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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Emperor worship

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Academic literature on the topic 'Emperor worship'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Emperor worship"

1

Hekster, Olivier. "EMPEROR WORSHIP." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.426.

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Antoniou, Alex Andrew. "Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) and the Worship of the Living Emperor in Italy." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 930–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342606.

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AbstractThis article challenges accepted interpretations of Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) concerning the worship of the living emperor in Rome and the Italian peninsula. I offer a new interpretation of this frequently discussed passage by demonstrating that Dio was keen to emphasise that Augustus, as Dio’s model emperor, was not himself responsible for the temples and cults raised to him in Rome and Roman Italy. I also briefly explore the beneficial consequences of this interpretation in our wider study of emperor worship in the Italian peninsula.

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이지은. "Emperor Worship in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 25 (December 2009): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2009..25.217.

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Nitta. "Yuge, Roman Emperor Worship and the Persecution of Christians." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 24 (1985): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1985.73.

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Kulikova, Yulia V. "The Cult of Sol and the religious reform of the Emperor Aurelanus." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-11-27.

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In 274 AD, Emperor Aurelanus carried out a religious reform, the aim of which was the ideological unity of the Roman Empire. At the head of an official religious worship was put the cult of Sol Invictus that personified the power of the Roman Emperor. The transformation of the ancient cult of Sol into the official cult of the Emperor Aurelanus took place through a long syncretism, starting with the imperial cult, as well as the unification of Sol, which became Sol Invictus, with the cult of Mithra. The reform of Emperor Aurelanus had to consolidate the unity of the restored empire at the religious level, and the idea foresaw the establishment of monotheism and the triumph of Christianity.

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Calomino, Dario. "Caracalla and the divine: emperor worship and representation in the visual language of Roman Asia Minor." Anatolian Studies 70 (2020): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154620000010.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the visual language adopted in the cities of Asia Minor to represent the emperor Caracalla in the years 214–216, which he spent travelling between the Anatolian region, Egypt and the Near East. The focus of this study is the imagery designed to express his relation with the divine through the overlapping representations of the emperor as a devotee and peer of the gods, and as a divine being. The first part of the study compares Rome to Asia Minor to show divergences as well as possible links between provincial and metropolitan media, discussing local and imperial responses to the emperor governing from the Roman East. The second part focuses on the imagery introduced in Asia Minor to represent the worship of the living Roman emperor and his cult-image in particular, providing insights into the creation of extraordinary visual patterns that remained unique to the reign of Caracalla.

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Collins, Adela Yarbro. "Psalms, Philippians 2:6-11, and the Origins of Christology." Biblical Interpretation 11, no. 3 (2003): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851503322566787.

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AbstractStudents of early Christianity recognized long ago that the canonical psalms of the Jewish Bible provided a framework of meaning in which the followers of Jesus could make sense of his crucifixion. This novel hermeneutic is evident in the allusions to the Psalms in the passion narrative of the Gospel according to Mark. It appears also in the Markan Jesus's explanation of the need for the Son of Man to suffer. Most students of the New Testament today understand Philippians 2:6-11 as a pre-Pauline hymn that was composed for early Christian worship. More recent studies suggest that it is exalted prose rather than poetry. The hypothesis of this article is that Paul composed it, either for worship or for the purposes of the argument of his letter to the Philippians. In doing so, he adapted a common social practice of the local culture. The "theologos" was an official in the organized worship of an ancient deity whose duty it was to compose brief speeches, sometimes in prose, sometimes in poetry, in honor of the deity. The organized worship of the emperor included such officials. Paul acted as a "theologos" in writing a brief speech in exalted prose honoring Jesus Christ, whom he had taught the Philippians to honor instead of the emperor.

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Im, Jinsu. "The Nicolatians and Emperor Worship in the Revelation of John." Canon&Culture 10, no. 2 (October 31, 2016): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31280/cc.2016.10.10.2.127.

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Xu, Ao. "The Greek Root of Byzantine Emperor: Constantine the Great, His Images and the Imperial Cult." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 12 (April 19, 2023): 285–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v12i.7653.

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In the time of Constantine the Great, the emperor consciously controlled his image to strengthen his presence within the empire to consolidate the imperial power and his rule. In the process, various visual art forms were utilised, with the emperor represented in the form of sculptures, mosaics/paintings, and coin emblems. The use of emperor portraits throughout the secular and sacred spaces reflects Constantine's important role in politics and religion. Constantine showed the element of "worship" in his images. He completed a "self-deification" with subjective initiative, which had important significance in Constantine's time and the political life after his age. In this process, images and ruler cult are two elements that cannot be ignored. In the Byzantine-centered discussion, both features can be traced back to ancient Greece. This paper will show that Constantine used his own image, with images as a tool, along with other means to promote his worship and successfully spread the perception of the concentration of imperial power to the whole society. The use of images and the ruler cult, in turn, is a profound reflection of the Greek roots of the early Byzantine Empire.

