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Journal articles on the topic 'Emperor worship'
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Hekster, Olivier. "EMPEROR WORSHIP." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.426.
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Antoniou, Alex Andrew. "Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) and the Worship of the Living Emperor in Italy." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 930–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342606.
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AbstractThis article challenges accepted interpretations of Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) concerning the worship of the living emperor in Rome and the Italian peninsula. I offer a new interpretation of this frequently discussed passage by demonstrating that Dio was keen to emphasise that Augustus, as Dio’s model emperor, was not himself responsible for the temples and cults raised to him in Rome and Roman Italy. I also briefly explore the beneficial consequences of this interpretation in our wider study of emperor worship in the Italian peninsula.
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이지은. "Emperor Worship in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 25 (December 2009): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2009..25.217.
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Nitta. "Yuge, Roman Emperor Worship and the Persecution of Christians." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 24 (1985): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1985.73.
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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The Cult of Sol and the religious reform of the Emperor Aurelanus." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-11-27.
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In 274 AD, Emperor Aurelanus carried out a religious reform, the aim of which was the ideological unity of the Roman Empire. At the head of an official religious worship was put the cult of Sol Invictus that personified the power of the Roman Emperor. The transformation of the ancient cult of Sol into the official cult of the Emperor Aurelanus took place through a long syncretism, starting with the imperial cult, as well as the unification of Sol, which became Sol Invictus, with the cult of Mithra. The reform of Emperor Aurelanus had to consolidate the unity of the restored empire at the religious level, and the idea foresaw the establishment of monotheism and the triumph of Christianity.
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Calomino, Dario. "Caracalla and the divine: emperor worship and representation in the visual language of Roman Asia Minor." Anatolian Studies 70 (2020): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154620000010.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the visual language adopted in the cities of Asia Minor to represent the emperor Caracalla in the years 214–216, which he spent travelling between the Anatolian region, Egypt and the Near East. The focus of this study is the imagery designed to express his relation with the divine through the overlapping representations of the emperor as a devotee and peer of the gods, and as a divine being. The first part of the study compares Rome to Asia Minor to show divergences as well as possible links between provincial and metropolitan media, discussing local and imperial responses to the emperor governing from the Roman East. The second part focuses on the imagery introduced in Asia Minor to represent the worship of the living Roman emperor and his cult-image in particular, providing insights into the creation of extraordinary visual patterns that remained unique to the reign of Caracalla.
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Collins, Adela Yarbro. "Psalms, Philippians 2:6-11, and the Origins of Christology." Biblical Interpretation 11, no. 3 (2003): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851503322566787.
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AbstractStudents of early Christianity recognized long ago that the canonical psalms of the Jewish Bible provided a framework of meaning in which the followers of Jesus could make sense of his crucifixion. This novel hermeneutic is evident in the allusions to the Psalms in the passion narrative of the Gospel according to Mark. It appears also in the Markan Jesus's explanation of the need for the Son of Man to suffer. Most students of the New Testament today understand Philippians 2:6-11 as a pre-Pauline hymn that was composed for early Christian worship. More recent studies suggest that it is exalted prose rather than poetry. The hypothesis of this article is that Paul composed it, either for worship or for the purposes of the argument of his letter to the Philippians. In doing so, he adapted a common social practice of the local culture. The "theologos" was an official in the organized worship of an ancient deity whose duty it was to compose brief speeches, sometimes in prose, sometimes in poetry, in honor of the deity. The organized worship of the emperor included such officials. Paul acted as a "theologos" in writing a brief speech in exalted prose honoring Jesus Christ, whom he had taught the Philippians to honor instead of the emperor.
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Im, Jinsu. "The Nicolatians and Emperor Worship in the Revelation of John." Canon&Culture 10, no. 2 (October 31, 2016): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31280/cc.2016.10.10.2.127.
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Xu, Ao. "The Greek Root of Byzantine Emperor: Constantine the Great, His Images and the Imperial Cult." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 12 (April 19, 2023): 285–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v12i.7653.
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In the time of Constantine the Great, the emperor consciously controlled his image to strengthen his presence within the empire to consolidate the imperial power and his rule. In the process, various visual art forms were utilised, with the emperor represented in the form of sculptures, mosaics/paintings, and coin emblems. The use of emperor portraits throughout the secular and sacred spaces reflects Constantine's important role in politics and religion. Constantine showed the element of "worship" in his images. He completed a "self-deification" with subjective initiative, which had important significance in Constantine's time and the political life after his age. In this process, images and ruler cult are two elements that cannot be ignored. In the Byzantine-centered discussion, both features can be traced back to ancient Greece. This paper will show that Constantine used his own image, with images as a tool, along with other means to promote his worship and successfully spread the perception of the concentration of imperial power to the whole society. The use of images and the ruler cult, in turn, is a profound reflection of the Greek roots of the early Byzantine Empire.
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White, Ethan. "Archaeology, Historicity, and Homosexuality in the New Cultus of Antinous." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 8, no. 2 (December 6, 2018): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.37618.
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In the second century, the Roman Emperor Hadrian deified his male lover, Antinous, after the latter drowned in the Nile. Antinous’ worship was revived in the late twentieth century, primarily by gay men and other queer-identified individuals, with Antinous himself being recast as “the Gay God.”
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ChoiHaeYoung. "A Study on the conflicts between emperor worship and Judeo-Christianity." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 25 (December 2009): 251–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2009..25.251.
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Senina, Tatiana. "Representation of the Iconoclast Emperors in the Byzantine Offices in Honour of the Confessors of Iconoduly." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.10.
