of Calvin's egotism and sexual depravity, drawing heavily not only on the writings of the French Calvinist-turned-Catholic Jerome Bolsec, but also on those of German Lutherans. The article also explores how, over time, Catholic writers increasingly identified some common ground with anti-puritans and anti-Calvinists within the English church, and how claims about the seditious character of Calvin, and by extension Calvinism, were used to articulate the contrasting ‘loyalty’ of Catholics and their right to occupy a place within the English polity.

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GUTACKER, PAUL. "Joseph Milner and his Editors: Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Evangelicals and the Christian Past." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917000744.

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Joseph Milner's ‘History of the Church of Christ’ (1794–1809) was the most popular English-language church history for half a century, yet it remains misunderstood by many historians. This paper argues that Milner's Evangelical interpretation of church history subverted Protestant historiographical norms. By prioritising conversion over doctrinal precision, and celebrating the piety of select medieval Catholics, Milner undermined the historical narratives that undergirded Protestant exceptionalism. As national religious identities became increasingly contested in the 1820s and 1830s, this subversive edge was blunted by publishers who edited the ‘History’ to be less favourable toward pre-Reformation Christianity.

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Mayer, Thomas F., and Kenneth Carleton. "Bishops and Reform in the English Church, 1520-1559." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 4 (2002): 1092. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144134.

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Smith, Nigel. "Literature and Church Discipline in Early Modern England." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003302.

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That English literature is suffused with religion is news to no one; the English language is throughout history part of the structure of the Church or churches. But there is a way in which Church history and English literature have been missing each other for a good many years. This is in part because, until recently, religion in literature has been the preserve of relatively small groups of enthusiasts with partisan views. Their work has appeared unattractive or irrelevant to a largely secular mainstream that has been preoccupied with the ‘political’ (as opposed to the religious) in early modern literary studies (this is especially so with regard to the drama). But we now have an account of Church history that is more sophisticated and variegated, more attuned to confessional variety and its politics, local and national. This is crying out for engagement with literary studies in ways that literary scholars would find compelling, not least in offering many solutions to the kinds of questions they have come to ask. To some extent the dialogue has already begun, and indeed several exemplary studies are cited in what follows. Nonetheless, we are at the beginning of what may well be a long and extremely fruitful interdisciplinary encounter.

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TYACKE, NICHOLAS. "THE PURITAN PARADIGM OF ENGLISH POLITICS, 1558–1642." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 527–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1000018x.

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ABSTRACTTraditionally puritanism has been treated as a religious phenomenon that only impinged on the world of that ‘secular’ politics to a limited extent and mainly in relation to church reform. Such an approach, however, is to employ a misleadingly narrow definition which ignores the existence of a much more all-embracing puritan political vision traceable from the mid-sixteenth century. First clearly articulated by some of the Marian exiles, this way of thinking interpreted the Bible as a manifesto against tyranny whether in church or state. Under the successive regimes of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I, puritans can be found who continued to judge the actions of government by the same biblical criterion, which also helps to explain among other things their prominence in opposing unparliamentary taxation. Puritan ideology itself was transmitted down the generations partly via a complex of family alliances, underpinned by teaching and preaching, and this in turn provided a basis for political organization. Moreover, the undiminished radical potential of puritanism is evident from responses to the assassination of Buckingham in 1628. Given these antecedents the subsequent resort to Civil War appears less surprising than historians often claim.

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Ernst, J. H. "Die Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk en die menseregtevraagstuk: 1910-1990." Verbum et Ecclesia 16, no. 2 (September 21, 1995): 334–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v16i2.455.

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The Dutch Reformed Church and the human rights issue: 1910-199 Research in the field of church history reveals that the Dutch Refonned Church disposes its own human rights tradition that should be viewed and judged alongside and not in opposition 10 its apartheid tradition. As common factor "Human Rights" proved to be a suitablkey to unlock the history of the theology of apartheid ("evangelie van volksvryhede") of the Afrikaans churches, the theology of civilisation ("gospel of co-operation") of the English churches and the theology of liberation ("gospel of humanisation") of the Black church movement in an impartial and systematical way.

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Ingram, Robert G. "Representing and Misrepresenting the History of Puritanism in Eighteenth-Century England." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000214x.