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White, Ethan. "Archaeology, Historicity, and Homosexuality in the New Cultus of Antinous." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 8, no. 2 (December 6, 2018): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.37618.

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In the second century, the Roman Emperor Hadrian deified his male lover, Antinous, after the latter drowned in the Nile. Antinous’ worship was revived in the late twentieth century, primarily by gay men and other queer-identified individuals, with Antinous himself being recast as “the Gay God.”

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Emperor worship"

1

Adkinson, Daniel Lee. "The imperial context of Philippians 3:20 exegetical and theological significance /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p001-1228.

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Tellbe, B. Mikael. "Christ and Caesar the letter to the Philippians in the setting of the Roman imperial cult /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.

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Gradel, Ittai. "Heavenly honours : emperor worship in Italy from Augustus to the Severans." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307227.

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Coffin, Jeffrey D. "An exegesis of Revelation 4 a polemic against the Roman imperial cult /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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McIntyre, Gwynaeth. "A family of gods : a diachronic study of the cult of the divi/divae in the Latin West." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/914.

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Bernett, Monika. "Der Kaiserkult in Judäa unter den Herodiern und Römern : Untersuchungen zur politischen und religiösen Geschichte Judäas von 30 v. bis 66 n. Chr. /." Tübingen : Mohr Siebeck, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2927578&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Forman, Mark, and n/a. "The politics of inheritance? : the language of inheritance in Romans within its first-century Greco-Roman Imperial context." University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080128.161919.

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This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse. There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment. Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control? There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule. This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.

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Hong, Sung Cheol. "The principalities and powers in Pauline literature and the Roman imperial cult." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683218.

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Johr, Jana. "Studien zum frühen römischen Kaiserkult in den Provinzen Achaia, Epirus und Macedonia." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17626.

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Nach der Schlacht von Actium am 2. September 31 v. Chr. war alles anders. Mit seinem Aufstieg zum unumstrittenen Alleinherrscher des Imperium Romanum wurde Augustus in den östlichen Reichsteilen kultisch verehrt. In Griechenland waren aus der hellenistischen Tradition heraus die Bedingungen für eine göttergleiche Ehrung des Herrschers gut bereitet. Das Anliegen dieser Studie ist es zu untersuchen, wie sich der Kult in den römischen Provinzen Griechenlands entwickeln und festigen konnte. Dabei werden zunächst Vorläufer kultischer Ehrungen römischer Staatsmänner in republikanischer Zeit betrachtet. Spannend ist dann in frühaugusteischer Zeit vor allem der bauliche Übergang, oftmals wurde der neue Kult des Kaisers in bereits bestehende Heiligtümer integriert. Gegenstand der Untersuchung sind nicht nur die Kaiser selbst, sondern auch ihre Familienmitglieder. Für die Betrachtungen werden Kultorte, Tempel und Altäre herangezogen. Kaiserfeste und ihre Ausrichtung spielen eine Rolle, ebenso das Amt der kaiserlichen Priester und Priesterinnen sowie Stifter und Stifterinnen. Unter kultur- und religionsgeschichtlichen Aspekten werden Fragen nach den Formen des Kaiserkultes aufgeworfen: Wie wurde dieser formal dargestellt und in welche städtischen und architektonischen Kontexte wurde der Kult eingebunden? Fragen nach der Praxis kultischer Verehrung sollen im Hintergrund stehen, wenn ausgewählte Zeugnisse des Kaiserkults von iulisch-claudischer bis in flavische Zeit betrachtet werden. Dabei bildet Athen einen hervorragenden Ausgangspunkt für einen provinzübergreifenden Vergleich, der anhand selektiver Beispiele von lokalen Kaiserkultstätten in den Provinzen Achaia, Epirus und Macedonia bereichert wird. Dabei werden Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in den genannten Regionen herausgestellt, die das Phänomen Kaiserkult beleuchten.
Early Roman imperial cult in the provinces of Achaia, Epirus and Macedonia After Actium everything changed. With his rise to the sole ruler of the Imperium Romanum, Augustus began to be worshiped in the eastern Empire. Because of its Hellenic tradition Greece had been well prepared for emperor worship. The aim of this study is to investigate how emperor worship came to be established in the Roman provinces of Greece. It first considers the precursors of worshipping Roman statesmen in the Republican period. In the following early Augustan period, there is a fascinating architectural transformation in which the new cult for the emperor was often integrated into preexisting sanctuaries. The focus of this investigation is not only the emperor himself, but also his family members. It is thus necessary to consider cult sites, sanctuaries and altars. Imperial festivals also play a role, as do imperial priests and benefactors. Questions are raised about the forms of emperor worship within their cultural and religious contexts: how was imperial cult integrated into and physically represented in its urban and architectural spaces? The actual practices of cultic worship constitute the necessary background for interpreting the evidence of Julio-Claudian and Flavian emperor worship. Athens is thus an excellent starting point for a comparison between provinces, based on case studies of imperial cult sites in the provinces of Achaia, Epirus and Macedonia. By virtue of these comparisons, similarities and differences across the regions come to the fore and ultimately help illuminate the phenomenon of emperor worship.