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Introduction. Present article examines the representation of the iconoclast emperors in the Byzantine offices in honour of the confessors of iconoduly of the 8th – 9th centuries, and shows how this representation relates to the general view of icon-worshipers on the imperial power and its role in the spread of iconoclasm. Methods. Methods employed in this article are source research, information analysis, and comparative research. Sources on the subject include the offices in honor of the saints of the iconoclastic era which contain mentions of the iconoclastic emperors, published in the printed Menaion in Greek and Church Slavonic, as well as in Analecta hymnica Graeca. Analysis. An iconoclast emperor is usually represented by hymnographers as a tyrant, a lawless ruler, an enemy and persecutor of saints, godless and unholy, bestial and cruel, arrogant and daring, ignorant, insane and reckless, incurably sick with heresy; his teachings are hated by God, he is responsible for spreading the iconoclastic heresy. The term “tyrant” for the Byzantines meant a ruler who went against the law and the common good, preferring personal arbitrariness to the observance of laws, including church laws; a tyrant is the antipode of a legitimate emperor, his orders are illegal and criminal, and the overthrow of such an emperor is permissible. Therefore, the confessors of iconoduly are glorified for rejecting the orders and dogmas of the iconoclast emperors, and the death of such emperor is presented as the answer of God to the saints’ prayers confessors. For Byzantine hymnographers, the most odious figures among the six iconoclastic emperors in texts are Leo III and Leo V, as well as Constantine V; they are called by their names or nicknames in some hymnographic texts. Theophilus, thanks to his posthumous rehabilitation, escaped such a fate: he is nowhere called by name in the hymnographic texts, but he is anonymously reviled only in the offices in honour of Theophanes and Theodore Graptoi, who were tortured on his direct order. Results. On the whole, this corresponds to the picture that can be seen in the iconodule literature of other genres, primarily in hagiographical texts. Hymnographic texts were constantly used during public worship and reached the ears of the wide masses of believers; therefore they have significant contributed to the spreading of a number of legends about icon-worshipers and iconoclasts and to the formation of the image of the iconoclastic era in the minds of the Byzantines.
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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The cult of Sol in Ancient Rome (from ancient times to the reform of Elagabal)." LOCUS: people, society, cultures, meaning, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-1-46-63.
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The Solar cult can be found in the religious beliefs of many peoples. In Rome, the worship of the sun has been recorded since ancient times, unfortunately, the ancient authors left us only scattered mentions. The Importance of the cult of Sol grew with the transformation of the system of control, under the influence of Hellenism and penetrating the Roman worldview Oriental cults. In the course of its evolution, the cult of Sol became the part of the imperial cult, allowing to justify the emperor’s increasing power. However, in the reign of the emperor of Elagabal the essence of the Roman Sol was perverted by the oriental rituals of the new official cult.
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Lipka, Michael. "Notes on Pompeian Domestic Cults." Numen 53, no. 3 (2006): 327–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852706778544942.
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AbstractThe performance and setting of Pompeian domestic cults is investigated on the basis of the evidence from three Pompeian houses (Casa del Cenaculo, Casa degli Amorini Dorati, Casa di Marcus Lucretius). Wissowa's view that representations of gods in mural paintings received divine worship in the domestic sphere, as well as the conclusions drawn from it by modern scholars, are refuted. An attempt is made to outline the functioning of Pompeian domestic cults, including the worship of the emperor, solely on the basis of divine figurines, which are abundantly attested in Pompeian household shrines, but have never before received systematic attention.
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McIntyre, Gwynaeth. "Imperial Cult." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 1–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340003.
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Abstract As political power in Rome became centered on the emperor and his family, a system of honors and titles developed as one way to negotiate this new power dynamic. Classified under the collective heading ‘imperial cult’, this system of worship comprises religious rituals as well as political, economic, and social aspects. This article surveys the range of ancient literary sources and modern scholarly debates on how individuals became gods in the Roman world. The case studies illustrate how cult practices, temples, and priesthoods were established, highlighting the careful negotiation required between the emperor, imperial family, Senate, and populace in order to make mortals into gods.
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Sen, Anjan, and Aditya Narayan Rai. "A Geographical Study of Temple Desecration: The Reign of Emperor Aurangzeb in India." Indian Historical Review 49, no. 2 (December 2022): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221136277.
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The history of Aurangzeb’s reign for 50 years from 1658 to 1707 CE is an indelible part of the history of India. The Mughal Empire grew in the east and south of India, so did the religious persecution of the infidels. Their temples were demolished and their religious practices were put to end. The objective of this article is to carry out a geographical study of desecration of temples during his rule and find the possible reasons behind it. The study takes help from books written during his reign by the office bearers in his administration translated into English. Aurangzeb was of the view that temples can be desecrated any time as they cannot walk. He did issue several orders, specific as well as general, for the destruction of places of worship of the worthless infidels. The study concludes that the state of Rajasthan has witnessed the highest number of temple desecrations under his rule. From the first Muslim invasion till the modern times, the vandalism and desecration of places of worship of infidels seems to be inspired by the Islamic concept of Sunnah—which means following the sayings, teachings and doings of the Prophet.
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Nicholson, Oliver. "The ‘Pagan Churches’ of Maximinus Daia and Julian the Apostate." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 1 (January 1994): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900016407.
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The Emperor Julian the Apostate (361–3) tried to reverse the policy of his kinsman Constantine the Great by restoring the pagan cults which he had subverted. One of his measures was to appoint chief priests for each province. Towards the end of his brief reign Julian wrote to Arsacius, the high priest of the province of Galatia. The emperor said he was pleased to see the worship of the gods so magnificently revived, but yet more could be done. Arsacius was invited to consider and attempt to imitate the practices which had made Christianity so successful, in particular Christian hospitality towards strangers, reverence for the dead and the pretended piety of Christian lives. Pagans too should practise works of charity. Provision should be made for the poor and hostels furnished in every city, so as to form a chain of confessional caravanserais.
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Liu, Li. "Who were the ancestors? The origins of Chinese ancestral cult and racial myths." Antiquity 73, no. 281 (September 1999): 602–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00065170.
