Journal articles on the topic 'Emperor Meiji'

Through many centuries tenno, or the emperors of Japan, while being nominally the higher rulers of the country, were in fact deprived from the function of movement in their image, and such means of representation of their power, as tours around the country or voyages abroad, were absent from their governing instruments. From the beginning of Meiji period, the image of the sovereign had undergone many changes, partially due to the western influence and foreign views on the role and the functions of the ruler. The attempt to make tenno more like a public figure made by the Japanese elites led to the necessity of conducting imperial trips around the country, so the ruler could face life conditions of his subjects. Emperor Meiji was the first tenno to take such a journey. Other imperial ancestors, including crown princes, had also become more mobile from that time on. The case of Hirohito’s voyages as a crown prince and then as the emperor is one of the great interests as it enlightens the view of the imperial power and its functions through different stages of its evolution in the 20th century. This paper describes four major historical trips by Hirohito and analyzes their symbolical and political significance.

This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.

This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.

After the collapse of the long-standing Tokugawa regime (1603–1867), Japan under the Meiji emperor (1867–1912) rapidly implemented the process of modern nation-building by effectively utilizing the venerable institution of the emperor (Tennō) as its new national symbol. Following the imperial restoration, the Meiji government abolished the socioeconomic and political privileges of the samurai class, namely its exclusive right to bear arms, hold office and receive hereditary stipends. By 1900, Japan had already equipped itself with a modern Constitution that defined citizens' rights and obligations, a parliamentary system, an updated judicial system, universal education, a restructured national and local bureaucracy, national standing army, private ownership of land, and a nation-wide taxation system. None of these institutions had existed prior to 1868. All of the developmental innovations listed above were instituted within little more than a quarter century after the collapse of their predecessor's political structures. Before the Meiji restoration, Japanese society had been governed exclusively by its hereditary samurai elites for two and a half centuries. It was only during the early Meiji period – a little more than two decades or so – that the concept of kokumin (usually translated as “citizen”, more literally “country-person”) entered the popular vocabulary for the first time in Japanese history. The complex social and political dynamics of this initial period of development for Japanese citizenship rights is the primary object of my inquiry.

This article is dedicated to the visual state symbols of Japan of the late XIX century (national flag, personal seal of the emperor, order and medal of honor, and military insignia). The aforementioned symbols are viewed as the attributes of the status. First institutionalized graphic symbols in the history of the country have emerged under the influence of European culture and actualized elements of the ”old” Japanese culture, primarily  from the emblems “mon” used to decorate and identify an individual or a family. This article explores the mechanisms of their emergence, as well as the mechanisms of evolution and introduction into the cultural environment based on the material of print mass-market production (postcards and Ukiyo-e woodblock prints). The author’s main contribution consists in comprehensive analysis of the state symbols of Japan of the late XIX century as the attributes of the status, which has been conducted for the first time. The flag, order and emblem of the emperor were used to demonstrate their direct affiliation to the department, as an attribute of a festive event, or indicate their authority. The research also employed postcards as a rarely used source for studying political symbols, or used in the context of ideology alone. The visual images of print production illustrate the reality of using state symbols, as well as within the framework of artistic techniques expand their use as the symbols.

Abstract The Meiji Revolution that abolished the samurai aristocracy was one of the significant revolutions in modern history. It created a sovereign by integrating the dual kingship of early modern Japan into the body of an emperor, reintegrated Japan by dismantling 260 daimyo states, and abolished the hereditary status system to open the path to modernization. This essay presents two generalizations for comparative history. The Meiji Revolution saw a death toll of about 30,000, much lower than the 1,550,000 lives lost in the French Revolution. This contrast invites us to think of how to minimize the sacrifices associated with revolutions. Another question is how to cope with long-term crises. Since the late eighteenth century some Japanese had anticipated a coming crisis with the West. Their efforts were rejected by contemporaries, but their proposals functioned as crisis simulations to provide ways to engage the Western demands to open Japan in the mid-nineteenth century.

The reform movement of 1898 sought to move the Qing empire toward comprehensive and unprecedented institutional change and thus was a critical event in modern Chinese history. Had it succeeded, China could have, like Meiji Japan, entered the modern era without revolutions. Yet, however determined and daring its leaders, the historic effort was suddenly and tragically cut short by a coup.The standard view of the Reform Movement has been that, in reaction to China's repeated defeats and humiliation as well as the inadequacy of the Self-strengthening Movement, the reform-minded Kang Youwei (illustration 1) and Liang Qichao finally won support for change from a sympathetic Guangxu Emperor. The reformers then managed to put into effect a nationwide reform program through imperial decrees. But the movement, which lasted barely over one hundred days, came to an abrupt end when the Empress Dowager Cixi and her conservative supporters recaptured political power, executed or imprisoned many of the reformers, and placed the emperor under permanent house arrest.

