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Journal articles on the topic 'Empire en Commonwealth'

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Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Heinonen, Alayna. "A Tonic to the Empire?: The 1951 Festival of Britain and the Empire-Commonwealth." Britain and the World 8, no. 1 (March 2015): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0168.

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A unique feat of an economically and physically ravaged post-war Britain, the 1951 Festival of Britain produced an ‘autobiography of a nation’ intended to instill a nationalistic sense of recovery after total war. Centrally located on the South Bank, the Festival hosted a series of exhibitions celebrating British achievements in the fields of industry, science, technology, architecture, and the arts. With few exceptions, the vast majority of scholarship assesses the Festival through its national framework, and as an attempt to facilitate post-war economic recovery under the Labour government. This article re-examines the imperial concerns underlying the Festival amidst profound global changes in the post-war era. The ‘centrifugal’ development of the inter- and post-war Commonwealth fatally compromised administrative efforts to cultivate a tonic to the Empire through Festival exhibits. Former colonies and Dominions, emboldened by their independence from the metropole, refused to partake in an event that idealised a modernity that rested only in Britain. Representatives from India, Pakistan, and Ceylon, as new Commonwealth members, dissented against indications of their inferior status. These complications during the Festival's organisation expose the fractures in the transition from an exclusive, British-led Commonwealth to a multiracial Commonwealth.

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2

Paul, Kathleen. "“British Subjects” and “British Stock”: Labour's Postwar Imperialism." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386075.

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If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.

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3

Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.

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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.

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4

Porter, James. "Empire to commonwealth—a cultural dimension." Round Table 96, no. 391 (August 2007): 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530701565347.

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5

Johnson, Gordon. "Empire, Anglosphere, Commonwealth: A Review Essay." Round Table 108, no. 3 (May 4, 2019): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2019.1617961.

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6

BAJI, TOMOHITO. "ZIONIST INTERNATIONALISM? ALFRED ZIMMERN’S POST-RACIAL COMMONWEALTH." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 3 (January 26, 2015): 623–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000869.

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This essay analyses Alfred Zimmern's scheme for a global British Commonwealth. A prominent British liberal internationalist and leading early scholar of International Relations, Zimmern developed an anti-racial account of empire and international order. In conceptualizing a British Commonwealth, he sought to replace “race” with “nation” as the basic ontological category of world ordering. The idea of cultural Zionism, formulated by Ahad Ha’am, played a key role in Zimmern's attempt. Ahad Ha’am's account of non-statist Jewish nationalism served as a useful ideological device for Zimmern to theorize a multinational Commonwealth without acknowledging colonial demands for self-determination. The essay also shows that Horace Kallen's notion of American cultural pluralism helped Zimmern to consolidate his project for the post-racial empire.

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7

Black, Shameem. "Commonwealth, empire, and critique in South Asia." Literature, Critique, and Empire Today 59, no. 1 (March 2024): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/30333962231226042.

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This contribution explores the changing valences of the terms “Commonwealth” and “empire” through the lens of South Asian studies. I first investigate how the idea of the Commonwealth as a political genre for association and comparison was described by Sri Lankan, Pakistani, and Indian leaders. Taking foreign policy rhetoric as literary texts, I show how such political speech reveals competing and ambivalent meanings for the term in the region. I then draw on my experience as a co-editor of the journal South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies to assess how the keywords “Commonwealth” and “empire” have been used in the pages of this journal. Through a mixture of large data patterns and close textual readings, I track when, where, how, and why these terms have mattered. I suggest that the turn captured by the renamed Literature, Critique, and Empire Today resonates with the organic ways that South Asian studies conceptualizes broader paradigms of transnational power and inequality that have shaped, and continue to inform, the region.

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8

Sinclair, Georgina. "Introduction." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006994.

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Contributions to this special issue of Irish Historical Studies come under the dedicated theme of ‘Ireland and the British Empire-Commonwealth’. The papers originate from a workshop entitled ‘Ireland and empire’ that took place at the University of Leeds in March 2005. One of the key objectives behind the organisation of this workshop was to bring together specialists in British, Irish and imperial and Commonwealth history with an interest in the wide-ranging debates linked to the issue of ‘Ireland and empire’. At the workshop, the papers presented a range of topics within the context of literature and the arts; agriculture and industry; metropolitan politics and diplomacy. The overarching theme was the ‘Irish experience’ within an ‘interconnected British world’ during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

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9

Vietrynskyi, I. "Specifics of the International Political Position of the Commonwealth of Australia in the first half of the ХХ-th century." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-6.