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Ancestor worship has been a dominant religious form in ancient as well as modern China. It has shaped thought and behaviour for millennia, and has been used by élites as propaganda legitimizing their political positions. Ancestors can be created and modified, so the nature of the ancestral cult has changed through time. Using archaeological data from China, this article first enables an exploration of the earliest manifestations and the development of ancestor-worship ritual in the Neolithic period; secondly, demonstrates that lineage/tribal ancestors became state deities in the Shang dynasty (c. 1600-1100 BC); and, thirdly, investigates the process in modern history by which a legendary sage, the Yellow Emperor, was first transformed into the progenitor of the Han Chinese, and then into the common ancestor of all Chinese people.
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Mangan, J. A., and Takeshi Komagome. "Militarism, sacrifice and emperor worship: the expendable male body in fascist Japanese martial culture." International Journal of the History of Sport 16, no. 4 (December 1999): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523369908714105.
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Meier, Mischa. "Perceptions and Interpretations of Natural Disasters during the Transition from the East Roman to the Byzantine Empire." Medieval History Journal 4, no. 2 (October 2001): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194580100400202.
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During the sixth century the relevance of natural disasters, well known phenomena in Antiquity, underwent a change. As common chronological systems had calculated the end of the world to come about around 500 AD, the long series of natural disasters which occurred from the beginning of the sixth century onwards was interpreted as a sign of that approaching end. In a context of strong eschatological expectations and together with the fact that the imminent end of the world did not take place, ongoing natural dis asters assumed important implications for the process of transition from the East Roman to the Byzantine Empire. Older, well known and widely disseminated chronological systems came to lose validity and new systems developed. In common perceptions, the powers of famous Holy Men had obviously failed as they were unable to prevent major disasters. Hence the search for new objects of worship: the rapid diffusion of the cults of Christ, the Virgin and of the saints. The worship of these intercessors was practised through images, marking the beginning of the famous Byzantine cult of icons. Gradually the functions of the Holy Men underwent a change: formerly intercessors with God, now they intervened between the emperor and his subjects as the emperor himsclf assumed an amplified religious aura in order to place himself above and beyond the new and severe Kaiserkritik, one more consequence of the natural disasters of the sixth century.
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Strasser, Jean-Yves. "Le mariage éphémère d’Hélios et de Koré à Sardes." Revue numismatique 6, no. 177 (2020): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.2020.3479.
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Sardis obtained under Elagabalus his third neokoria and Greek games of the highest rank, of which a coin once revealed a name : the Elagabalia. When she was twice neokoros, Sardis had two major competitions, associated with these neokoriai, then a third under Caracalla, the Koraia for Kore. The title of three times neokoros appears on the reverse side of bronzes issued under Sulpicius Hermophilos, in charge in 221/ 222 ; it is certainly that year that the emperor granted the neokoria and the games, which a bronze conserved at Harvard designates as Haleia Elagabalia. It is actually Sol Elagabalus who is honored and Helios is probably the deity whose Sardis then became neokoros, and not the emperor. Coins attest to the worship of Helios / Sol at the end of the reign and especially its association with the main deity of the city, Kore. But the damnatio memoriae of Elagabalus puts an end to the neokoria, to the Haleia Elagabalia but also to the Koraia.
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Zhang, Yujian. "Study of the Impressions of the Guanfo Statues in the Longmen Grottoes and Social and Cultural Changes." International Journal of Social Sciences and Public Administration 2, no. 3 (April 17, 2024): 230–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.62051/ijsspa.v2n3.32.
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The Dharma seal expressed in the Buddha statues is according to certain rules. The image of the provider represented is not only the image of the Buddhists who make and worship Buddha statues, but also an image for them to establish their own existence as a subject of the emperor, a member of the state. The image of the provider represented is not only the image of the Buddhists who make and worship Buddha statues, but also an image for them to establish their own existence as a subject of the emperor, a member of the state and society. The role of Dharma seal originated from the Shakya sect in ancient India, and in the early Mahayana Buddhist portraits and statues, There are usually only five impressions. This paper expounds the main types of Buddhist statues (taking the statues in the Longmen Grottoes Museum as an example) and summarizes their main functions. This paper expounds the main types of Buddhist statues (taking the statues in the Longmen Grottoes Museum as an example) and summarizes their main functions. By taking part in the field investigation, the author finds out the similarities and differences between the same By taking part in the field investigation, the author finds out the similarities and differences between the same type of prints by using the method of comparative historical argumentation, summarizes the social and cultural changes in the history of art, and puts summarizes the social and cultural changes in the history of art, and puts forward a new viewpoint.
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Schmid, Stephan G. "Worshipping the emperor(s): a new temple of the imperial cult at Eretria and the ancient destruction of its statues." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 113–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019851.
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In Greece, as in the E Mediterranean as a whole, the ruler-cult was well established during the Hellenistic period, but whereas in the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms the same dynasty had ruled for centuries and the cult of the living ruler and the dynastic cult were stable institutions, the ruler-cult in Greece, though at first part of the Macedonian kingdom, was affected by the series of rulers of different dynasties who followed one another in rapid succession. This led to a large number of dedications for and offerings by Hellenistic rulers in Greece. Roman Republican leaders and figures were also subject to specific honours in Greece from an early stage. Compared to the excesses of rulers such as Demetrios Poliorcetes, the well-organized and at first rather modest cult for the Roman emperors must have seemed a distinct improvement. After the behaviour of previous Roman leaders the Greeks were probably relieved at Augustus's attitude towards cultic honours, and it is no surprise that the imperial cult was widely diffused in Greece, as literary sources and inscriptions show. Almost every city must have had one or more places for the worship of the emperors and their families, but archaeological evidence for the cult has remained rather slim and the only two attested Sebasteia or Kaisareia (at Gytheion and Messene) are known only from inscriptions. The Metroon at Olympia is the only specific building in which an imperial cult is attested on good archaeological evidence. Statues of an emperor and perhaps a personification of Roma found at Thessaloniki point to a Sebasteion there. Athens must have had more than one building where the emperor was worshipped. At Beroia a provincial sanctuary for the imperial cult of Macedonia has been posited. Yet even at the Roman colony of Corinth, the location of the temple for the imperial cult is far from clear, all of which underlines the interest of a building at Eretria which we identify with the municipal temple for the imperial cult.
