Journal articles: 'Engagement with Asia'

1

Chenard, Marie Julie, and O. Arne Westad. "The EU's Engagement with Asia." Global Policy 5 (October 2014): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12151.

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Chu, Yun-han, and Min-hua Huang. "Partisanship and Citizen Politics in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 295–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008754.

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This article assesses the relative importance of partisanship in explaining level of citizens' political engagement within a multivariate framework. In particular, we examine if the relative worth of partisan attachment in explaining civic engagement differs systematically between East Asian emerging democracies and established democracies. We find that partisanship in East Asia exerts just as much influence on citizens' engagement in politics as in established democracies. The global trend in which interest associations and social movements are becoming vigorous competitors to parties for the opportunity to represent and mobilize citizens in democratic process has also spread to East Asia.

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Trinh, Dinh Thi. "Australia’s engagement with East Asia: Evolution of a re-orientation in foreign policy." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 1, no. X1 (June 30, 2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v1ix1.427.

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The outbreak and warfare activities of World War II unintendedly forced Australia to re-orient their security and defense thinking. Having realized that the British security environment and that of their own were far diverged from each other, Australia began to re-orient their priority in foreign policy from European issues to East Asian ones. For the Bristish, East Asia is the Far East but in Australia’s new perspective it is the Near North; thus, the security matters in East Asia are closely linked with Australian national interests. Australian independent diplomacy has been shaped during the course following their re-orienting foreign and security thinking to East Asia. This paper examines the re-orienting of Australia’s strategic thinking from Europecentered problems to Asia-centered ones as well as changing orientation towards ‘Asia’ and ‘Asian engagement’. It also argues that since it had formed, Australia’s Asia-oriented foreign policy, despite minor constraints, has been continuously developed until today.

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Trinh, Dinh Thi. "Australia’s engagement with East Asia: Evolution of a re-orientation in foreign policy." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 1, no. X1 (June 30, 2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15419/stdjssh.v1ix1.427.

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The outbreak and warfare activities of World War II unintendedly forced Australia to re-orient their security and defense thinking. Having realized that the British security environment and that of their own were far diverged from each other, Australia began to re-orient their priority in foreign policy from European issues to East Asian ones. For the Bristish, East Asia is the Far East but in Australia’s new perspective it is the Near North; thus, the security matters in East Asia are closely linked with Australian national interests. Australian independent diplomacy has been shaped during the course following their re-orienting foreign and security thinking to East Asia. This paper examines the re-orienting of Australia’s strategic thinking from Europecentered problems to Asia-centered ones as well as changing orientation towards ‘Asia’ and ‘Asian engagement’. It also argues that since it had formed, Australia’s Asia-oriented foreign policy, despite minor constraints, has been continuously developed until today.

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Ali, Quaid, Muhammad Ayaz Khan, and Saima Gul. "Sino-Indian Engagement in Central Asia: Implications for Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).25.

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Five Central Asian Republics (CARs) got independence in December 1991 as a result of the collapse of the USSR. Politically, economically, strategically and geographically Central Asia is regarded as the Heart of Asia. This region is the hub of the natural resources. It became a battle ground for the states which have interest in its hydrocarbon reserves. The paper examines the ongoing competition between China and India for the resources of Central Asia. Both of these countries are eyeing the huge potential of trade relations with this large market. They were also trying to create energy partnerships with the gas- and oil-rich region. This resulted in competition between the two countries inof the region. This article describes China and India as competitors in this region. As a neighbouring country, this engagement of China and India has serious implications for Pakistan.

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Leahy, Anne, and Paul H. Jensen. "Australia's Engagement with Asia, 1990-2010." Australian Economic Review 44, no. 4 (November 30, 2011): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8462.2011.00660.x.

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Gaur, Prithvi Sanjeevkumar, and Latika Gupta. "SOCIAL MEDIA FOR SCHOLARLY COMMUNICATION IN CENTRAL ASIA." Central Asian Journal of Medical Hypotheses and Ethics 1, no. 2 (January 25, 2021): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47316/cajmhe.2020.1.2.09.