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The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.

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10

Ovendale, Ritchie. "The last empire: Britain and the Commonwealth." International Affairs 67, no. 1 (January 1991): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621228.

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11

Jackson, Stephen J. "British History is Their History: Britain and the British Empire in the History Curriculum of Ontario, Canada and Victoria, Australia 1930-1975." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.161.

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This article investigates the evolving conceptions of national identity in Canada and Australia through an analysis of officially sanctioned history textbooks in Ontario, Canada and Victoria, Australia. From the 1930s until the 1950s, Britain and the British Empire served a pivotal role in history textbooks and curricula in both territories. Textbooks generally held that British and imperial history were crucial to the Canadian and Australian national identity. Following the Second World War, textbooks in both Ontario and Victoria began to recognize Britain’s loss of power, and how this changed Australian and Canadian participation in the British Empire/Commonwealth. But rather than advocate for a complete withdrawal from engagement with Britain, authors emphasized the continuing importance of the example of the British Empire and Commonwealth to world affairs. In fact, participation in the Commonwealth was often described as of even more importance as the Dominions could take a more prominent place in imperial affairs. By the 1960s, however, textbook authors in Ontario and Victoria began to change their narratives, de-emphasizing the importance of the British Empire to the Canadian and Australian identity. Crucially, by the late 1960s the new narratives Ontarians and Victorians constructed claimed that the British Empire and national identity were no longer significantly linked. An investigation into these narratives of history will provide a unique window into officially acceptable views on imperialism before and during the era of decolonization.

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12

Bulanin, Dmitriy Mikhailovich, Mikhail Vladimirovich Dmitriev, Oleg Ivanovich Dzyarnovich, Andrey Vitalyevich Korenevsky, Konstantin Alexandrovich Kostromin, Tatiana Viktorovna Kushch, Russell Martin, Dmitriy Igorevich Polyvyanny, and Rustam Mukhammadovich Shukurov. "Byzantium after Byzantium? Forum." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 31, no. 1 (2022): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2022.101.

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The Byzantine Empire has existed longer than all the empires that were on Earth — more than 1000 years. She created the «Byzantine Commonwealth» of countries (D. D. Obolensky’s term), stretching from the South Baltic to the Mediterranean and from the Adriatic Sea to the Caucasus Mountains. The Commonwealth countries had religious and cultural unity, a close political culture and a similar tragic fate. All of them fell victim to foreign conquest, from the Mongols to the Ottomans, and with great difficulty, centuries later, regained their sovereignty. With the death of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, its historical role did not stop. Byzantium remained a relevant historical actor for a long time, as an ideal and as a symbol, as a heritage and as a hope for the revival of its former greatness. It is not for nothing that the ideas of «lasting Rome», «New Constantinople», etc., were so popular. According to the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga, the time of «Byzantium after Byzantium» has come, which continues to this day. In the article, historians, specialists in the history of Byzantium, consider the following questions: 1) What is «Byzantium after Byzantium»? Is it an symbolic image, is it a historical memory of a bygone empire, is it a political, spiritual, cultural ideal? Or is it a fictitious concept, Byzantium died in 1453? 2) How long did «Byzantium after Byzantium» exist? What is the chronological depth of Byzantine influence in the Balkans, in Eastern Europe? 3) There is a point of view about the «unfavorable heritage» of Byzantium — all countries belonging to the «Byzantine Commonwealth» have a difficult historical fate. Is this a fatal coincidence, or the negative influence of the «Byzantine heritage»? 4) Did Byzantium have a successor (cultural, political, spiritual)? To what extent can they consider Russia, the Balkan states?

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13

Pucknell, Jayne. "British Empire & Commonwealth Collection: Exploring Our Online Catalogue." African Research & Documentation 138 (2020): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00023281.