By the time emperor meiji died in 1912, mourned as the first “modern” emperor, Japan had already acquired a sizeable colonial realm. Two years earlier, Japanese newspapers and magazines had celebrated the annexation of Korea, congratulating themselves on living in an empire that was now 15 million people more populous and almost a third larger than it had been prior to annexation. For journalists and politicians at the time, the phrase “Chōsen mondai” (the Chōsen question) served as a euphemism for the panoply of issues relating to Japanese interests in the Korean peninsula. Yet despite this contemporary recognition of the significance of empire, English-language studies of Japan have been slow to interweave the colonial experience into the history of modern Japan. Today, for modern historians, the question of how, or even whether, to incorporate these events into the history of Japan is itself a quandary—what might be termed the “Korea problem” in modern Japanese historiography.

The Meiji Restoration stands as a turning-point in Japanese history. This significant turning point became the immediate point of departure for modernization and industrialization lasting from the end of the 19th century to the early 20th century in Japan. Due to this restoration, Japan began taking the first step towards becoming an independent, modern and powerful state in the Asian region. One of the most important factors which contributes to the Meiji’s restoration is the role of dominant political leaders, the most notable being the role of “Duy tan tam kiet”. “Duy tan tam kiet” is a popular label as “triumvirate” to designate three great men: Saigo Takamori, Okubo Toshimichi and Kido Takayoshi. They are considered the first group of leaders who guided the nation during the first years following the Restoration. These great men not only played an important role in overthrowing Bakufu Tokugawa government but also held dominant power in the first half of Meiji era. After throwing the Tokugawa government, they helped the emperor to carry out many effective policies which were essential contributions to the construction of the new state as well as to a period of rapid change. These pages are designed to provide a general overview of the role of “Duy tan tam kiet” in Meiji Restoration, especially their effective and decisive policies in the overall modernization process.

This article aims to discuss the Japanese modernisation of the Mutsuhito Emperor Era, which focused on the developments that triggered Japan to become an imperialist country. The Bakufu government, which had been in power for more than 250 years, must finally end. After being deemed unable to handle the country's condition, the Bakufu government returned the Japanese government ultimately to Emperor Mutsuhito. During the occupation of the Empire's seat, Emperor Mutsuhito was assisted by his advisers to make changes in all fields. The main fields were built by them, such as reorganise the political bureaucracy, developing industrial-economic, and developing military technology. Supported by the progressive developments in the country, Japan was transforming into a large industrial nation. To meet its industrial needs, Japan became an imperialist country and defeated China and Russia during the Mutsuhito period of government. The method used in this research is historical and has five steps, among others determining the topic, sources collection, sources criticism, interpretation, and writing. The results showed that the aggressive development and strengthening in political bureaucracy, industrial economics, and military technology in the Meiji era were the roots of the spirit of imperialism of new Japan. Political, economic, and military are the reasons to undertake imperialism besides cultural and religious reasons

In the winter of 1909, at the height of Japan's informal rule in Korea, the protectorate government sent the Korean emperor Sunjong on an extended tour of the provinces. Applying the nation-building techniques of Meiji Japan, the residency-general had intended to promote unity and cooperation through the Korean royal house. Instead, the progresses sparked anti-Japanese nationalism and culminated in expressions of resistance. This article explores the political context of the progresses, the role of the newspapers in Korea and Japan in shaping public opinion, and the contest of official and popular nationalisms in Korea, defined by the symbols of the throne and the national flag.

The paper tries to explain the introduction of state religions. I start by analyzing the meaning of state religion and the instruments of state intervention in religion. I then discuss the rulers' religious objectives and derive ten testable hypotheses about the factors favoring the introduction of state religions and about the choice of instruments. In the main section of the paper I examine the circumstances in which state religions have been introduced. The sample contains thirty-one state religions. The period stretches from 2630 BC (pharaoh Djoser in Egypt) to 1871 CE (emperor Meiji in Japan). Eight hypotheses turn out to be consistent with the historical evidence. The frequencies are significantly higher than 50% in a binomial test.

‘UiYongBongGong’, which is commonly used by Korean volunteer fire brigades, is a relic of the Japanese Colonial Era and has its roots in the Samurai culture of pre-modern Japan. In Japanese traditional culture, ‘UiYongBongGong’ meant that the Samurai show loyalty to their lords by sacrificing their lives. After the Meiji Restoration, the subject of loyalty was expanded to the general public, and the object of loyalty was also expanded to the emperor. It was used as essential ethics for the aggressive wars of Japanese Imperialism. Koreans were also compelled to follow these morals during the imperialist periods. After World War II, it remained taboo, but recently, Korean volunteer fire brigades have been using it publicly.