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Botha, Pieter J. J. "Assessing representations of the imperial cult in New Testament studies." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 1 (October 5, 2004): 14–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i1.258.
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A distinct conceptualisation of the imperial cult is common in NT scholarship, in which worship of the emperor is portrayed as a “foreign” development which served primarily political aims, with little integrity and no serious religious significance. This depiction does not do justice to the evidence and is basically ethnocentric. That the imperial cult provides us with a crucial window on the mentality of the Roman Period comes closer to the truth. A few aspects of early Christian literature and history which might be reinterpreted in the light of a more comprehensive understanding of the imperial cult are briefly noted.
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Van der Ploeg, Ghislaine Elisabeth, and Ghislaine Van der Ploeg. "The Sensory Experience of Caracalla’s Supplication at the Pergamene Asclepieion." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v3i2.133.
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An imperial visit to a city was a grand affair, from the emperor’s adventus, to sacrificing at local shrines, to the commemorative acts which followed. This article aims to examine the multi-sensory impact of an imperial visit to a sanctuary and the lasting effects of these supplications via the case study of Caracalla’s worship of Asclepius in Pergamum in AD 213-14. This visit was commemorated on a series of medallions struck shortly after the event, which depict the acts of the emperor as he moved through the city to the Asclepieion and from secular to sacred space. This article will bring new depth to the study of imperial and divine relations as well as address the issue that often events such as these were not as neat and as clean-cut as is sometimes imagined nowadays. This article will address the following questions: How does our understanding of an imperial visit and supplication change when the sensory nature of such an event is examined? And for what reason are the senses manipulated in these images?
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Andreeva, Valeria G. "The image of Emperor Alexander I in the epic novel by L.N. Tolstoy “War and Peace”." Studia Litterarum 7, no. 1 (2022): 260–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-1-260-281.
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The article analyzes the image of Emperor Alexander I presented by Leo Tolstoy in his epic novel “War and Peace,” and states that the writer did not aim to create the most believable portrait of the sovereign. He showed the person who stood at the head of a great country during the years of the liberation war. The author of the work proves that the heroes of the epic, including historical figures, are assessed by the writer not from the position of their determinism by society and the era, but exclusively from the position of eternity and life’s truth. The peculiarity of the artistic world of the work is that the image of Alexander I turns out to be included in the huge design of the artistic universe, representing the author’s historiosophical thought. The article notes that in the image of the emperor Tolstoy deliberately emphasized the weaknesses and contradictions of a person who was mistaken because of the multidirectional influences exerted on him. The voices of the heroes in certain scenes are analyzed, episodes that have a paired character and are indicators of the precedent picture of the world characteristic of the epic are noted. In the artistic world of the work, the writer illustrates the deep connection between the tsar and the Orthodox people. The image of the sovereign is associated for each of the Russian people with the thought of the highest truth, intercession, however, the deep meanings lead the reader to the discovery of the only fair judgment — the Divine. The writer condemns the senseless worship of the emperor, but affirms a high spirit of service to the emperor as God’s anointed one.
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Pickl-Kolaczia, Brigitte. "The Bunkyū Restoration: The Restoration of Imperial Tombs and Re-Design of Imperial Ancestor Worship." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2017-0007.
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Abstract This paper aims to analyse a possible connection between the renovation of imperial tombs in the Bunkyū era (1861-1864) and the restoration of imperial power in 1868. While there is no direct continuity between these two events, a connection certainly exists. In a time when Japan faced foreign threats and domestic turmoil, certain groups and persons felt it was time to elevate the institution of the emperor to the-supposed-former glory. One way of doing this was the restoration of the imperial tombs that had fallen into disrepair and the renewal of imperial ancestor worship. The Bunkyū Restoration can be seen as one of the many puzzle pieces that together formed the process that led to the Meiji Restoration.
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Hunt, E. D. "Christians and Christianity in Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (May 1985): 186–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014671.
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Ammianus Marcellinus, by common consent the last great historian of Rome, rounds off his obituary notice of the emperor Constantius II (d. 361) with the following observation:The plain simplicity of Christianity he obscured by an old woman's superstition; by intricate investigation instead of seriously trying to reconcile, he stirred up very many disputes, and as these spread widely he nourished them with arguments about words; with the result that crowds of bishops rushed hither and thither by means of public mounts on their way to synods (as they call them), and while he tried to make all their worship conform to his own will, he cut the sinews of the public transport service.This is a perceptive judgement of the ecclesiastical politics of the reign of Constantius, remarkable in a pagan writer, and of exceptional significance in that it lies outside those very ‘arguments about words’ which contaminate all the Christian assessments of this emperor. Although Ammianus is unsympathetic to Constantius, he manages succinctly to grasp the basic drift of imperial policy, inherited from Constantine himself, of trying to enforce the emperor's view of doctrinal and ecclesiastical unity by the summoning of repeated episcopal councils and browbeating the bishops into agreement — thus paying lip-service to the independence of the church's judgements. To the observant outsider, this process was notable above all for the burden it placed on thecursus publicus, as the bishops went about their business around the empire now provided with officialevectiones; and Ammianus' comment finds confirmation in the letter issued by eastern bishops attending one of the many councils of Constantius' reign, that at Sardica in 343, who complained of the ‘attrition’ of the transport service caused by the imperial summons.
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Naylor, Michael. "The Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation." Currents in Biblical Research 8, no. 2 (December 17, 2009): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x09349160.
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The question of the relationship of the Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation has occupied the attention of scholars throughout the past one hundred years. During this time, major shifts have taken place both in the assessment of the Roman Imperial Cult in the context of the Roman Empire and in the interpretation of its role with respect to the book of Revelation. This article surveys and assesses these trends. It begins with a discussion of studies on the Roman Imperial Cult from the standpoint of classical studies. Next, texts within Revelation typically cited as indicating a response to emperor worship are introduced. The third and final section focuses upon studies on Revelation, with particular focus given to interpretive approaches, Christology, and the question of persecution under Domitian.