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Social Media Platforms (SMPs) have emerged as the new frontiers for academic engagement, more so during the pandemic. Cultural barriers, close censorship, and language restrictions may limit the participation of Central Asian scholars in the global scientific communication. This article explores the patterns of Social Media (SoMe) use in Central Asia and outlines probable deterrents of academic engagement in the region. Some suggestions are formulated to offer digital and socio-cultural solutions aimed to improve Central Asian scholars’ activities on SoMe platforms and bridge the divide for fruitful academic partnerships.

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Moltz, James Clay. "Russia in Asia in 1996: Renewed Engagement." Asian Survey 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645778.

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Albinski, Henry S., and Richard Robison. "Pathways to Asia: The Politics of Engagement." Pacific Affairs 72, no. 1 (1999): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672337.

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Moltz, James Clay. "Russia in Asia in 1996: Renewed Engagement." Asian Survey 37, no. 1 (January 1997): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1997.37.1.01p0205d.

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Capling, Ann. "Twenty years of Australia's engagement with Asia." Pacific Review 21, no. 5 (December 15, 2008): 601–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512740802457344.

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12

McAllister, Ian, and John Ravenhill. "Australian attitudes towards closer engagement with Asia." Pacific Review 11, no. 1 (January 1998): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749808719247.

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13

Milner, Anthony. "What is Left of Engagement with Asia?" Australian Journal of International Affairs 54, no. 2 (July 2000): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713613511.

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Zhang, Weiyu, and Emmanuel C. Lallana. "Youth, ICTs, and Civic Engagement in Asia." International Communication Gazette 75, no. 3 (March 19, 2013): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048512472852.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "Australia’s Engagement with Asia: Strategic or Transactional?" India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 69, no. 4 (December 2013): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928413503746.

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Kokko, Ari. "China's Economic Engagement with Southeast Asia: Indonesia." Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 50, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 505–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074918.2014.980392.

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Wilson, Jacob, and Dinshaw Mistry. "Economic Engagement and Nuclear Security in Asia." Asian Security 9, no. 2 (May 2013): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2013.795548.

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18

Turner, Mark. "PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND AUSTRALIAN ENGAGEMENT WITH ASIA." Australian Journal of Public Administration 53, no. 2 (June 1994): 253–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1994.tb01887.x.

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Mauzy, Diane K., and Brian L. Job. "U.S. Policy in Southeast Asia: Limited Re-engagement after Years of Benign Neglect." Asian Survey 47, no. 4 (July 2007): 622–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.4.622.

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American foreign policy in Southeast Asia from 1975 to the present can be characterized as exhibiting varying degrees of benign neglect, with episodic attention to perceived security threats. Current policies are narrowly focused on anti-terrorism; their perceived anti-Muslim overtones, while engendering instrumental cooperation, have tended to alienate Southeast Asian publics. U.S. influence in Southeast Asia appears to be waning, with China capitalizing on opportunities to expand its influence.

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Murashkin, Nikolay. "Japanese Involvement in Central Asia." Asian Journal of Social Science 43, no. 1-2 (2015): 50–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04301004.

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This paper looks into the role of policy-making carried out by various government officials in the Japanese financial community who contributed to the formulation and implementation of Japanese “Silk Road Diplomacy” in the 1990s and 2000s. Furthermore, it examines the role of key Japanese ministries in the overall Japanese geopolitical engagement in Central Asia. When the five Central Asian republics of the USSR became independent in 1991, they soon encountered a proactive engagement of Japanese diplomacy toward them. Besides boosting bilateral assistance and economic ties, official Tokyo has vigorously promoted the Central Asian states’ eligibility in many international financial institutions and provided extensive advice on reform policies. Both Japanese and Central Asian officials shared a preference for gradualism in economic reforms as a popular approach alternative to the Western neoliberalism in Central Asian countries, although the extent of embracing gradualism varied upon individual republics and advising officials. Spurred by the failures of the Washington consensus and financial crises of the 1990s, Central Asian gradualism can be regarded as an early precursor attempt at post-neoliberalism.