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Najbjerg, Tina. "Public painted and sculptural programs of the early Roman empire a case-study of the so-called basilica in Herculaneum /." 1997. http://books.google.com/books?id=wLqfAAAAMAAJ.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Princeton University, 1997.
Typescript. Abstract. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 382-385).

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Books on the topic "Emperor worship"

1

Kaihara, Hiroshi. Shō wa owattennō. Tōkyō: Shakai Hyōronsha, 1988.

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Motegi, Kennosuke. SNS tennōron: Poppu karuchā=supirichuariti to gendai Nihon. Tōkyō: Kabushiki Kaisha Kōdansha, 2022.

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Kurabu, Tennyo. Tennō odori, tennyo mau. Tōkyō: Shakai Hyōronsha, 1986.

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Seiji, Shimota. Tennōsei bunka no ideorogī: Nihon bunka nōto. Tōkyō: Tabata Shoten, 1987.

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1953-, Satō Shugā, ed. Manga Nihonjin to Tennō. Tōkyō: Isoppusha, 2000.

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Shchedrina, K. A. T︠S︡arskoe schastʹe: Arkhetipy i simvoly monarkhicheskoĭ gosudarstvennosti. Moskva: Forum, 2006.

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Clauss, Manfred. Kaiser und Gott: Herrscherkult im römischen Reich. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1999.

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1943-, Suzuki Masayuki, ed. Kindai no tennō. Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993.

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Ashizu, Uzuhiko. Nihon no kunshusei: Tennōsei kenkyū. Kamakura-shi: Ashizu Jimusho, 2005.

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Kralidēs, Apostolos Ph. Hē autokratorikē latreia stēn periodo tēs Tetrarchias (284-313 m.Ch.). Thessalonikē: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Emperor worship"

1

Chik, Hin Ming Frankie. "Negotiating Authorities of Cultural Resource: Recent Scholarly Discussions on the State Ancestor-Worship of the Yellow Emperor." In Contesting Chineseness, 25–40. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6096-9_2.

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Gradel, Ittai. "Corporate Worship." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 213–33. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0009.

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Abstract These groupings have been almost totally overlooked in research. In most cases their object of worship was one of the ‘old’ gods; for instance, Silvanus is frequently encountered in this context, and though he played no part in the state cult, nor in the municipal cults of Italy, he appears to have been very popular indeed among persons of servile status

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"Emperor and Uncrowned King:." In The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 290–309. Harvard University Asia Center, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvrs9027.19.

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"Emperor and Uncrowned King." In The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 290–309. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781684175994_015.

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Gradel, Ittai. "‘In Every House’? The Emperor 1n the Roman Household." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 198–212. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0008.

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Abstract Private cult of the emperor, its form and its quantity, must be decisive for any general interpretation of emperor worship, especially so since scholars have usually claimed that the phenomenon was exclusively or overwhelmingly a public one, and from this conclusion have often questioned the ‘sincerity’ or ‘true religiosity’ of imperial cults.

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Gradel, Ittai. "Before the Caesars." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 27–53. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0002.

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Gradel, Ittai. "Introduction." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 1–26. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0001.

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Gradel, Ittai. "The Emperor’s Geniusin State Cult." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 162–97. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0007.

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Abstract Indirect evidence for this may be found in oath formulas. At some point a formula by Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the Divi,and the Geniusof the ruling emperor became standard to the extent that it has been termed ‘the official state oath’. Indeed, official status for the formula seems to be supported by the inclusion of the Divi,prominent in the public sphere in the capital, but far less so on the private level (see p. 339 below).

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Gradel, Ittai. "The Augustan Settlement." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 109–39. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0005.

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Abstract At the end of his life, Caesar the dictator was appointed a god of the Roman state by the Senate. Whether or not he had in fact aimed for the title of king, this certainly entailed a formal monarchical position in the state (which should, one would think, have made any such title superfluous). In the short run, the scheme resulted in Caesar’s murder; in the long run, the effect was to demonstrate to his son and eventual successor how notto go about reforming the Roman constitution.

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Gradel, Ittai. "Beyond Rome: ‘By Municipal Deification’." In Emperor Worship and Ron1an Religion, 73–108. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198152750.003.0004.

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Abstract The literary sources have little to say of the c1v1c worship accorded to Augustus and his successors in the towns of Italy.1 As usual, these sources concentrate almost exclusively on conditions in Rome, and even there overwhelmingly on the narrow sphere of the relationship between princesand senate. Our source material for civic emperor worship outside Rome is, however, comparatively rich, though it has not been given its due in scholarship. It consists mainly of inscriptions mentioning temples or priests dedicated to the emperor.

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