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Pagels, Elaine. "Christian Apologists and “the Fall of the Angels”: An Attack on Roman Imperial Power?" Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 3-4 (October 1985): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000012414.
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Justin, a philosopher converted to Christianity, addresses these words to the Roman senate as he protests a recent case of arbitrary arrest and execution of Christians. Although outraged by the verdict, he cannot fault the judge, Urbicus, praetorian prefect of Rome, and personal friend of the imperial family. Justin knows that Urbicus only followed orders in pronouncing the mandatory death sentence against those convicted of atheism as evinced by their refusal to worship the gods or to sacrifice to the divine genius of the emperor. Instead Justin invokes the story of Genesis 6—the story of the fall of the angels—to indict the whole system of imperial power, and to attack the divine pantheon that supports it as a false government, a form of demonic tyranny.
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Bowsky, Martha W. Baldwin. "The Imperial Cult: A Cretan Perspective." Electrum 30 (June 26, 2023): 353–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.23.013.17330.
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Forty years after the publication of Sanders’ Roman Crete, a broader range of evidence for the imperial cult on Crete is available—temples and other structures, monumental architectural members, imperial altars, portraiture and statuary, coinage, statue and portrait bases, other inscriptions, priest and high priests, members and archons of the Panhellenion, and festivals—and far more places can now be identified as cities participating in the imperial cult. This evidence can be set into multiple Cretan contexts, beginning with the establishment and evolution of the imperial cult across Crete, before locating the imperial cult in the landscape of Roman Crete. The ultimate Cretan contexts are the role of emperor worship in the lives of the island’s population, as it was incorporated into Cretan religious and social systems.
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Khaymurzina, Marina. "The role of advisor Yang Pu in the spread of the Confucian ritual system in the Jin state." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2024): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027009-6.
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The reign of Tai-zu (Jurchen name: Aguda) and Tai-zong (Jurchen name: Wuqimai) started the Jin State’s formation. At that time, Jurchens actively recruited Liao and Song officials. These Confucian-educated officials contributed to the adaptation of the Jin State to the new political and cultural realities. They worked in the sphere of external relations of the Jurchen State, as well as in public administration and education. These officials became the transmitters of Confucian ideas on the state, power, emperor, rituals and rules. All these aspects were new to the Jurchen culture. It is known that Yang Pu, Aguda’s advisor, actively introduced Chinese ceremonies in the field of foreign relations of the Jurchen state, as well as court etiquette. It is likely that at the same time the issues of religious worship in Jin were discussed, then Aguda heeded Yang Pu’s advice about the need for joint sacrifice to Heaven and Earth, worship of ancestral spirits in temples. However, in the summer of 1123 Aguda was ill and died in the 9th month of that year. Historical sources indicate that the implementation of ceremonial transformations took place immediately after Tai-zong’s ascension to the throne, under whom Yang Pu presumably continued his service. Under Tai-zong, a new government system was introduced, new court rites and religious cults were discussed and approved. Later, ancestral temples appeared in Jin, places of worship of Heaven and Earth were identified. These and other ritual innovations were gradually integrated into the culture of the Jurchen state.
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Alarcón Hernández, Carmen. "Una revisión historiográfica sobre el culto a la domus imperatoria: siglos XX y XXI = A historiographical review of the cult of domus imperatoria during the 20th and 21st centuries." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4879.
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Resumen: El trabajo presenta una revisión historiográfica del culto a los emperadores romanos y su domus en las publicaciones más destacadas de los siglos XX y XXI principalmente. Se aborda un análisis que comienza con el examen de las aportaciones más importantes sobre la materia, de la centuria pasada, que pueden enmarcarse en el paradigma positivista, y finaliza con la influencia de las concepciones postmodernas en el estudio de la adoración a los emperadores. Así, se pretende mostrar de qué modo la interpretación del culto imperial está ligada tanto a la adscripción a determinadas escuelas historiográficas, como a las posturas individuales de cada historiador, marcadas por sus propias convicciones religiosas.Palabras clave: culto imperial, domus imperatoria, historiografía, paradigma interpretativo, religión romana.Abstract: This document presents a historiographical review of the most relevant publications in the 20th and 21st centuries in the cult to the Roman emperors and their domus. The study begins with an examination of the most important contributions on the subject matter that can be framed in the positivist paradigm and ends by exploring the influence of postmodern conceptions in the studies on emperor worship. The paper thereby aims to explain how the interpretation of the imperial cult is linked to both the affiliation with certain historiographical schools and to the individual positions of historians, marked by their own religious convictions.Key words: imperial cult, domus imperatoria, historiography, interpretative paradigm, Roman religion.
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Harefa, Surya. "Yasukuni Shrine, Japanese Christian Responses, and a Kuyperian Ecclesiological Perspective." Unio Cum Christo 7, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc7.1.2021.art6.
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This article explores the issue of official worship at Yasukuni Shrine and how Japanese evangelical Christians have responded to this problem. Established in 1869 as a mixed Shinto, military, and imperial site, it enshrined the souls of those who died for the emperor. The government used it to mobilize Japanese people for its fascist agenda during the first half of the twentieth century. After the disestablishment of the shrine as a state facility in 1946, many right-wing conservative politicians and war-bereaved families have worked ceaselessly to revive its special status. After surveying Japanese Christians’ responses, the ecclesiological background of their arguments is analyzed and the implementation of Abraham Kuyper’s ecclesiology to enhance their political engagement is proposed. KEYWORDS: Yasukuni Shrine, Japanese Christians, Abraham Kuyper, church and state, ecclesiology
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Milner, N. P., and C. F. Eilers. "L. Calpurnius Piso, Moles son of Moles, and emperor worship: statue bases from the upper agora at Oinoanda." Anatolian Studies 56 (December 2006): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000752.