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Brown, Elizabeth R., Mia Steinberg, Yun Lu, and Amanda B. Diekman. "Is the Lone Scientist an American Dream? Perceived Communal Opportunities in STEM Offer a Pathway to Closing U.S.–Asia Gaps in Interest and Positivity." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 1 (July 12, 2017): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617703173.

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The United States lags behind many Asian countries in engagement in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). An unexplored factor in these country-level differences may be U.S.–Asia gaps in perceptions of the goal opportunities provided by STEM. Across four studies, U.S. students perceived fewer communal opportunities (working with/helping/relationships with others) in STEM than Asian students; this differential perception contributed to U.S.–Asia gaps in STEM interest. Perceptions of communal opportunities in STEM did not follow from a general orientation to perceive that all careers provided communal opportunities but from communal engagement in STEM. Perceptions about communal opportunities in STEM predicted STEM interest, and communal experience in STEM predicted STEM interest beyond quantity of STEM exposure. Experimentally highlighting the perceived communal opportunities in science closed the cultural gap in positivity toward a scientist career (Study 5). Perceptions of communal opportunities in STEM provide a new vantage point to improve U.S. engagement in STEM.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.

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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.

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Sigit, Muhammad. "Understanding US “Re-pivot” to Asia." Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) 2, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.47.

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This paper explains the nature and the context of the future of US foreign policy to the Asia or so-called US re-pivot policy to Asia. By using the historical method, this paper tries to make sense of US continuous engagement in Asia, past and present; with a hope to illuminate even quite distant futures of US foreign policy direction. The 2020 US presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Joe Biden have signaled their strong intention of US re-pivot to Asia. However, the new re-pivot to Asia should be different from Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’. Re-pivot should bring practical economic, strategic, and political benefits to Asian countries, rather than simply containing China.

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Adhikari, Monalisa. "India in South Asia: Interaction with Liberal Peacebuilding Projects." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 2 (April 13, 2018): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418766731.

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In fragile and conflict-affected States1 (henceforth FCAS) in South Asia, two distinct forms of international engagement have worked simultaneously—the engagement of India, the regional hegemon, and that of Western states that promote liberal peacebuilding projects. From Norwegian engagement in Sri Lanka to European Union (EU) and United Nations (UN) engagement in Myanmar, to the UN-led international engagement in Nepal, liberal peacebuilding, despite its fault lines, has ubiquitous presence in South Asia, a region fraught with different forms of conflict and fragility. The norms, practices and modalities of engagement of India as well as of liberal peacebuilding projects have their distinct specificities in their normative foundations, practices and modalities of engagement. This article contends that the current interaction, though often unacknowledged, is marked by uncertainties, contrasts, instrumental use of norms, lack of coordination and even unexpected overlaps. This article primarily argues that in order for India to play a constructive role in the region, it needs to devise a policy on how it engages with liberal peacebuilding norms and its diffusion in practice through a variety of organisational and institutional networks.

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Deng, Yong. "Managing China's hegemonic ascension: Engagement from Southeast Asia." Journal of Strategic Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1998): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402399808437706.

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26

Alagappa, Muthiah. "Soviet Policy in Southeast Asia: Towards Constructive Engagement." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759522.

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Guo, Karen. "Australia’s Engagement with Asia in the National Curriculum." Frontiers of Education in China 16, no. 1 (March 2021): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11516-021-0003-6.

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Linlin, S. "Heilongjiang Province’s Engagement in BRI." Review of Business and Economics Studies 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2308-944x-2019-7-2-6-21.