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An Englishman living during the mid-eighteenth century would have known that his country had been, at least since the late sixteenth century, a decidedly and, for the long-foreseeable future, an unalterably Protestant nation. But what sort of Protestant nation? One that needed a legally estabhshed church? And, if so, what sort of church should that church as established by law be? Did it, for instance, necessarily require a certain kind of church government? In its relation to the English state, did the church need to be the senior, equal or junior partner? And what rights, if any, should those not conforming to the estabhshed church have? These were vexing questions, and the mid-seventeenth-century civil wars had mostly been an intra-Protestant fight over them. Yet neither those internecine religio-political wars nor the subsequent political revolution of the late seventeenth century had resolved definitively any of the fundamental questions about church and state raised originally by the sixteenth-century religious Reformations. Those who had lived through the Sacheverell crisis, the Bangorian controversy or the fiercely anti-clerical 1730s recognized this all too well: historians, alas, have not.

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Podmore, Colin. "William Holland's Short Account of the Beginnings of Moravian Work in England (1745)." Journal of Moravian History 22, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.22.1.0054.

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ABSTRACT William Holland's Short Account describes church life in the City of London in the 1730s with special reference to the religious societies and their connections with Wesley's “Oxford Methodists.” He shows how the Moravian Peter Böhler's preaching cross-fertilized these networks' High-Church Anglicanism with the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone and thereby sparked the English Evangelical Revival. Recounting the early life of the resulting Fetter Lane Society, which served as the Revival's London headquarters, Holland emphasizes the frequent visits to and from the Moravian congregations in Germany and the Netherlands. All of this was intended to support his argument that the English Anglican members of Zinzendorf's Brüdergemeine, while accepting the Lutheran doctrine of justification, were neither Dissenters nor “Old Lutherans” (the name Zinzendorf had invented for them in order to distance the Moravian tradition from them). Rather, they had joined the Moravian Church on the understanding that in doing so they were not separating themselves from England's established church but joining a “sister church” in a form of “double belonging.” This text thus illuminates not only the early history of the Moravian Church in England but also Anglican church life in 1730s London and the origins of Wesleyan Methodism.

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More, Ellen S. "Congregationalism and the Social Order: John Goodwin's Gathered Church, 1640–60." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 2 (April 1987): 210–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900023058.

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In 1644 the Puritan lawyer and parliamentary pamphleteer, William Prynne, voiced a question much on the minds of moderate Puritans: Would not Congregationalism ‘by inevitable necessary consequence subvert…all settled…forms of civil government…and make every small congregation, family (yea person if possible), an independent church and republic exempt from all other public laws’? What made Congregationalism seem so threatening? The calling of the Long Parliament encouraged an efflorescence of Congregational churches throughout England. While differing in many other respects, their members were united in the belief that the true Church consisted of individually gathered, self-governing congregations of the godly. Such a Church was answerable to no other earthly authority. The roots of English Congregationalism extended back to Elizabethan times and beyond. Some Congregationalists, in the tradition of Robert Browne, believed in total separation from the Established Church; others, following the later ideas of Henry Jacob, subscribed to semi-separatism, believing that a godly remnant remained within the Established Church. For semi-separatists some contact with the latter was permissible, as was a loose confederation of gathered churches. During the English civil wars and Interregnum, the Church polity of most leading religious Independents actually was semi-separatist.

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Ireland, Colin. "Seventh-Century Ireland as a Study Abroad Destination." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 5, no. 1 (November 15, 1999): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v5i1.72.

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In order to reconstruct the life of “study abroad students” in seventh-century Ireland I rely primarily on three sources. The first two sources are the English churchmen Aldhelm and Bede. Aldhelm (d.709), abbot of Malmesbury and later bishop of Sherborne, was the first Anglo-Saxon man of letters. Fortunately, at least two letters by him to Anglo-Saxon students who studied in Ireland survive. Bede (d.735), a priest at Wearmouth-Jarrow, was the greatest of the Anglo-Saxon men of letters. He wrote a history of the Anglo-Saxon Church (Historia Ecclesiastica [HE]), cited frequently in this article, which often notes the relationships between the English and the Irish in the seventh century. As English clerical scholars, Aldhelm and Bede are eager to promote the Church of Rome and Anglo-Saxon England’s role in its growth. Nevertheless, they frequently acknowledge the Irish contribution to English Church history and Anglo-Saxon learned culture. Bede tells us, for example, that Irish schools provided English students with free books and free instruction. My third major source is the Hisperica Famina1 “Western Sayings,” a cryptic Latin text written in Ireland by, or about, foreign students sometime probably between c.650 and c.665. The Hisperica Famina are secular in tone and give us our most intimate

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LEVITIN, DMITRI. "MATTHEW TINDAL'SRIGHTS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH(1706) AND THE CHURCH–STATE RELATIONSHIP." Historical Journal 54, no. 3 (July 29, 2011): 717–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000045.