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We have recently launched a new online catalogue to display information about some of the 1,000s of archives and objects held within the British Empire & Commonwealth (BEC) Collection. Following the process of development and consultation, we are now providing access to a significant part of the Collection. We're also planning further phases of work to improve the visibility of material, especially about people who lived under the confines of the former empire. Our prime motivation is to enable access to material so that it can be explored globally and from multiple perspectives.The BEC Collection is based in Bristol Archives, an appropriate place in that Bristol played a key role in the history of the empire for several centuries, specifically for its part in the transatlantic slave trade.

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14

Donnell, Alison. "What’s in a name? Circles of attention and critical sensibilities." Literature, Critique, and Empire Today 59, no. 1 (March 2024): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/30333962241228336.

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This article reflects on the history of The Journal of Commonwealth Literature as it connects to my personal engagement with the naming and re-naming of the field of Commonwealth / postcolonial / Empire studies across my academic career and contrasting institutional orientations. It considers the ways in which we can shape our field by aligning our critical attention with particular modes of scholarly engagement and sociopolitical commitments.

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15

Farwell, Byron. "The British Empire and Commonwealth: A Short History." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 4 (July 1997): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952883.

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16

Jackson, Ashley. "The Empire/Commonwealth and the Second World War." Round Table 100, no. 412 (February 2011): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2011.542296.

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17

Lloyd, Lorna. "Britain and the transformation from empire to Commonwealth." Round Table 86, no. 343 (July 1997): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539708454371.

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18

Mole, Stuart. "From Empire To Equality?: Migration And The Commonwealth." Round Table 90, no. 358 (January 2001): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003585301225303.

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19

Ollerenshaw, Philip. "Northern Ireland and the British Empire–Commonwealth, 1923–61." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007057.

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Despite the unprecedented interest shown by historians in Ireland and empire in recent years, comparatively little research has focused on Northern Ireland’s connections to the British Empire-Commonwealth in the post-partition decades. This article utilises some new sources to throw light on both the centrifugal and centripetal aspects of the imperial relationship. The discussion begins with the imperial significance of visits to Northern Ireland by statesmen such as William Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand, to his native Ulster in 1923, and that of Gordon Coates, also Prime Minister of New Zealand, three years later. At the end of the period, the visit of Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker to both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland can add to our knowledge about the changing relationship between Northern Ireland and the Commonwealth.

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20

Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.

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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.

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21

Larby, P. M. "The Institute of Commonwealth Studies." African Research & Documentation 55 (1991): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x0001579x.

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The Institute of Commonwealth Studies (University of London) exists to promote advanced study of the Comomonwealth of Nations within a research environment. Its activities include the promotion of inter-disciplinary and inter-regional research; courses and supervision for higher degrees; and an imaginative programme of seminars, conferences and publications. Within the Institute's walls are currently housed the British Documents of End of Empire Project and the activities of Dr. Anne Thurston, whose initiatives in the field of archival materials in Commonwealth countries and associated backup programmes of staff training and conservation workshops, have stimulated an awareness of the value of archives in many African countries. The Association of Commonwealth Archives and Record Management has its Secretariat at the Institute.

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22

Barringer, T. A. "The Royal Commonwealth Society." African Research & Documentation 55 (1991): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00015776.

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The Royal Commonwealth Society (previously known successively as the Colonial Society, the Royal Colonial Institute and the Royal Empire Society and now linked with the Victoria League in Commonwealth Trust), was founded in 1868 and from its early days has maintained a library which now consists of 250,000¢ items, classified geographically; a substantial proportion of this is concerned with Africa. The small library of the Royal African Society was embodied in it in 1949. Subjects covered include all but purely technical ones, ranging from history, geography and politics to art, literature and natural history.The literature of exploration and discovery is particualarly extensive and there are original editions of nearly all the significant books in this field. The Library is also strong in general accounts of voyages and travels, collected voyages, and the publications of the major relevant societies; much material on Africa appears in this form.

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23

Barringer, T. A. "The Royal Commonwealth Society." African Research & Documentation 55 (1991): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00015776.