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As one of the nine border provinces in the country, Heilongjiang Province has 2,981 kilometres of RussianRussian border and 25 national first-class ports. In the past five years, Heilongjiang Province, based on the prominent geographical position in the core of Northeast Asia, has actively promoted the national strategy of the Belt and Road Initiative, deepened on open cooperation with countries in the Northeast Asia, and focused on developing economic cooperation and trade with Russia while building a new pattern of openness to the outside world. This paper in detail elaborates the progress of Heilongjiang Province’s participation in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in aspect of “five links” construction, namely, policy coordination, connectivity of infrastructure, unimpeded trade, financial integration and closer people-to-people ties, since the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013, and further proposes feasible countermeasures.

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JAIN, RAJENDRA K. "From Idealism to Pragmatism: India and Asian Regional Integration." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000041.

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AbstractAfter being at the periphery for decades, India's proactive engagement with East and Southeast Asia has gradually transformed it into an active participant in Asian regional organizations and multilateral processes. This paper examines early Indian attempts at forging pan-Asian unity and assesses the motivations and impact of its Look East Policy. It evaluates India's changing role towards regional cooperation in South Asia and sub-regional groupings, the impact of domestic politics, and discusses how China has influenced Indian perceptions and strategy towards Asian regionalism. After a long gap, India is again contributing ideas on Asian integration and stresses that the broader East Asian integration process should remain open and inclusive.

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HE, BAOGANG. "The Awkwardness of Australian Engagement with Asia: The Dilemmas of Australian Idea of Regionalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000077.

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AbstractAustralia has experienced difficulties engaging with Asia-Pacific regional integration. Despite Australian attempts to punch above its weight in regional forums and to be a regional leader, it is still not regarded as a full member or as quite fitting into the region. It is an ‘awkward partner’ in the Asian context, and has experienced the ‘liminality’ of being neither here nor there. The former Rudd government's proposal for an ‘Asia Pacific Community’ (APC) by the year 2020 was a substantive initiative in Australia's ongoing engagement with Asia. It has, however, attracted a high level of criticism both at home and abroad. The main critical analysis of the proposal has focused on institutional building or architecture, or its relationship with existing regional institutions, but overlooks a host of often fraught questions about culture, norms, identities, and international power relations. The APC concept needs to be scrutinized in terms of these questions with a critical eye. This paper examines the cultural, cognitive, and normative dimensions of Rudd's proposal. It analyses four dilemmas or awkward problems that the APC faces.

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Scott-Maxwell, Aline. "K-pop flows and Indonesian student pop scenes: situating live Asian pop music in an ‘Asian’ Australia." Media International Australia 175, no. 1 (February 29, 2020): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x20906550.

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Transnational responses to globalisation in the Asia-Pacific region have included the flow of Asian pop genres throughout Asia and beyond, which pose a modest challenge to the normative dominance of Anglophone pop globally. Over the last decade, Australia has entered this flow and become part of the market for Asian pop. Iwabuchi argues that ‘burgeoning popular culture flows have given new substance to the ambiguous imaginary space of “Asia”’. Recent growth in the Australian consumption and production of Asian popular music and media coupled with rapidly expanding, diverse and fluid Asian-Australian diaspora populations and communities of transient migrants from Asia, specifically international students, who together form Asian pop’s primary consumers in Australia, highlight the ambiguity of both ‘the imaginary space of “Asia”’ and the imaginary space of ‘Australia’. The article considers Australian engagement with Asian pop from two perspectives: K-pop dominated media production and commercial scale concerts of East Asian pop and the social and experiential dimension of how international students engage with live Asian pop. Ethnographic case studies of two Asian pop events draw attention to the self-contained, socially and culturally demarcated communities of international students in Australia. They illustrate how such concert events express shared identities; a collective sense of community, belonging and agency; and, further, a connectedness to ‘Asia’ and a disconnectedness to the Australian societies that enable their communities and pop music activities.

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Ziegler, Charles E. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 53, no. 3 (May 2013): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.484.

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This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.

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Barraclough, Simon. "The Asian currency crisis and the Australian health industry." Australian Health Review 21, no. 4 (1998): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah980040.