In 1868, when the Meiji emperor had his powers ‘restored’ by the political revolution that destroyed the old feudal system of the Tokugawa shoguns, Japan was a predominantly agricultural economy. By the time of the emperor's death in 1912 Japan had achieved significant industrialisation and in 1920, after a further boom during the First World War, she was well advanced along the road to a distinctive type of industrial development based on textile goods for export, heavy industry for domestic civilian and military capital investment, and considerable state intervention in economic and social organisation. In the mid 1880s, about 70% of the gainfully-employed population were engaged in agriculture, producing well over 40% of the gross national product. Farmers derived about three-quarters of their total income from agricultural activities, although agriculture probably absorbed only about 60% of total work hours for the labour force as a whole, with another 2% each for fishing and construction, and a further 16% or so for traditional mining and manufacturing. By 1920, the GDP of the Japanese economy had grown almost three-fold, but the share supplied by agriculture was under 30%, while just over 50% of workers were employed there.1.

Abstract This paper aims to analyse a possible connection between the renovation of imperial tombs in the Bunkyū era (1861-1864) and the restoration of imperial power in 1868. While there is no direct continuity between these two events, a connection certainly exists. In a time when Japan faced foreign threats and domestic turmoil, certain groups and persons felt it was time to elevate the institution of the emperor to the-supposed-former glory. One way of doing this was the restoration of the imperial tombs that had fallen into disrepair and the renewal of imperial ancestor worship. The Bunkyū Restoration can be seen as one of the many puzzle pieces that together formed the process that led to the Meiji Restoration.

<p>Kyoto has been the capital of Japan from 794 until when the capital has moved in 1868 to Tokyo with the end of Tokugawa Shoguns and the beginning of the Meiji Restoration. The loss of the seat of government was a shock to citizens of Kyoto as the city had been the Imperial and Cultural center of the nation for over 1.000 years. The combination of the court and the great temples had enlivened and enriched the life of the city. At the beginning of the founding of the capital, in the Heian period (794-1185) to east of Kyoto, was built a noble and religious place. This area is Okazaki. Here the Emperor Kammu (736-805) had created the city of Heian-kyo (Kyoto) in 794. This area was full of Temples and Shrines. Only in the Edo period (1603-1867) Okazaki area assumed the role of suburban agricultural zone which provided the food production to the urban habitants. But after the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912), the role of Okazaki area changes completely. In 1885, Kyoto prefecture started the great public canalization project as the water supply between Kyoto and Otsu of Shiga prefecture. Kyoto prefecture also planed the industrial district construction in Okazaki area. From the late nineteenth century Okazaki area became a symbol of the modernization of Kyoto city. This contribution intends to analyze the urban landscape composed of the different styles of architecture especially constructed after the Meiji period (1868-1912). Tangible and intangible signs remained as modern gardens, significant museums and cultural institutions among the ancient temples provide opportunities to reflect on the important role of suburban area of the historic city. These studies are supported by archival documents and by current measures and policies for landscape conservation by Kyoto Municipality.</p>

We pick up three people’s works from Meiji era concerned with The Tale of Genji, written in the 11thcentury. The first one, a translation of The Tale of Genji done by a young diplomat established in the UK in order to show to the great powers of that country how much the Japanese culture was a high-level one. The next one, a novel by Ichiyo Higuchi, influenced by The Tale of Genji, is about a young girl who is sold by her own parents to prostitution. The novel’s name refers to the impossibility of the Japanese nation-state to deal with common people and children. The last one, a poem by Akiko Yosano cries out against the Russo-Japanese war. The reason why is that Akiko accepted various human feelings that appear in The Tale of Genji: delight, sadness and heartbreaking. For Akiko, such human feelings are more important than the war by the nation-state. So she criticizes even the Emperor Meiji as the top of the command hierarchy. Ichiyo does not cry against the contradiction of Japanese state and makes it clearly by writing the heroin’s behavior and mentality in a lively way. For these two women, Ichiyo and Akiko, The Tale of Genji is not only the classical literature, but works as the encouraging recognition of reality.

The interplay of religion and political protest is a familiar theme in Western studies of Japanese Christians who contributed significantly to the socialist movement in their country from the late Meiji period to World War II. Less well known is the fact that a minority of Japanese Buddhists likewise applied the ideals of their faith to political dissent in the movement. Their defiance of the State and the predominantly conservative Buddhist sects which generally supported Emperor, nation, and Empire in Asia constitutes in effect a modern Japanese Buddhist tradition of protest comparable in kind if not in scale to that found in Japanese Christianity. The purpose of the article in hand is to explore this tradition through a study of the Nichiren priest and Buddhist socialist, Seno'o Girō (1889–1961) whose career provides a striking illustration of the Buddhist dimensions of socialism in prewar Japan.