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ABSTRACTMatthew Tindal's Rights of the Christian church (1706), which elicited more than thirty contemporary replies, was a major interjection in the ongoing debates about the relationship between church and state in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England. Historians have usually seen Tindal's work as an exemplar of the ‘republican civil religion’ that had its roots in Hobbes and Harrington, and putatively formed the essence of radical whig thought in the wake of the Glorious Revolution. But this is to misunderstand theRights. To comprehend what Tindal perceived himself as doing we need to move away from the history of putatively ‘political’ issues to the histories of ecclesiastical jurisprudence, patristic scholarship, and biblical exegesis. The contemporary significance of Tindal's work was twofold: methodologically, it challenged Anglican patristic scholarship as a means of reaching consensus on modern ecclesiological issues; positively, it offered a powerful argument for ecclesiastical supremacy lying in crown-in-parliament, drawing on a legal tradition stretching back to Christopher St Germain (1460–1540) and on Tindal's own legal background. Tindal's text provides a case study for the tentative proposition that ‘republicanism’, whether as a programme or a ‘language’, had far less impact on English anticlericalism and contemporary debates over the church–state relationship than the current historiography suggests.

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Prior, Charles W. A. "Rethinking church and state during the English Interregnum." Historical Research 87, no. 237 (October 21, 2013): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12042.

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Aston, M. "Shorter notice. Authority and Dissent in the English Church. CJ Drees." English Historical Review 114, no. 456 (April 1999): 426–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.456.426.

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Aston, M. "Shorter notice. Authority and Dissent in the English Church. CJ Drees." English Historical Review 114, no. 456 (April 1, 1999): 426–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.456.426.

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Brand, Paul A. "The Origins of the English Legal Profession." Law and History Review 5, no. 1 (1987): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743936.

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Shortly after Henry II had succeeded to the English throne, Richard of Anstey commenced litigation against his cousin, Mabel de Francheville. His uncle, William de Sackville, had held a sizeable mesne barony, consisting of at least seven Essex manors and the overlordship of ten knights' fees in Essex and three neighbouring counties. Richard's aim was to secure this property for himself. Mabel claimed that (as William's daughter and heiress) she was rightfully in possession. Richard asserted that she was illegitimate, the issue of a marriage that had been annulled by the Church; and that as Williams's nephew, the eldest son of William's sister, the lands should pass to him, as William's heir. The litigation began in 1158 in the king's court; but once the question of Mabel's status had been raised it was transferred to the Church courts. Her legitimacy was discussed in turn in the court of the archbishop of Canterbury, before papal judges delegate, and finally before the papal court of audience in Rome. The eventual decision was that Mabel was illegitimate. The case then returned to the king's court, and, some five years after the proceedings had begun, the king's court awarded William de Sackville's lands to Richard of Anstey.

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Mitchell, William H. F. "The Primitive Church Revived." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10017.

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Abstract Recent scholarship has highlighted the religious dimensions of political argument in William III’s England. This article adds to this trend through a political analysis of pieces on the Apostolic Age that were written, re-printed, or cited, in the reign of William III. The Age was manipulated to legitimise the Williamite settlement in two ways. First, the early Christians’ ecclesiastical structures and practices were compared favourably to the contemporary Church of England, and unfavourably with Roman Catholic regimes. This contrast bolstered the bipolar confessional divide that underpinned William III’s claim to the English throne. Second, the supposed pan-national spiritual sympathy of the early Christians was regarded as a template for contemporary European Protestants, who were worthy of the protection that formed the bedrock of William III’s foreign policy.

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McClendon, Muriel C. "A Moveable Feast: Saint George's Day Celebrations and Religious Change in Early Modern England." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 1 (January 1999): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386179.