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AbstractIn the course of the late Alan Hall's survey of Oinoanda, a Graeco-Roman city of northern Lycia, between 1974 and 1983, further survey work at the site led by Stephen Mitchell in 1994 and excavations in 1997 led by the Director of Fethiye Museum, İbrahim Malkoç, and Martin Ferguson Smith, many architectural, historical and epigraphical questions have been answered or at least clarified. Other questions, however, await further fieldwork, to be carried out by others, at what is a very beautiful and forested, but rubble-strewn, waterless, and relatively inaccessible, site. In the meantime, progress can be made with the unpublished records and notes of previous campaigns. This article presents five inscribed statue bases, or their remnants, in context from the upper agora of Oinoanda.
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Lee, Yeaann. "Concept of Kokutai Shinto by Kato Genchi - State Shinto Debate in the 21st Century and Divine-Emperor Worship." Yongbong Journal of Humanities 62 (April 30, 2023): 213–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35704/yjh.62.8.
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Bystrytska, Ella Volodymyrivna. "Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 92 (January 3, 2021): 13–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2020.92.2149.
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Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.
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Kemp, Joanna, and Joanna Kemp. "Movement, the Senses and Representations of the Roman World: Experiencing the Sebasteion in Aphrodisias." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v3i2.132.
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This article examines the Sebasteion – a complex for emperor-worship built in the first century AD - in Aphrodisias, modern Turkey, and studies its political and ideological messages when the sensory experiences of the spectators are considered. The monument contained geographical representations of the peoples of the Roman world placed above a portico. Previous studies of this monument focus upon close and repeated visual study to gain an idea of a powerful empire, but this is not how the contemporary audience would have experienced it. During a religious procession the spectators were moving past static images situated high above them, with many other stimuli, which could distract from or add to the intended ideological messages of the monument. Therefore this article considers movement and architecture as part of the sensory experience and illustrates that these would have affected the audience’s encounters, which in turn could affect perceptions of the Roman world.
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Zhao, Wen. "The Story of Sadāprarudita’s Search for Dharma and the Worship of the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra from India to Sixth-Century China." Religions 14, no. 3 (March 17, 2023): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030410.
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The story of bodhisattva Sadāprarudita’s search for Dharma in the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra has served to successfully shape the characters of the Dharma seeker, bodhisattva Sadāprarudita, and the Dharma preacher (dharmabhāṇakas), bodhisattva Dharmodgata. This narrative carried much information about the veneration of the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra in Indic contexts, and it also enthused Chinese Buddhists of the sixth century CE to create the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra written in gold calligraphy. Emperor Wu of the Liang organized pañcavārṣika assemblies centred on the lectures and veneration of the gold-calligraphy Sūtra, and the Tiantai master Huisi made a vow to create such a scroll around the same time. In the relevant accounts, Chinese preachers are always associated with the Dharma preacher Dharmodgata in the narrative, which in turn enhanced their authority in the contexts in which they operated. The narrative thus helped to promote the transmission of the text across the cultural boundaries in which the Dharma preacher, as the embodied agent of the Prajñāpāramitā text, played a significant role.
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Pilipovic, Sanja. "The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos a contribution to the study of ancient cults in upper Moesia." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839059p.
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The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos has been attested in Upper Moesia by the relief from the village of Bukovo near Negotin, eastern Serbia. The Roman supreme god was frequently shown in association with other deities but the presence of Bacchus and Hercules in such associations is Greek rather than Roman in origin. The association of Liber and Hercules was promoted by the emperor Septimius Severus, a native of the city of Leptis Magna whose patron gods were concurrently Liber and Hercules. Septimius even granted the dii patrii a sort of official recognition as patrons of the dynasty he founded. The village of Bukovo where the relief was found had not been known as an archaeological site. There is no specific evidence for the worship of Jupiter in that area, while the worship of Herakles is attested on the sites of Rovine and Tamnic near Negotin. The relief is close to north-Macedonian reliefs in style, and reflects Hellenistic and Thracian influence in associating the cults of Dionysos and Herakles. The depicted deities are compatible and close to Septimius Severus? official religion. The central position of the supreme god indicates his importance as well as the fact that the other two deities are associated to him, as his children patrons of nature and fertility in the underground and aboveground worlds. It is also important to note that the relief confirms Hellenistic religious influences in the area of the Upper Moesian limes.
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Ptak, Roderich, and Jiehua Cai. "Reconsidering the Role of Mazu under the Early Hongwu Reign." Ming Qing Yanjiu 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340001.
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The worship of Mazu, the Chinese Goddess of Sailors, began in Fujian, under the early Song. Migrants from that province gradually spread this cult to other coastal regions and among the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. The present article investigates one particular episode in the history of the Mazu cult. Its stage is Guangzhou and the period dealt with is the beginning of the Hongwu reign. In 1368, Liao Yongzhong’s troops moved to that city, putting it under control of Zhu Yuanzhang, the first Ming emperor. Local chronicles pertaining to Guangdong and certain other sources briefly refer to this event. They report that Liao promoted the worship of Mazu in that region and they indicate that Mazu received an official title in 1368, by imperial order. TheTianfei xiansheng lu, one of the key texts for the Mazu cult, provides different details: It associates the title granted by the imperial court with the year 1372, and not with the context of Central Guangdong. Furthermore, the attributes which form part of the title vary from one text to the next. The paper discusses these and other points, arguing there could be two different narrative traditions surrounding Mazu’s role in 1368/72: the Guangdong version and the “conventional” view, similar to the one found inTianfei xiansheng lu. Although there is no definite solution for this dilemma, the article tries to expose the general background into which one may embed these observations.
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Magyar, Zs. "How and to what extent were the imperial cult and emperor worship thought to preserve stability in the Roman world?" Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60, no. 2 (December 2009): 385–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aarch.60.2009.2.5.
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Xu, Zhu. "Consecrating the Peripheral: On the Ritual, Iconographic, and Spatial Construction of Sui-Tang Buddhist Corridors." Religions 15, no. 4 (March 25, 2024): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15040399.