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The Royal Commonwealth Society (previously known successively as the Colonial Society, the Royal Colonial Institute and the Royal Empire Society and now linked with the Victoria League in Commonwealth Trust), was founded in 1868 and from its early days has maintained a library which now consists of 250,000¢ items, classified geographically; a substantial proportion of this is concerned with Africa. The small library of the Royal African Society was embodied in it in 1949. Subjects covered include all but purely technical ones, ranging from history, geography and politics to art, literature and natural history.The literature of exploration and discovery is particualarly extensive and there are original editions of nearly all the significant books in this field. The Library is also strong in general accounts of voyages and travels, collected voyages, and the publications of the major relevant societies; much material on Africa appears in this form.

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24

Mironowicz, Antoni. "Святитель Георгий (Конисский) 20.11.1717 ― 13.02.1795." Fontes Slaviae Orthodoxae 1, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/fso.3048.

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The article is dedicated to the 300th anniversary of St. Georgy Konisky Bishop of the Russian Orthodox Church, Archbishop of Mogilev, Mstislavl and Orsh. Philosopher, teacher, theologian and public figure of the Commonwealth, and then the Russian Empire.

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25

Filinyuk, Anatoly. "Right-Bank Ukraine in the politics of Russia and Austria on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of the eighteenth century." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.181-198.

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The purpose of the study is to fi nd out the place of Right-Bank Ukraine in the policy of Russia and Austria on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the late eighteenth century. Th e methodological basis of the study is the approach of “cross” / “intertwined” history, which involves the study of long-term relationships, transfers, contacts and confl icts between states, societies, nations and cultures; the complex application of the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematics, as well the as comparative-historical, historical-chronological, analytical-synthetic and other methods helped to ensure the understanding and comprehensive disclosure of the little-studied topic. Th e scientifi c novelty of the work is that for the fi rst time through the prism of transnational, interconnected history the question of the place and role of the lands of Right-Bank Ukraine in the relations of tsarist Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of the 18th century and its foreign policy autocracy and the government of the Austrian Empire, oriented to the south-west and south of Europe, at the center of which was the Commonwealth. Th e urgency of the problem is evidenced by the fact that in both Russian and Polish historiography, the study of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remains relevant, including at the last stage of its independent existence. In this regard, the need for Russians to be more fully aware of the repressiveness of the empire, the descendants of which they position themselves in both positive and negative terms, is urgent. Conclusions. The study has shown that due to the changes in interstate relations in Europe and the transformations of the geopolitical position of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the late eighteenth century, caused by Russia’s victories in the wars against the Ottoman Empire, the focus of the foreign policy of the Russian autocracy and the imperial government of Austria were both the territory of Poland itself and the Right-Bank lands, which were part of it. Th e change in Russia’s foreign policy vector in the southwestern direction of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, and significant interest in the geopolitical opportunities of Right-Bank Ukraine led to its broad involvement in domestic and foreign policy in the context of relations between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Austria.

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26

Khomenko, Рavlo. "RIGHT BANK UKRAINE IN THE IMPERIAL EXPANSIONIST POLICY OF RUSSIA BEFORE THE SECOND DIVISION OF THE COMMONWEALTH IN 1793." Innovative Solution in Modern Science 2, no. 57 (May 20, 2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26886/2414-634x.2(57)2023.2.

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The article reveals the influence and foreign policy role of Russia before the second partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, shows the expansionist plans to reject Right-Bank Ukraine. Some aspects of state ideology as a fundamental theoretical basis and political strategy of modern Russia are analyzed. The development of Ukrainian territories in the conditions of prevailing Russian factors and their absorption by the empire is studied Keywords: Russian state ideology, section Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, geopolitics, Russian-Polish relations, annexation of Right Bank Ukraine, expansion.

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27

Miller, Dean A., and Garth Fowden. "Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 885. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168628.

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28

Feldman, Louis H., and Garth Fowden. "Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity." Journal of the American Oriental Society 114, no. 4 (October 1994): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606193.

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29

Robbins, Thomas, and Garth Fowden. "Empire and Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity." Sociology of Religion 55, no. 2 (1994): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711859.

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30

Miller, Frederic H. "Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950946.

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31

Letts, J. "The British Empire & Commonwealth Museum, Bristol, nears completion." Museum Management and Curatorship 18, no. 3 (September 2000): 301–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0260-4779(00)00045-5.

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32

Sinclair, Georgina. "The ‘Irish’ policeman and the Empire: influencing the policing of the British Empire–Commonwealth." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007021.