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Recent writing on the English Reformation has been dominated by the so-called revisionists. While not all revisionist historians have advanced an identical interpretation of the Reformation, the broad outline of their argument is neatly summarized in the opening lines of J. J. Scarisbrick's The Reformation and the English People: “On the whole, English men and women did not want the Reformation and most of them were slow to accept it when it came.” While earlier writers argued that the Reformation period represented a sharp break in English history with a definitive rejection of Catholicism, revisionists have asserted that there was considerable continuity in the religious life of sixteenth-century men and women. The Catholic Church was strong and vital and commanded considerable loyalty among the laity, and changes to religious doctrine and practice generated considerable hostility. The demise of the Catholic Church in England was not assured, and the success of the Protestant Reformation was the result of a long straggle fought from above that was won only during the middle years of Elizabeth's reign.The revisionist interpretation has commanded wide attention and support. It currently stands, in many respects, as the new orthodoxy of English Reformation historiography. Most historians now concur on the profound attachment of many men and women to the doctrine and worship of the Catholic Church and their reluctance to abandon them. Nevertheless, a number of questions about the revisionists' interpretation of the Reformation and English religiosity remain.

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O’Brien, Conor. "Bede on the Jewish Church." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002023.

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We upon whom the ends of the ages have come can love with sincere affection those faithful who were in the beginning of the world, and receive them into the bosom of our love … and believe that we are also being received by them with a charitable embrace.Bede (d. 735) is renowned as the first Englishman to write seriously about the history of the church in England. But the Ecclesiastical History of the English People was not the only work of his to address the history of the church, and his interest in the past extended far beyond that book’s temporal and spatial boundaries. He saw the Anglo-Saxon church as part of a universal church whose origins lay in the pre-Incarnation past. The above quotation from his commentary On the Tabernacle, a work interested in the religious institutions of the Israelites, portrays Jews from before the Incarnation as Bede’s fellow members of that church.

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SLATER, LAURA. "Visual Reflections on History and Kingship in the Medieval English Great Church." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 167, no. 1 (September 2014): 83–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0068128814z.00000000027.

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Pizzoni, Giada. "The English Catholic Church and the Age of Mercantilism: Bishop Richard Challoner and the South Sea Company." Journal of Early Modern History 24, no. 2 (April 27, 2020): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342654.

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Abstract This article argues that the commercial economy contributed to sustain the English Catholic Church during the eighteenth century. In particular, it analyzes the financial dealings of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission (1758-1781). By investing in the stock market, Challoner funded charitable institutions and addressed the needs of his church. He used the profits yielded by the Sea Companies for a variety of purposes: from basic needs such as buying candles, to long-term projects such as funding female schools. Bishop Challoner contributes to a new narrative on Catholicism in England and enriches the literature on the Mercantilist Age. The new Atlantic economy offered an opening and Catholics seized it. By answering the needs of the new fiscal-state, the Catholic Church ensured its survival, secured economic integration, and eventually achieved political inclusion.

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Mandelbrote, Scott. "Writing the History of the English Bible in the Early Eighteenth Century." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 268–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015874.

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The letter of Scripture suffering various Interpretations, it is plain that Error may pretend to Scripture; the antient Fathers being likewise dead, and not able to vindicate themselves, their writings may be wrested, and Error may make use of them to back itself; Reason too being bypassed by Interest, Education, Passion, Society, &c…. Tradition only rests secure.The 1680s were a difficult decade for the English Bible, just as they were for so many of the other institutions of the English Protestant establishment. Roman Catholic critics of the Church of England, emboldened by the patronage of James II and his court, engaged in controversy over the rule of faith and the identity of the true Church, much as they had done in the early years of the Reformation or in the 1630s. Nonconformists and freethinkers deployed arguments drawn from Catholic scholarship, in particular from the work of the French Oratorian Richard Simon, and joined in ridicule of the Bible as a sure and sufficient foundation for Christian belief.

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Johnson, Dale Walden, Peter Lake, and Michael Questier. "Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church, c. 1560-1660." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 3 (2001): 797. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671524.

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Field, Clive D. "Adam and Eve: Gender in the English Free Church Constituency." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 1 (January 1993): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900010204.

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The vital contribution of women to the early development of English dissent, especially during the era of the Civil War and Interregnum, has received considerable scholarly attention since the appearance of Keith Thomas's seminal study in 1958. However, the focus of interest has chiefly been on the roles played by individual women as preachers or church founders, and no concerted attempt has yet been made to replicate analyses of New England Puritanism during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which have highlighted the disproportionate numbers of women in church membership. There has been a similar lack of effort to document the effects of gender in determining English religious practice in the period after 1700, despite the beginnings of academic preoccupation with women's experience of Christianity in the eighteenth to twentieth centuries, and despite an abundance of evidence from sociologists and statisticians since the Second World War about women's greater performance on most indicators of religious belief and behaviour. This brief article therefore hopes to break new ground in assembling evidence about the strength of female support for Protestant Nonconformity in England from 1650 to the present day, using three distinct assessment criteria: membership, attendance, and profession.