Myth and mythologization in ideology and politcs. The mythologization of Japanese identity in the Meiji periodIs myth a word or a thought? Searching for the etymological roots proves to show that it is both. However, does it really exhaust all the possible understandings of the myth and does it enable the grasp of its multiple usages? Answering those questions seems very important not only because we do not have the precise definition of a myth but mainly for that reason that we often fail to notice that it functions in all the societies and political regimes playing quite a vital role at the same time. The purpose of this paper is not only sketching the possible answers but also their exemplification through the example of Japan in the period of Meiji. The choice of that example results from that fact it is a conspicuous example of the way in which political elites are engaged in creating symbols and rituals and in shaping national awareness. The examples of the process of shaping national identity presented in this paper are focused on demonstrating two fundamental myths related to the Emperor, the aim of which was to consolidate the national identity. Mitologizacja japońskiej narodowości. Mit a mitologizowanie narodu. W stronę mitu politycznego w nowożytnej JaponiiCzy mit to słowo, czy myśl? Etymologicznie okazuje się jednym i drugim. Jednakże czy wyczerpuje to możliwe rozumienia mitu oraz umożliwia uchwycenie jego rozlicznych zastosowań? Odpowiedzi na te pytania wydają się niezwykle ważne nie tylko dlatego, że nie posiadamy precyzyjnej definicji mitu, lecz przede wszystkim z tego względu, że często nie dostrzegamy, że funkcjonuje on we wszystkich społeczeństwach i systemach politycznych, pełniąc w nich niezwykle ważne role. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest nie tylko zarysowanie możliwych odpowiedzi, lecz także ich egzemplifikacja na przykładzie Japonii w okresie Meiji. Wybór tego przypadku wynika z tego, że stanowi on czytelny przykład tego, w jaki sposób elity polityczne angażują się w kreowanie symboli i rytuałów oraz kształtowanie świadomości narodowej. Przedstawione w artykule przykłady procesu kształtowania tożsamości narodowej skupione są na ukazaniu dwóch podstawowych mitów związanych z cesarzem, których zadaniem było konsolidowanie tożsamości narodowej.

ABSTRACT:The 1964 Tokyo Olympics acted as a rite of passage for post-war Japan, symbolizing the modernization of the city and the country. This was reflected by the space and architecture of the venues. Urban development of Olympic cities has been scrutinized recently but the symbolic implications have been touched upon only in passing, most especially in Tokyo's case. This article will show how symbolic layers of architecture and space aimed at linking history and modernity while bypassing the highly problematic legacy of ultra-nationalism and World War II. An important hub for transmitting this message was the Meiji Shrine dedicated to the first emperor of modern Japan. The hallmark building of the 1964 Games, Kenzo Tange's National Gymnasium, interacted with the shrine by way of an architectonic axis connecting them. This contrasted with the different spatial styles evident at the 1960 Olympics in Rome and 1972 Olympics in Munich, which testified to their different relationships to the national past. While developing infrastructure such as canalization and traffic was very important for Tokyo, symbolic revitalization of the city's fabric was equally crucial.

This study investigates different samurais' choices and their fates in the anime series "Rurouni Kenshin." In this study, by analyzing different samurai figures in the anime as they go through the changes from the Edo to the Meiji era, the samurai show different ways of reflecting on their own perceptions and traditional bushido: Himura Kenshin reflects on the situation brought to the people by the times and his own samurai identity, and finally chooses to pursue benevolence and not to kill anymore; Saito Hajime keeps the traditional spirit of bushido but blends it with the new era; Shishio Makoto rejects most of the traditional concepts of bushido and is willing to change from being a samurai to being an emperor through his ability and ambition. Most of the previous studies of Bushido focused on the characteristics, the history and trajectory of the formation of Bushido spirit. When studying Bushido in animation, previous studies tended to look for the embodiment of Bushido culture in animation, but fewer focused on the changes of Bushido culture in animation. This study provides a new perspective on examining the impact of changing time using Japanese anime.