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This article identifies linkages between the Australian health industry and theglobal economy. It discusses some of the consequences of the Asian currency crisisof 1997?98 for the Australian economy and health industry, with special emphasisupon exports. Devaluation of the Australian dollar will increase the cost of mostpharmaceutical and medical imports, but may offer competitive advantages to someAustralian exporters. The nascent engagement with Asia of many health industryenterprises is likely to be stifled. It is therefore important for Australian governments,as well as the Australian health industry, to provide intelligence and encouragementto those enterprises that wish to continue their engagement with Asia or resume itwhen economic equilibrium returns. Markets throughout the world must also befurther developed. The crisis may therefore provide the stimulus for re-thinking andre-stating Australian health export policy.

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Harikumar, S., Rakesh Kumar Srivastava, and Vivek Mishra. "IMF AND ASIA: CHANGING TRENDS IN ENGAGEMENT (1997-2017)." Effulgence-A Management Journal 16, Spl1 (January 1, 2018): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.33601/effulgence.rdias/v16/ispl1/2018/article0.11.

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Pietsch, Juliet, Marshall Clark, and Baogang He. "Generational change: regional security and Australian engagement with Asia." Pacific Review 23, no. 2 (May 12, 2010): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512741003624492.

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Choi, Hoon. "After-Development Dynamics – South Korea’s Contemporary Engagement with Asia." European Journal of Development Research 28, no. 4 (June 24, 2016): 776–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41287-016-0009-8.

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Bendell, Jem, Eva Collins, and Juliet Roper. "‘Collaborative engagement for sustainability in the Asia Pacific region’." Business Strategy and the Environment 18, no. 6 (September 2009): 415–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bse.659.

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Ayson, Robert. "New Zealand and Asia‑Pacific Security:New Rationales for Engagement?" Contemporary Southeast Asia 22, no. 2 (August 2000): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs22-2h.

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Huang, Min-hua, Taehee Whang, and Lei Xuchuan. "The Internet, Social Capital, and Civic Engagement in Asia." Social Indicators Research 132, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-016-1319-0.

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Tan, Mitchell. "Spiritual Fraternities: The Transnational Networks of Ngô Đình Diệm’s Personalist Revolution and the Republic of Vietnam, 1955–1963." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 14, no. 2 (2019): 1–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2019.14.2.1.

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This article elucidates the role of personalism in Ngô Đình Diệm’s relations with his principal anticommunist allies in Asia by considering the First Republic’s involvement in the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League and Moral Re-Armament. These organizations provided crucial transnational platforms through which Ngô Đình Diệm secured support for his personalist vision. Shared beliefs about the spiritual and moral threat of communist materialism, and the spiritual revolution it demanded in response, undergirded Ngô Đình Diệm’s anticommunist alliances in Asia. The First Republic’s deep involvement in these regional organizations, which operated free from US influence, challenges prevailing conceptions of its engagement with Cold War Asia.

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TAN, SEE SENG. "Asian Multilateralism in the Age of Japan's ‘New Normal’: Perils and Prospects." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (August 5, 2015): 296–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000201.

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AbstractThis paper makes three related points. First, Japan has played an instrumental role in helping to define the shape and substance of multilateralism in Asia in ways deeper than scholarly literature on Asia's regional architecture has allowed. A key driving force behind Japan's contributions is the perceived utility of multilateralism in facilitating Japan's engagement of and/or balancing against China. Second, Japan has been able to achieve this because of the United States' support for Asian multilateralism and Japanese security interests. In the immediate post-Cold War period, Japan facilitated US participation in regional arrangements such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the ASEAN Regional Forum. But Japanese ambivalence over its dependence on the United States was also apparent in Tokyo's attempts to exclude Washington from the newly formed East Asia Summit in late 2005, despite Japan's felt need to balance China. Japan's reliance on quiet diplomacy and an implicit regional leadership has equally been instrumental to its achievements in regional integration. Third, in the light of Japan's longstanding aim to become a normal military power and adopt a more assertive policy toward China, Japan‒US security ties are likely to deepen with negative consequences for Asian multilateralism. However, if its ties with China and South Korea worsen over their islands disputes in the East China Sea, Japan risks undermining its relations with the United States. How Japan balances its normalization with a continued engagement with multilateralism could be key to a stable and secure Asia.