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Helmolz, R. H. "Usury and the Medieval English Church Courts." Speculum 61, no. 2 (April 1986): 364–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854044.

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Monod, Paul. "Pietro Giannone and the Nonjuring Contribution to the Separation of Church and State." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 4 (October 2020): 713–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.124.

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AbstractWhy did the English Nonjuror Richard Rawlinson promote the 1729–30 English translation of Pietro Giannone's Civil History of Naples? The Nonjurors in England espoused ecclesiastical independency from the state, which they derived from the thought of Restoration High Churchmen and from the French Gallican Louis Ellies Du Pin. Giannone, a Neapolitan lawyer, proposed a similar “two powers” model of strict autonomy for both church and state. Giannone's concept was later rejected by enlightened writers like Viscount Bolingbroke and Edward Gibbon, who associated it with high church prejudices. It was defended by the Dissenter Joseph Priestley, who combined it with his own theory of religious sociability. The impact of Giannone on the Nonjurors and on Priestley illuminates the complex religious background to what is often seen as a fundamentally secular doctrine: the separation of church and state.

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Fritze, Ronald H. "Root or Link? Luther's Position in the Historical Debate over the Legitimacy of the Church of England, 1558–1625." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 2 (April 1986): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900033029.

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The beginning of Elizabeth i's reign was a happy and confident time for committed English Protestants in spite of their doubtful and precarious position in the world. They had almost miraculously survived both the death of their Protestant king, Edward vi, and the reign of the Catholic queen, Mary, and her foreign husband, Philip n of Spain. It seemed that God was testing Protestantism in England. Since he allowed Elizabeth to succeed to the throne, Protestantism, it seemed, had passed the test. As a result early English Protestants confidently began to formulate their place in both the world and history while attacking the established positions of their Catholic opponents. English Catholics defended themselves from these attacks and replied with some of their own. This debate over the historical situation of the Church of England continued through the reign of James i and beyond. During the course of the debate both sides commented frequently and necessarily on what they thought was Martin Luther's place in church history.

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Michna, Gregory. "The Long Road to Sainthood: Indian Christians, the Doctrine of Preparation, and the Halfway Covenant of 1662." Church History 89, no. 1 (March 2020): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720000025.

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AbstractThis essay explores the origins and expansion of New England Praying Towns in the context of the ongoing theological and religious debates of 1646–1674. This period spawned significant debates regarding the extent of the Abrahamic covenant, the requirements for church membership, and the nature of conversion. The ministers present at the Synod of 1662 gathered to settle the question of “extended baptism,” an issue where Indian and English concerns intersected. Reformers who promoted a generational vision of church membership emphasized the efficacy of spiritual preparation for younger generations and the power of a broader and more inclusive church covenant. This development benefitted Algonquians living in Praying Towns because theological preparation validated efforts to catechize and instruct Praying Indians in religious matters. Likewise, a broadening vision of church membership enabled some colonists to consider the possibility that Indians might be included within their religious communities. These projects, launched before the formalization of the Halfway Covenant in 1662, presented a tangible example of spiritual preparation in practice and served to validate the conversionary process within the colony at large. English observers found Indian conversion impressive (or reacted with intense skepticism) because most theologians considered Indians unlikely converts, especially in larger numbers. For Algonquians demonstrating an interest in English spirituality, church membership represented a degree of parity with their New England brethren. Tracing the development of New England missions, the pathway to church membership, and the debates on both missions and extended baptism reveals both the possibilities and limits to the inclusion of Indian Christians within New England's religious institutions.

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Cole, Suzanne. "‘Popery, Palestrina, and Plain-tune’: the Oxford Movement, the Reformation and the Anglican Choral Revival." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.16.

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Following an extended period of neglect, the early 1840s saw a dramatic revival of interest in English church music and its history, which coincided with the period of heightened religious sensitivity between the publication of Newman‘s Tract 90 in early 1841 and his conversion to Roman Catholicism in October 1845. This article examines the activities and writings of three men who made important contributions to the reformation of the music of the English church that took place at this time: Rev. Frederick Oakeley; Rev. John Jebb and the painter William Dyce. It pays particular attention to the relationship between their beliefs about and attitudes towards the English Reformation and their musical activities, and argues that such important works as Jebb‘s monumental Choral Service of the United Church of England and Ireland (1843) are best understood in the context of the religious and ecclesiological debates that were raging at that time.

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Journal articles on the topic 'English church history'

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