The first knowledge about Peter the Great seems to penetrate into Japan during the lifetime of this Russian emperor, as early as the beginning of the 18th century. However, it was only after first attempts of Siberian merchants to start trade relations with Japan’s northernmost domain of Matsumae when Japanese intellectuals began to study Russia and its history. By the end of the century, the image of Peter the Great as an outstanding ruler had formed in Japan, with his main achievement being the expansion of the country’s territory, after which European Russia suddenly shared a border with northern Japan. Katsuragawa Hoshu, a court physician and the author of one of the first descriptions of Russia, might be the first Japanese who implied Peter the Great’s activities as a model for Japan, pointing out his politics in spreading the foreign trade. Japanese intellectuals of the first half of the 19th century continued to use Peter the Great’s reforms as a possible model for Japan. Watanabe Kazan (1793–1841) in his “Note about the Situation in Foreign Countries” used the Russian emperor as evidence of a leader’s role in winning nature-based and geographical obstacles in a country’s development. Aizawa Seishisai (1782–1863) and later Sakuma Shozan (1811–1864) pointed out Peter’s leadership qualities and personal involvement in reforms. Based on the study of Peter’s activities, Aizawa managed to create the program of Japan’s reforming known as the “New thesis” (“Shinron”, 1825), while Sakuma promoted the necessity of Western learning, especially the development of navy and artillery. This allows to assume a great influence of the study of Peter the Great and Russian history in formulating the ideas of a “rich country and strong army” that became a cornerstone of national ideology in Meiji Japan.

During 1861-1862 Raphael Pumpelly (1838-1923) was engaged by the Japanese Government (the Tokugawa Shogunate) to review mineral resources and advise on mining operations. Political pressures against the Government's employ of foreigners resulted in his investigation being confined to southern Hokkaido and, at the end of 1862, led to the termination of his contract. Pumpelly completed a geological sketch map with structural cross-sections, provided formation descriptions, interpretations of landforms, suggestions for mine development, and interpretations of the tectonic history of the island. Remarking on the general parallelism of Asian mountain ranges, major valleys, coastlines and the Japanese islands, Pumpelly envisioned a NE-SW-trending system of tectonic elevation and depression that governed the geomorphic configuration of the Northern Hemisphere worldwide. In 1878, under the new leadership of the Emperor following the Meiji Restoration, foreign specialists were welcomed to Japan in order to modernize government, science, and industry. Benjamin Smith Lyman (1835-1920) and Henry Smith Munroe (1850-1933) undertook geologic studies of Hokkaido, focusing on mineral resources, and produced a regional stratigraphy, structural synthesis and geologic map for the entire island. Their work, published by the development agency for Hokkaido (the Kaitakushi), served as a foundation for further studies by Japanese researchers, many of whom began as assistants to Lyman and Munroe.

This paper reviews the development of diplomatic relation between the Turkish and Japanese governments in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the 19th century, the diplomatic relation involved the Turkish Ottoman Empire and the kingdom of Emperor Meiji. In the 20th century, it involved the Republic Turkey government and the Japanese government. In addition, this article explores the various factors and efforts made by the two governments to contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relation between Turkey and Japan. This qualitative research used secondary resources collected from books, articles and theses. The findings reveal that diplomatic relation between Ottoman and Japanese governments had many positive impacts on the development of Islam in Japan. The fall of the Ottoman Empire did not stop this diplomatic relation. In 1924, the Turkish Republic continued diplomatic ties with Japan until 1945 but the diplomatic ties ceased as a result of the Second World War. This paper concludes that the diplomatic relation between the two governments has influenced the development of Islam in Japan through the formation of Islamic community, the construction of mosques and the translation of the Qur'an.Keywords: Diplomatic relationship, Turkey, Japan, Islamic community, Islamic developmentCite as: Palem Zainol, S.Z., & Mat Resad@Arshad, I.S. (2017). Pengaruh hubungan diplomatik Turki dan Jepun terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun [The influence of diplomatic relationship of Turkey and Japan on Islamic development in Japan]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 139-154. AbstrakKertas kerja ini menerangkan pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20. Permulaan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun berlaku melalui dua era pemerintahan. Era pertama adalah empayar Uthmaniyyah dan empayar Maharaja Meiji pada abad ke-19 dan era kedua adalah kerajaan Republik Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-20. Di samping itu, artikel ini menerokai kepelbagaian faktor dan usaha yang dibuat oleh kedua-dua kerajaan untuk menyumbang kepada permbentukan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan Jepun. Kajian kualitatif ini menggunakan sumber sekunder yang dikumpul daripada buku-buku, artikel-artikel dan tesis-tesis. Hasil kajian ini mendedahkan bahawa perkembangan hubungan empayar Uthmaniyyah dan kerajaan Jepun mempunyai banyak kesan positif terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun. Kejatuhan empayar Uthmaniyyah tidak menghentikan hubungan diplomatik ini. Pada tahun 1924, kemunculan kerajaan Republik Turki tetap meneruskan hubungan diplomatik dengan Jepun sehingga tahun 1945 tetapi hubungan diplomatik ini terhenti akibat Perang Dunia Kedua. Dapatlah disimpulkan bahawa pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kedua-dua kerajaan telah membawa kepada perkembangan Islam di Jepun melalui pembentukan organisasi masyarakat Islam, pembinaan masjid dan terjemahan al-Qur'an.Kata Kunci: Hubungan diplomatik, Turki, Jepun, masyarakat Islam, pembangunan Islam