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Liu, Shan-Jan Sarah. "Are Female Political Leaders Role Models? Lessons from Asia." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 2 (January 22, 2018): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917745162.

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Despite vast research on women’s descriptive representation, little is known about its influence on women’s political engagement in East and Southeast Asia where gender norms are different from those in other parts of the world. I theorize that the discrepancy between women’s political and social rights in the region makes it difficult for women to envision themselves as equal to their male counterparts. Thus, women are less reluctant to play a “man’s game” even when they see female political leaders. Using a multilevel model with data from the Asian Barometer Survey and various additional sources, I examine the impact of female parliamentarians in the region and find that they significantly reduce women’s political participation. My results suggest that the female legislators’ role model effect found in existing literature on Western democracies does not apply to East and Southeast Asia. Instead, female political leaders generate a backlash effect on women’s political engagement. This research raises implications for the role of context in the effectiveness of women’s symbolic representation and calls for further exploration on the connection between women’s symbolic and descriptive representation.

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Fish, M. Steven, Melissa Samarin, and Lucan Ahmad Way. "Russia and the CIS in 2016." Asian Survey 57, no. 1 (January 2017): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.93.

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Russia continued to pursue a policy of vigorous engagement with Asia in 2016. Its policy toward the East serves its overriding goal of confronting the West and demonstrating to the world that Russia retains global reach. Given differences of perspective and interest between Russia and the big Asian powers, however, Russia faces an uphill struggle.

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Moe, David Thang. "Contemporary Theology in Asia: Current Challenges and Future Directions." Irish Theological Quarterly 85, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021140020906947.

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This article explores old issues and current challenges from new perspectives. It offers explorations of the role of the Trinity in interreligious dialogue and the roles of interreligions in Asian contemporary theology. It proposes some methodological concepts of how Christians should reconsider people of other faiths through the lens of the Trinity, and also how Christians should witness to shalom against sin in engagement with other faiths for the common good of social, gender and ecological liberation in Asia.

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Wardhana, Agastya. "Grand Strategy Obama: Pivot to Asia." Jurnal Global & Strategis 12, no. 1 (June 10, 2018): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.1.2018.59-77.

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Kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat memiliki dampak yang besar dalam konstelasi internasional. Oleh karena itu, pemahaman akan kebijakan luar negeri pada setiap era akan membantu kita dalam memahami tujuan dan kepentingan yang ingin dicapai oleh Amerika Serikat. Dalam setiap implementasinya, kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat dapat dianalisis menggunakan kajian Grand Strategy, siapapun presiden yang sedang menjabat pada masa itu. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan luar negeri Obama pada periode kedua. Menggunakan kombinasi Grand Strategy milik Cristopher Lyne serta Possen & Ross, penulis berargumen bahwa kebijakan luar negeri Obama dilaksanakan berdasar corak selective engagement. Selective engagement ini ditunjukkan melalui adanya upaya pencapaian kepentingan nasional dengan merespon terhadap ancaman yang ada. Dalam konteks ini kepentingan yang ingin dicapai oleh Obama adalah restorasi kepemimpinan Amerika Serikat oleh karena itu ancaman paling nyata yang hadir adalah naiknya Cina maka pemerintahan Obama lantas mengeluakan kebijakan Pivot to Asia. Hal ini dikarenakan Cina memiliki kekuatan cukup besar di kawasan Asia sehingga Amerika Serikat sehingga Amerika Serikat memilih Asia sebagai target kebijakannya.

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Vinnikov, Alexander. "NATO and Central Asia: Security, interests and values in a strategic region." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 1 (2009): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309787858084.