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The corridor-enclosed cloister characterized Buddhist monasteries during the Sui and Tang periods. This architectural form was first introduced by Emperor Liang Wudi from the palace and continued to prevail until the eleventh century, when a gradual transformation occurred, resulting in the corridor evolving into a long, narrow image hall. This paper examines the ritual and pictorial programs of the Sui-Tang Buddhist corridor to gain insight into this transformation and its ceremonial significance. Specifically, it explores how the corridor was empowered by the state-sponsored maigre feast as a place of worship and how the monastic community of a particular school appropriated the space to celebrate an unbroken dharma-transmission lineage from the Buddha to a specific group of Chinese patriarchs. Lastly, the paper aims to comprehend the adaptation of the corridor into an image hall, which was influenced by political and religious shifts in the eleventh century when Buddhist monasteries were no longer designated as the ritual arena for the state-sponsored maigre feast.
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黃聖松, 黃聖松. "「內事以柔日」─《春秋》經傳內事與柔日統計考論." 中正漢學研究 31, no. 31 (June 2018): 033–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/2306036020180600310002.
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<p>《禮記‧曲禮上》：「外事以剛日，內事以柔日。」葉國良先生已撰文證實《春秋》經傳與祭祖相關之事多用柔日。本文以《春秋》經傳為範圍，爬梳相關記載，將可能選用柔日事務分為祭祀與政治二類。祭祀事務如喪之告廟、郊祭、雩祭選用柔日比例皆100%。政治事務包括新君即位、冊立與朝宗廟、國君與卿大夫或卿大夫間之盟、國君與卿大夫出奔他國等，其中新君即位、冊立與朝宗廟可合併計算，柔日比例 63.64%。一國之內同盟與出奔，選用柔日比例分別達72.73%與 82.35%。本文探究「政治」事務偏用柔日之由，乃因新君即位、盟誓、出奔皆與祭奠祖先或神靈關聯。知「內事以柔日」之說不僅可信，且進一步得知選用柔日事務大凡與祭祀相關。</p> <p> </p><p>The part one in Quli in the Records of Rites notes that the odd days used for external affairs, and the even ones used for internal affairs. Ye Guoliang verifies that internal affairs recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals Jingzhuan and ancestor worship used even days often. This study is based on the Spring and Autumn Annals Jingzhuan to clarify the related records and divide the affairs which possibly used the even days into two categories— ancestor worship and politics. Even days are used 100% chance in ancestor-worshipping affairs, such as telling deities of holding mourning ceremony, rural festival, or praying for rain. Political affairs includes new emperor ascending the throne and worshiping at the ancestral shrine, which can be calculated together and the even days they used is 63.64%, the alliance between the emperor and officials or officials and officials, which is calculated as 72.73%, and the emperor and officials absconding to other countries, which is calculated as 82.35%. This study probes into the reasons why political affairs mentioned above used even days often. This research can not only make sure the saying that internal affairs used even days, but also know that using even days was related to sacrifices.</p> <p> </p>
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Corsi Silva, Semíramis. "Heliogábalo vestido divinamente: a indumentária religiosa do imperador sacerdote de Elagabal = Heliogabalus divinely dressed: the religious clothes of Elagabalus’ priest emperor." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 17 (November 20, 2019): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2019.4595.
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Resumo: Heliogábalo foi um jovem imperador romano de origem siríaca e membro da dinastia dos Severos (193-235). Seguindo uma tradição familiar, Heliogábalo foi sacerdote do deus solar Elagabal, da cidade de Emesa, na Síria. Diante de uma análise da documentação textual contemporânea de Heliogábalo, cruzada com análises das moedas emitidas no governo do imperador, apresentarei elementos sobre suas vestimentas sacerdotais de culto a Elagabal, consideradas na documentação textual antiga como cross-dressing, ou seja, transitando entre as fronteiras normativas de gênero da época. Analisarei a representação de sua indumentária religiosa e também relacionarei a essa representação a ideia trazida por Dião Cássio sobre a tentativa de Heliogábalo em fazer uma intervenção cirúrgica em seu corpo, buscando construir uma vagina nele. Também relacionado à sua indumentária religiosa, apresentarei a análise sobre a possibilidade do que seria um símbolo sacerdotal encontrado na imagem da cabeça do imperador em algumas de suas moedas. Abstract: Heliogabalus was a young Roman emperor from a Syriac origin and member of the Severan dynasty (193-235). Following a family tradition, Heliogabalus was the priest of the solar god Elagabal, from the city of Emesa, in Syria. Developing an analysis of the contemporary textual documentation of Heliogabalus, crossed with analyzes of the coins issued in the emperor's government, I will present elements about his priestly clothes of worship to Elagabalus, which were considered in the ancient textual documentation as cross-dressing, in other words, transitioning the normative gender boundaries of that time. I will analyze the representation of his religious dress and relate to this representation the idea brought by Cassius Dio about the attempt of Heliogabalus to make a surgery intervention in his body, seeking to build a vagina. Also related to his religious clothes, I will present the analysis on the possibility of what would be a priestly symbol found in the image of the emperor's head on some of his coins.Palavras-chave:Império Romano, dinastia dos Severos, Heliogábalo, Elagabal, Performances cross-dressing.Key words: Roman Empire, Severan dynasty, Heliogabalus, Elagabalus, Cross-dressing performance.
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Пашков, Д. "Practical Dimensions of the «Symphony» of St. Emperor Justinian: State Coercion and Church Law and Order." Праксис, no. 1(6) (June 15, 2021): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/praxis.2021.6.1.002.