The literature on nationalism ascribes a pivotal role to schools in creating what Benedict Anderson calls an “imagined community,” through the formation and dissemination of a common national identity and a shared national consciousness where none existed before (e.g., Anderson 1983; Gellner 1983; Hobsbawm 1990; Smith 1991). It is not unusual to find Japan cited as a prime example of this process, not only among theorists of nationalism, but among Japan specialists, as well (e.g., Beauchamp 1988, 226–29; Cummings 1980, 17–25; Hunter 1989, 192–97; Ienaga 1978; Pyle 1996, 125–30; Rohlen 1983, 46–57; Schoppa 1991, 29–31; Thomas 1996, 254–62). In general, they portray the first two decades of the Meiji period, between 1868 and 1890, as the era when a modern national consciousness merged with a revivified nativist identity to form an “emperor-centered nationalism” that was institutionalized and propagated by the state, chiefly through a newly established compulsory, centralized school system. Frequently, this assertion is supported by citing the Imperial Rescript on Education (1890), which begins, “Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; Our subjects, ever united in loyalty and filial piety, have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof.” This distinctive brand of Japanese nationalism is also regarded as a factor contributing to the subsequent development of Japanese imperialism and the country's pursuit of a colonial empire abroad, which began with its victory in the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), and concluded fifty years later with its defeat in the Pacific War.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In Japan, the political system was changed greatly and new Meiji government under Meiji Emperor was born in 1868. Meiji government made great efforts to modernize Japan to hold its independence, hiring many professionals from the western advanced countries, sending many students to the western advanced countries, establishing obligatory education system, and so on.</p><p>It invited French military mission to modernize its army. The mission arrived in Japan in 1872 and stayed until 1880 changing its members. It included engineer officers as follows: Engineer captain Albert Jourdan (1872&amp;ndash;1878), Engineer captain Ernest Vieillard (1873&amp;ndash;1876), Engineer lieutenant captain Lucian Kreitmann (1876-1888) and two other engineer officers succeed until 1880. They worked fundamentally as the teachers of engineering including survey and mapping. Jourdan had additional works as Coast Defense plan and military construction such as Military School.</p><p> Jourdan participated in the Japan Coast Defense Planning Mission headed by French mission chief and ordered by the Army Minister,Yamagata. Coast Defense Plan maps were drawn for Kagosima Bay, Hakodate Bay, Tsuruga Bay, etc. Japanese officers of the General Staff Bureau engaged in making base maps for planning and supported the Mission in the field. The mapping technology would be transferred to the Japanese officers on the job.</p><p>The French Mission members began various military educations in 1872. TIZU SAISIKI (Map Color Rule) was published in 1873, which was translated book by Tomohiro Kosuge (later, the founder and the first director of Japan Land Survey) and others from a French map book brought by Jourdan. Jourdan and Vieillard taught military engineering, based on the textbooks 1855 for French engineer regimental schools, which were translated by T. Kosuge and others and published as KOUHEI SOUTEN (Manual for Military Engineers) including Survey Division in 1873&amp;ndash;1875.</p><p>In 1875, Grand Military Field Exercise was held in Narashinohara near Tokyo, when the field was surveyed at 1/10,000 scale with six plane table teams including T. Kosuge directed by E. Vieillard and a map was compiled and published next year.</p><p>In 1876, the first three textbooks on mapping of the Military School were printed ; SOKUTI KOUHON (Land Survey Textbook), TIRIZUGAKU KOUHON (Topography Textbook) and SOKUTI KANHOU (Rapid Survey Method in the Military School. The former two were Kreitmann’s lecture records and the last one was translated book of a textbook of French Artillery and Engineering Application School Military Field Exercise was held in Narashinohara, when the field was surveyed with plane table method at 1/20,000 scale by the Military School pupils directed by L. Kreitmann. The compiled map was printed next year in the Military School.</p><p>In 1877, Seinan Civil War occurred in Kyushu Islan. Rapid survey maps were drawn by the members of the Survey Division of the Army Ministry. After the war, military field exercise was held in Shimoshidzu, when the field was surveyed with plane table method at 1/20,000 scale by the Military School pupils directed by L. Kreitmann. The compiled map was printed next year in the Military School.</p><p>In 1879, T. Kosuge was nominated to the head of the Survey Division, General Staff Office. He presented his second opinion, “Rapid Survey Plan of the Whole County “ without triangulation which remained as the object of study to the head of the General Staff Office and this plan was accepted.</p><p>In 1880 following the “Rapid Survey Plan”, the rapid survey began with plane table method at 1/20,000 scale in Kanto metropolitan area on a large scale.</p><p>In 1881, according the comparison of the results of the normal triangulation and the graphical triangulation on the plane table, it was concluded that the former should be adopted for the whole country control point survey and that the survey system and organization should be changed.</p><p>In 1889, Army Land Survey was founded by T. Kosuge following the model of Prussian Land Survey, Germany and the first director was T. Kosuge. However, KOUHEI SOUTEN (Manual for Military Engineers) Second Edition, Survey Division was published, translated from the textbook 1883 for the French Engineer Regimental School.</p>