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AbstractThe author provides an analytical overview of NATO's relations with, and policies towards, its Central Asian Partners. Since 11 September 2001, pursuing deeper engagement with Central Asian governments responds to the — at times conflicting — requirements of realpolitik and of advancing core values upon which the Alliance was founded sixty years ago, and which are also enshrined in its Partnership for Peace (PfP). In analysing this tension between pragmatism and idealism, the article focuses on five main aspects. The author concludes that NATO's approach towards Central Asia reflects an ever-present/inherent tension between pursuing security imperatives, underlying interests and core values. The result is a complex and somewhat uneasy policy, which seeks to reconcile these at times contradictory elements. Hence the Alliance has pursued enhanced engagement with Central Asian Partners in the belief that through daily cooperation in key areas of NATO and/or common interest, some core democratic values would eventually be incorporated into Partners' approach towards security, the role of the military, and international co-operation, thus benefiting the long term process of democratisation.

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Misalucha, Charmaine. "A Multiplicity of Regionalisms in Southeast Asia." International Studies Review 14, no. 2 (October 15, 2013): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01402002.

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Regional arrangements in Southeast Asia (SEA) beg the question of why this “alphabet soup” exists. This can be addressed by looking at a wider context: these regionalisms are not merely SEA states’ responses to international events, nor are they solely projections of independence/self-assertion. Instead, SEA’s ventures demonstrate Constructivist logic: Southeast Asian states shape and are themselves shaped by the historical and geographical circumstances in which they find themselves. Beginning with the assumption that international relations are fluid and mutually constitutive, SEA regionalisms can be explained by complex engagement, as seen in the evolution of ASEAN and the dynamics of the APT and the EAS. In short, this paper argues that the multiplicity of regionalisms in Southeast Asia is a reflection of Constructivism at work.

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Muller, Johannes. "GLOBALISASI DAN KONSILI VATIKAN II DI ASIA." Jurnal Ledalero 13, no. 1 (August 31, 2017): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v13i1.70.133-154.

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This paper gives some basic ideas regarding the relationship between globalisation and the Second Vatican Council in Asia as a starting point for more detailed studies in the future. The first part discusses the situation of the churches at the edge of Asian societies and Asian socio-cultural contexts as influenced by globalisation. Then some social concerns are outlined such as poverty, authoritarian regimes and ecological dangers where the church and Asian societies encounter each other. Church engagement in these issues is justified by reference to a number of Counciliar documents such as the Gaudium et spes Constitution and the Diginitatis humanae Declaration. The final part outlines a number of problems such as inculturation, inter-religious dialogue and religious-cultural dialogue. The author emphasises that this paper is not a theological evaluation, but rather a sociological one. <b>Kata-kata Kunci:</b> globalisasi, Konsili Vatikan II, Asia, Gereja, konteks sosio-budaya, pembangunan.

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Gabriel, João Paulo Nicolini, Desirée Almeida Pires, and Carlos Eduardo Carvalho. "Brazilian engagement to Asia and the Belt and Road Initiative in 2017: less politics, more trade and investments." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 6, no. 1 (July 2, 2018): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2018v6n1p26.

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The paper aims to understand Brazilian position in relation to Asia and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), based on a review of the bibliography and journalistic articles on Brazil-Asia subject and an observance of official data of the Brazilian economy. Since Dilma Rousseff until Michel Temer’s government, Brazil has facing a troubled political and economic scenario, which negatively impacts on its diplomacy. Although Brazil reaffirmed its commitment with global strategic partnership with China in terms of trade flows, the lack of Brazilian participation on issues of global political nature directly impacts on the way in which Brasilia moved its attention to the BRI and to the Asian affairs. The ambitious proportions and objectives of the BRI summed to the rise of a nationalist economic policy of the United States indicate a deepening of several movements that have been changing the international balance of power, which can offer opportunities for Brazil, by means of a cohesive long-term policy for Asia and in a multifaceted way beyond trade.

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Kangas, Roger D. "Fostering Fundamentalism: Terrorism, Democracy and American Engagement in Central Asia." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (August 16, 2007): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270707209x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Engagement with Asia'

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