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В статье рассматривается теория «симфонии» (согласия) гражданской и церковной власти («царства» и «священства»), изложенная императором Юстинианом I в преамбуле к его 6й новелле (535 г.) в качестве ответа на доктрины пап конца V – начала VI вв. Геласия и Симмаха. Последние утверждали превосходство священства и исключительное его заведование церковными делами. В отличие от них, Юстиниан говорит не о соотношении двух иноприродных обществ, но о соотношении двух служений в едином церковногосударственном теле. При этом, ограничивая деятельность священства богослужением, императорская власть берёт на себя заботу «об истинных догматах» и «о чести священников», а также о соблюдении канонов, т. е. о церковном устроении. The article considers the theory of “symphony” (consent) of civil and church power (“Kingdom” and “Priesthood”), set forth by Emperor Justinian I in the preamble to his 6th short story (535) as an answer to the doctrines of the popes of the late V – early VI centuries Gelasius and Simmach. The latter claimed the superiority of the priesthood and its exclusive charge of church affairs. In contrast, Justinian speaks not of the ratio of two foreign societies, but of the ratio of two ministries in a single church-state body. At the same time, limiting the activities of the priesthood to worship, the imperial government takes care of “true dogmas” and “the honor of priests,” as well as the observance of canons, i.e., Church arrangement.
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Campbell, Duncan. "Huang Pilie and the Rituals of Book Collecting during an Age of Prosperity." East Asian Publishing and Society 9, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 29–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22106286-12341328.
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Abstract Apart from a number of brief visits to the capital required of him by his (unsuccessful) participation in the civil service examinations, the Suzhou bibliophile Huang Pilie 黃丕烈 (1765-1825) journeyed almost nowhere. Instead, books made their way to him, in great numbers. Huang devoted more than thirty years of his life to the acquisition, copying, and collating of ancient editions. He was one of the most important book collectors of what has been regarded as the golden age of private book collecting in China, the half-century covering the late years of the reign of the Qianlong emperor (1711-1799; r. 1736-1795) and the entire reign of the Jiaqing emperor (1760-1820; r. 1796-1820), an ‘Age of Prosperity’ (shengshi 盛世). For almost a decade between 1801 and 1811, this library owner, editor, bibliographer, publisher, and, in his final year, (again, somewhat unsuccessfully) bookseller, who styled himself as the Master besotted with imprints of the Song dynasty (Ning Song zhuren 佞宋主人) and was the owner of the famous Hundred Song Imprints in a Single Shed (Bai Song yichan 百宋一廛), also conducted a book ritual (ji shu 祭書) of his own devising whereby, every New Year’s Eve, he would lay out before a select number of guests his best acquisitions of the preceding year and undertake rituals more usually associated with ancestor worship. My paper discusses aspects of Huang Pilie’s life and work as a book collector with reference particularly to the 800 or so extant colophons he wrote for books either in his own collection or in those of his acquaintances.
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Levine, Lee I. "Synagogue Art and the Rabbis in Late Antiquity." Journal of Ancient Judaism 2, no. 1 (May 6, 2011): 79–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00201003.
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This article considers the relationship of synagogue art from the third century C. E. onward to the rabbinic literature of the first millennium C. E. A number of central and prominent artistic remains in synagogues appear to reflect a significant distinction from how the sages would have related to such representations. Disparity between rabbinic texts and early Jewish art can be found in images connected with emperor worship and representations of the seven-branched Temple menorah, the story of the binding of Isaac, and human nudity. Many prominent depictions and symbols appearing in synagogues stand in stark contrast to rabbinic views and preferences. The Rabbis’ relationship to the synagogue reflected their overall recognition and acceptance of the institution, although not without a fair amount of ambivalence. They never assumed (nor were they accorded) leadership positions in the synagogue, and when they commented on what transpired therein they might have been heeded or simply ignored. The bet midrash, and not the synagogue, was the focus for rabbinic activity; rabbis were as peripheral to the synagogue as it was to them.
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Gultom, Junifrius. "PREACHING TO GOD, THE CHURCH, AND THE POWERS ACCORDING TO CHARLES L. CAMPBELL: AN IMPERIAL READING ON THE LETTERS OF COLOSSIAN AND EPHESIANS." Diegesis : Jurnal Teologi 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46933/dgs.vol8i11-15.
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This paper explores the issue of preaching to God, the Church, and the powers presented by Charles L. Campbell, where we learn that reading and interpreting Colossians and Ephesians (and indeed the whole New Testament) through the lens of Empire opens up the depths of interpretation and understanding which is not obvious, otherwise. What the New Testament writers penned spoke to the world around them, including the visual cues (art, temples, monuments, coins, festivals), values, politics, economics, faith (especially Emperor cult worship), and the realities of daily life within the Roman Empire. The New Testament writers understood the existence of the three powers (God, the Church, and the spirits or powers). Their daily lives were shaped by all kinds of forces that befall them, and the reality of these forces permeates their writing. The ultimate purpose is we are invited to examine (discern), enumerate, and speak loudly against the rulers, spirits in the air, and the governments of injustice that rule in this world with the power of the one ruler, the Way, which has another Kingdom overcoming the imperial Empire.
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Yao, Dadui. "The Influence of Qiu Jun on Jesuit Missionaries and Chinese Christian Texts in Ming–Qing China." Religions 15, no. 7 (June 21, 2024): 757. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070757.
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This study explores the previously overlooked influence of Qiu Jun, a renowned mid-Ming dynasty scholar, on Jesuit missionaries and Chinese Catholic believers. Although Qiu’s impact on Confucian scholars of the mid-to-late Ming period is well established, his role in shaping formalized Chinese ritual systems and Chinese Catholicism has received little attention. A closer examination of Jesuit missionaries’ translation of Confucian classics and Chinese Catholic texts from the late Ming and early Qing periods reveals that Qiu’s works were frequently cited, particularly in relation to the abolition of divine titles, the worship of Confucius, and the establishment of the City-god system. Qiu’s responses to these issues, informed by Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang’s efforts to centralize power and establish authority in both secular and religious spheres, served as key references for mid-Ming reforms. Moreover, Jesuit fathers and Chinese Catholic adherents drew on Qiu’s perspectives in their writings to address various issues during the Chinese Rites Controversy. This research uncovers the profound impact of Qiu Jun’s ideas on the cultural exchange between China and the West in the 17th–18th centuries.