Abstract The founding of Heian Jingū 平安神宮 in 1895 is usually explained in very simple terms: it was established to commemorate the 1100th anniversary of the move to the Heian capital and was, therefore, dedicated to the city’s founder, Kanmu Tennō 桓武天皇. A closer look at the shrine’s founding story, however, reveals a much more complex account that illustrates the fits and starts of State Shintō in the third decade of the Meiji period. By disentangling the standard narrative of Heian Jingū’s founding, this article touches not only on doctrinal issues such as the deification of past emperors, but also on material aspects such as early attempts at reconstructing long-lost structures and the Meiji government’s creation of a set of plans that regulated the appearance of newly erected shrines. Doing so will help explain how the design of this major imperial shrine could deviate so significantly from the stipulated template and be so replete with Chinese influences at a time when the relationship between the two countries was one of outright hostility.

As a result of Meiji emperor's excellent strategy for development, Japan's modernization has succeeded and it has become one of economic superpowers of the present day world. From the historical viewpoint of its modernization, this article wants to examine some typical strategic experiences that are able to contribute to the development of Vietnam. It provides analysis of three typical experiences: establishing the new model of civilization; "military” strategy and methodology for economic, cultural, scientific, educational achievements; formation of strong nation-state with excellent governing elites. It also points out some possibilities for application of these experiences in present-day Vietnam's modernization.

This article responds to Jeffrey Perl’s argument (in “Regarding Change at Ise Jingū,” Common Knowledge, Spring 2008) that, while there is a “paradigm shift” at Ise every twenty years, when the enshrined deity Amaterasu “shifts” from the current site to an adjacent one during the rite of shikinen sengū, the Jingū paradigm itself never changes and never ages. The author confirms Perl’s conclusion by examining the politicized scholarship, written since the 1970s, maintaining that Shinto is a faux religion invented prior to World War II as a means of unifying Japan behind government policies of ultranationalism and international expansion. This article shows, instead, how emperors—who are not political but religious figures in Japan—and the Jingū priesthood have acted together over the past thirteen hundred years to sustain the imperial shrine at Ise and its ancient rites. The so-called Meiji Restoration actually continued an imperial policy of restoring and intensifying the observance of Shinto rituals that were threatened by neglect. Meiji intervened personally in 1889 to ensure the continuity of hikyoku, an unvoiced and secret serenade to Amaterasu, by extending its venue from the imperial palace shrine to performance at Jingū as well. The author’s archival and ethnographic research at Ise and the National Archives shows how the arguments that Shinto is a modern invention are punitive rather than dispassionately historical.

The article discusses the ways of representing of state symbols in the postcards of Japan during Meiji period (1868–1912). On the basis of their visual design the ways of constructing the image of the new government are considered. After the “Meiji restoration”, the state symbols were adopted (based on the old ka-mon family emblems): the national flag, the emperor’s seal, orders and medals. The post service belonged to the state, which allowed the images to show not only the actual state symbols but also in what situations it should be used and how it should be perceived. These tasks were implemented by artistic means. The different types of symbols on postcards were distributed unevenly. The most diverse subjects are related to the national and army flags. It depicted not only war but also the everyday “peaceful” life. The documentary photo, the decorative drawings of emblems, the real peoples and fantastic animals were used for the decoration. Through the positive emotions were transmitted (pride, joy, interest, etc.). Japan is represented there as the modern, internally cohesive state with the irresistible military power, fully supported by the population, with state symbols that preserve continuity with the past.

To speak of Meiji Ishin, one would normally come across many pieces of literature that mention the return of the Emperor to the centre of politics and administration in comparison to the previous Tokugawa administration (1603-1868). Yet one crucial question comes up from this is that as to why the Meiji insurgencies decided to bring the Emperor to the front and how this act would benefit their cause? In addressing such a crucial point, this paper attempts to revisit the essentiality of the Imperial factor in pushing forward the Meiji Ishin in the country during the 19th Century. It seeks to examine and investigate the motives that prompted the Meiji insurgencies to use the ‘imperial factor’ in their struggle in facing the Shogunate administration. In so doing, the study uses a method of content analysis to examine the significance of the ‘Imperial factor’ based on analysis of both Japanese and Western literature alike. The study suggests that Japanese Meiji insurgencies who later took up the charge of transforming Japan as a modern and strong nation-state economically and militarily must have realized that only with the support of the Japanese monarchy that this revolution could be strengthened and legitimized against the Shogunate forces and most importantly they could effectively push their reforms agenda in the country.