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In the history of the modern world, it is well known that the British Isles have exercised an influence entirely disproportionate to their size. In the history of modern police, Ireland’s contributions are little known. The time is long overdue to recognize the importance of this small island in the development of police in the British archipelago and beyond.

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33

Kobierecki, Michał Marcin. "The Commonwealth Games as an Example of Bringing States Closer Through Sport." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 73, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pcssr-2017-0004.

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Abstract The aim of the article is to investigate the issue of positive sports diplomacy directed at bringing countries closer and deepening cooperation between them. Generally, sports diplomacy is a broader term and may include various ways of utilizing sport, both negative and positive, even for the sake of nation-branding. Positive sports diplomacy most commonly refers to bringing hostile states closer together, but it may also be used to deepen political alliances or foster friendship and cooperation between states that are not mutually hostile. The research focuses on the latter form of positive sports diplomacy. The investigation is a case study concerning the Commonwealth Games, a sports event that is held once every four years and gathers countries and territories that used to belong to the former British Empire. The research therefore aims to determine whether this event, the second largest multisport event in the world, is significant from political and diplomatic perspectives. A second research question concerns whether the Commonwealth Games should be seen as an attempt by Great Britain to maintain influence in its former colonies. The research attempts to test the hypothesis that the Commonwealth Games are an important contributor to sustaining ties between states of the former British Empire.

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34

Rogers, Asha. "Eng. Lit after empire: The political stakes of public goods." Literature, Critique, and Empire Today 59, no. 1 (March 2024): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/30333962241227828.

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The overhaul of the Journal of Commonwealth Literature is part of a lineage of acts that reshape critical space through wielding the symbolic power to name. This article responds to the journal’s divestment from Commonwealth literary studies by exploring the interplay between the structures of power that guarantee literary and critical space and the structures of perception that guide it. It does so by contrasting two parallel acts of syllabus reform in national education in the late twentieth century: the introduction of African and Caribbean literature in external school examinations in Britain and in Kenya in the late 1970s and early 1980s. These records of past practice speak to current debates about decolonizing curricula by staging issues of positionality, the place of literary education in multi-ethnic states, and increasing centralization in education. Above all, they remind us that the political stakes of literary study after empire have always been high, precisely because school education is a matter of state.

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35

Whigham, Stuart, and Jack Black. "Glasgow 2014, the media and Scottish politics: The (post)imperial symbolism of the Commonwealth Games." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 2 (January 19, 2018): 360–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117737279.

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This article critically examines print media discourses regarding the 2014 Glasgow Commonwealth Games. The forthcoming analysis examines the political symbolism of the Commonwealth Games with regard to the interlinkages between the British Empire, sport and the global political status of the United Kingdom. The article gives specific consideration to the United Kingdom’s declining global power as well as the interconnections between the 2014 Games and the Scottish independence referendum. Hechter’s ‘internal colonialism’ thesis, which portrays Scotland’s marginalised status within the United Kingdom, is drawn upon to critically explore the political symbolism of sport for Scottish nationalism. Discussion then focuses upon the extent to which the modern Commonwealth is symptomatic of the United Kingdom’s declining status as a global power. Finally, the existence of these narrative tropes in print media coverage of the Commonwealth Games is examined, allowing for critical reflections on the continuing interconnections between the media, sport, nationalism and post-imperial global politics.

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Natarajan, Radhika. "Performing Multiculturalism: The Commonwealth Arts Festival of 1965." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 3 (July 2014): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.104.

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AbstractThe Commonwealth Arts Festival of 1965 was an important moment of postimperial reengagement. Over three weeks, Britain hosted visual artists, musicians, dancers, poets, and writers representing national cultures, who together presented a diverse Commonwealth assembled in terms of egalitarian multiculturalism. This article examines the investments of individual nations in participating in this festival to argue for the transnational production of multiculturalism at the end of empire. As a postimperial phenomenon, Commonwealth multiculturalism depended on the legibility of distinct national cultures assembled through an equitable framework. Governments sponsored representative cultural forms in response to domestic political circumstances and international economic needs, and against the imperial aesthetic hierarchies of the past. Examining the diverse interests assembled through the festival is essential to understanding the legacies of imperial power for more seemingly democratic frameworks of difference.