This essay explores the changing sociospatial structures of Edo-Tokyo as the city emerged as the dominant political, economic, and cultural center of modern Japan through the Meiji Revolution of the mid-nineteenth century (conventionally called the Meiji Restoration). In the process of relocating the capital after the defeat of the Tokugawa Shogunate, the new government replaced the old ruling class through the disposal of the samurai estates that had once constituted most of Edo. The government’s strategy was to divide the city into two territories: the Inner Precinct ( kakunai), which would now house the political core transferred from Kyoto, and the Outer Precinct ( kakugai), where former feudal lords and others forced out of the center were relocated. The government used the land of kakunai in projects to enhance the authority of the emperor. Meanwhile, land owned by former feudal lords in the vast area of the kakugai was newly rented out to people who were banned from doing business on the street by the government. The government relied on powerful commoners to act as brokers in this redevelopment. In addition, former feudal estates linked Tokyo and the rest of the archipelago by providing dormitories for youth from the lords’ former fiefs. Modern Tokyo was thus configured by political choices made in the immediate context of the revolution. Other castle towns underwent a similar restructuring at the same time. This process of conversion reorganized spatial hierarchies within Japanese cities, creating a dual urban structure that has continued to shape urban development since.

Born in 1874 the youngest daughter of a samurai and former daimyo—a feudal prince under the Takugawa shogunate—Etsu Inagaki grew up surrounded by ghosts of an aristocratic military lineage. Having fought on the losing side in the wars that installed the Meiji emperor, the ­Inagaki family was reduced in power, status, and wealth but not in pride or ­devotion to its traditional roles and customs. Etsu’s upbringing and education were conservative and old-fashioned, guided by the Shinto and Buddhist beliefs her family held. The samurai virtues of honor, ­stoicism, and sacrifice applied to daughters and wives as well as sons and fathers: “The eyelids of a samurai know not moisture.” Family turmoil, including her father’s death and the return of her prodigal brother, led her on another path—to an English-language mission school in Tokyo and an arranged marriage to a Japanese businessman in Cincinnati, Ohio, where she became mother to two daughters before being widowed and returning with them to Japan. Her story, as she tells it, is: “How a daughter of feudal Japan, living hundreds of years in one generation, became a modern American.” The clash of cultures, the momentous and sometimes hilarious misunderstandings between Japanese and Western ways are revealed in intriguing intimate episodes involving love, duty, and family ties. Living between a semi-mythical past and an emergent ­international present, Mrs. Sugimoto recounts the personal impact of the profound social changes brought about by Japanese-American relations during the Meiji period (1868–1912) and offers an unexpected insider’s view of traditional Japanese samurai family life as it is in the process of being swept away.

The interruption of Japan's foreign relations, which has lasted since the beginning of the 7th century, was interrupted by the signing of the treaty of Kanagawa and the seizure of power by the emperor Mutsuhito, who called his reign the Meiji period, or „Enlightened rule.” It was during this period that the foundations for modernization of today's sophisticated Japan were laid. Japan begins to open up to the world, but it retains its independence, combining tradition and modernism in all segments. The journey and the exchange of ideas that have inspired many literary works, not only by the French writer Pierre Loti, on whose work this paper is partially based, then artistic ideas and artefacts, aim to explore the author of this paper, which focuses on the presentation of elements of Japanese art and culture at the Exibition Universelle in Paris, 1867.The analytical-comparative method used in this paper shows the remarkable place of Japan in the cross-section that transported silk from the Mediterranean to East Asia, which has become a symbol of the connection between East and West and metaphors for various myths and legends from previous periods, and today the link between western and eastern cultural development models, whose proximity and distance are constantly changing, leaving a strong mark on all societies.

Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. 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Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. 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Abstract This paper explores how Japanese officials and others conceptualized police power at particular junctures in imperial Japanese history (1868–1945). It does so by synthesizing prior scholarship on the Japanese police into a broader genealogy of the police idea in prewar Japan, beginning with the first translations and explanations of police in the Meiji period, the changing perceptions of the police in the 1910s, and the evolution from the “national police” idea in the 1920s to the “emperor's police” in the late 1930s. The essay proposes that the police idea in Japan (and elsewhere) can be read as a boundary concept in which the changing conceptions of police power demarcate the shifting relationship between state and society. Indeed, it is the elusiveness of this boundary that allows for police power – and by extension, state power – to function within society and transform in response to social conditions. Approached in this way, the essay argues that the different permutations of the police idea index the evolving modality of state power in prewar Japan, and thus allows us to reconsider some of the defining questions of imperial Japanese history.