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Rudiuk, Veronika. "PROPERTY STATUS OF SANHUSHKO’ PRINCELY SORT IN XVI–XVIII CENTURIES." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 59 (2019): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2019.59.05.

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The article, based on a representative database of sources, presents an assessment of the socio-economic status of Sangushkо princes during the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, identifies changes in the financial status of representatives of the genus over three centuries.

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Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. "Les Sujets Mixtes: The Problem of Double Subordination in the Period of the Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the Case of Mykolas Kleopas Oginskis." Lithuanian Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (February 20, 2015): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01901005.

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The seizure of territory from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1772, and its incorporation into Russia, Prussia and Austria, was accompanied by many problems related to land ownership, population relocation, religious affairs and others, which treaties between the Commonwealth and the countries that had carried out the Partition had to regulate. Treaties made in 1775 in the Warsaw Sejm with Russia, Prussia and Austria set the conditions for the resettlement of the population, principles for the separation of holdings, the terms for trade and religious relations, as well as legalising the status of double subordination. Our topic is the status of the double subject as defined in the treaties between the Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, relying on examples of the practical application of this status disclosing the problems accompanying the double subject in the period between the First and Second partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian state. On the basis of new materials from sources, we come to the conclusion that the status of the double subject legalised in the 1775 treaties not only failed to ensure existing land ownership, as in the Russian Empire it could be sequestered and confiscated, but also restricted the landlord’s political freedom. The political choice of double subject was limited, and with extensive cross-border relationships, dual subordination was not possible.

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WILLIAMS, THEO. "GEORGE PADMORE AND THE SOVIET MODEL OF THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (January 16, 2018): 531–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000634.

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This article argues for an appreciation of the permeability of the Western socialist and black radical traditions and a recognition of their codevelopment. This relationship is illustrated through an analysis of George Padmore's intellectual history, particularly focusing on How Russia Transformed Her Colonial Empire (1946), in which Padmore applied Marxist ideas to his project of colonial liberation. The book functions as Padmore's manifesto for the transformation of the British Empire into a socialist federation following the model of the Soviet Union. Through comparisons with the manifestos of British socialist F. A. Ridley and American pan-Africanist W. E. B. Du Bois, this article contextualizes this manifesto within a moment of postwar internationalist optimism. This approach also facilitates a discussion of the meaning of “pan-Africanism” to Padmore, concluding that pan-Africanism was, for him, a methodology through which colonial liberation, and eventually world socialism, could be achieved.

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Сокирська, Владилена. ""THE BRITISH CONSENSUS": WAYS AND METHODS OF TRANSFORMATION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 4 (2022): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-04/049-064.

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The article analyzes the main stages of the transformation of the British colonial administration, the process of transforming the system of relations between Great Britain and dependent countries that were part of the British Empire into the Commonwealth of Nations. The purpose of the research is to study the process of transformation of the British Empire, the formation of the Commonwealth of Nations and the role of official London in its formation and development. The methodological basis of the research are the principles of objectivity, historicism and systematicity with the application of general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization of logical and historical aspects, the study of phenomena in concrete-historical conditions, the transition from the concrete to the abstract and from the abstract to the concrete with the use of general scientific methods. The scientific novelty of the publication consists in a comprehensive analysis of the process of transformation of the British Empire into the Commonwealth of Nations, which convinces of the advantages of the peaceful transformation of multinational state entities over their spontaneous disintegration. Conclusions. A balanced and reasoned approach to the peculiarities of the state-territorial system in combination with stable traditions of democracy in the metropolis contributed to ensuring the asymmetry of the British imperial political body. Even at the end of the 19th century. at the first colonial and imperial conferences, the concept of the formation of all-imperial management structures - a common parliament, a common government, a common army, etc. was rejected. It was the lack of unification and asymmetry that formed the basis of the evolutionary processes that contributed to Great Britain in the 20th century to carry out the gradual formation of the "British Consensus" or "soft association" model.

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Money, Jeannette. "Book Review: Defining British Citizenship. Empire, Commonwealth and Modem Britain." International Migration Review 38, no. 3 (September 2004): 1269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2004.tb00235.xi.

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Kaspe, Svyatoslav. "COMMONWEALTH OF BARBARIAN KINGDOMS: INDEPENDENT STATES IN SEARCH OF EMPIRE." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 48, no. 1 (2008): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2008-48-1-17-26.

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Morris, Paula. "The “leftovers of empire”: Commonwealth writers and the Booker Prize." Journal of Postcolonial Writing 56, no. 2 (February 26, 2020): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2020.1728914.

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McLeod, Corinna. "Negotiating a national memory: the British Empire & Commonwealth Museum." African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 2, no. 2 (July 2009): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17528630902981209.

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Voeltz, Richard A., and Deborah Lavin. "From Empire to International Commonwealth: A Biography of Lionel Curtis." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171564.

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Herr, Richard. "Australia, security and the Pacific Islands: From Empire to Commonwealth." Round Table 95, no. 387 (October 2006): 705–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530601046893.

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Malagodi, Mara. "‘The Oriental Jennings’: An Archival Investigation into Sir Ivor Jennings' Constitutional Legacy in South Asia." Legal Information Management 14, no. 1 (March 2014): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669614000103.

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AbstractThis article by Mara Malagodi investigates the legacy of British constitutionalist Sir Ivor Jennings (1903–1965) in South Asia. In 1941, when Jennings moved to Sri Lanka, a new phase of prolific writing on the laws of the British Empire and Commonwealth began for him, together with a practical engagement with constitution-making experiences in decolonising nations across Asia and Africa. The archival material relating to Jennings' work on postcolonial constitutional issues forms part of the collection of Jennings' Private Papers held at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies in London. This article seeks to explain why this material has until now remained so under-researched.

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Locke, Henry. "withdrawal from Empire." Groundings Undergraduate 11 (May 1, 2018): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.11.177.

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English post-war immigration has a turbulent history. Surprisingly, directly after the war, immigrants were mostly welcomed into English society with Polish, Irish, and Italian communities forming across the country. This began to change by the 1950s after the arrival of HMT Empire Windrush into Tilbury docks saw the first immigrants from outside Europe taking up their rights as a British Citizens to emigrate to the centre of the Commonwealth. “White Riots” broke out across the country in the latter half of the 1950s as traditionally white English communities began to fear what they saw as a “disrupting coloured invasion of their identity”. This caused a political backlash and saw the pushing through of the Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968, and 1976 through parliament which outlawed various racial prejudices and discrimination on grounds of colour, race, ethnicity or national origins. Ultimately, the friction caused by increased immigration reached a crashing crescendo in 1968 with Enoch Powell’s “Rivers of Blood” speech which was met with vocal support up and down the country. Today, immigration, and the political and social connotations that come with it, are an accepted part of societal life. This article aims to show how and why this came about and the disruption this caused for English society; tracing the timeline of immigration from directly after the Second World War to the early 1970s.

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Khakhalkina, E. V. "CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND THE PROBLEMS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE EARLY YEARS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (on the pages of “Diary of a diplomat” by I. M. Maisky)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 3 (July 28, 2016): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2016-3-32-37.

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The “Diary” of the Soviet diplomat I. M. Maisky, who worked in London for more than ten years first as a messenger, then as the Soviet ambassador to the UK, is one of the valuable sources for the interwar period and the Second World War. The “Diary” contains records of Maisky’s conversations with the leading British politicians and public figures and his own thoughts on a wide range of issues, including the problems of the British Empire. The author of the paper analyzes the views of the Tories on the prospects for the British Empire and the Commonwealth of the postwar period and reveals the plans for the reconstruction of the Empire and its transformation while maintaining the dominant position of Britain in the format of a new relationship with the dominions and colonies. The paper shows that within the British political establishment there was no consensus on the future of the empire and, as the materials of the “Diary of diplomat” evidence, the problem of the evolution of the Empire had a close relationship with other areas of foreign and domestic policy.

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Witkowski, Rafał. "Glossa do karaimskiej sfragistyki." Almanach Karaimski 4 (December 30, 2015): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33229/ak.2015.04.09.

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Very little is known about the Karaite seals used during time of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The development of the administration in the Russian Empire forced Karaites to use these seals. However the new reality that emerged following the introduction of a new law in the Republic of Poland in 1936 offered them a chance to change some aspects of official Karaite iconography.

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