Journal articles on the topic 'Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada'
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1
Roy, Patricia E. "Images and Immigration: China and Canada." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, no. 2-3 (2013): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02003008.
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Long before most Canadians ever saw a Chinese person, they heard from travellers, traders, diplomats, and missionaries of a country suffering from uprisings and wars, corruption and vice, intellectual stagnancy, and huge overpopulation. Such images influenced Canada’s immigration policy toward Chinese that began with the imposition of a head tax in 1886 and became an exclusionary policy in 1923. The perceived inability of weak and divided Chinese governments to regulate emigration thwarted Canadian efforts to devise less humiliating methods of restricting immigration. Sympathy for China in its war against Japan after July 1937 boosted China’s image in Canada. That, along with greater concern in Canada for human rights, contributed to the beginning of an easing of restrictions on Chinese immigration in 1947. For humanitarian reasons, after the formation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Canada admitted a handful of refugees. An estimated 11,000 Chinese entered Canada illegally during the first decade of the PRC. By the 1960s, China was a world power and a significant market for Canadian products. Thus, when Canada reformed its immigration policies it judged potential Chinese immigrants, along with others, more on their skills than on their country of origin.
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Grams, Grant W. "The Story of Josef Lainck: From German Emigrant to Alien Convict and Deported Criminal to Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp Inmate." Border Crossing 10, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v10i2.1129.
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Josef Lainck, a German national emigrated to Canada in July 1927. He arrived in Quebec City and travelled west to Edmonton, Alberta where he became a burglar and shot a police officer. Lainck was arrested in November 1927 and deported to Germany in 1938, upon arrival he was arrested and interned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp until April 1945. This article will examine Lainck’s emigration to Canada, arrest and deportation to Nazi Germany. Lainck’s case is illuminating as it reveals information on deportations from Canada and the Third Reich’s return migration program and how undesirables were treated within Germany. The Third Reich’s return migration plan encouraged returnees to seek their deportations as a method of return. Canadian extradition procedures cared little for the fate of foreign nationals expatriated to the country of their birth regardless of the form of government or the turmoil that plagued the nation. This work will compare Canadian to American deportation rates as an illustration of Canada’s harsh deportation criterion. In this article, the policies and practices of immigration and deportation are discussed within a framework of insecurity as a key driver for human mobility in the first half of the 20th century.
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Scott, Elizabeth A. "‘The Ill-name of the Old Country’: London’s Assisted Emigrants, British Unemployment Policy, and Canadian Immigration Restriction, 1905-1910." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 26, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037231ar.
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Between 1906 and 1910, Canada passed two increasingly restrictive Immigration Acts to, among other reasons, reduce charitable assisted emigration from London. These acts were passed in response to Britain’s Unemployed Workmen Act in 1905, which contained an emigration clause designed to move London’s unemployed to Canada. Canada deemed these emigrants to be unsuitable largely because they hailed from the impoverished East End of London. Emigration charities felt an imperial betrayal in the wake of the restrictions. Although an exception allowed for a limited degree of charitable emigration to continue, assisted English emigrants were now unreservedly lumped together with other undesirables in the British World. Despite Canadian displeasure, charities continued to send London’s unemployed to Canada until World War I. A more direct relationship between British unemployment policy and Canadian immigration policy is emphasized, opening a space wherein to examine transnational and imperial legal tensions in the early twentieth century British World. This space reveals a nexus of poverty, migration, and restriction that pitted Britain’s needs against Canada’s; it also complicates the concept of loyal nations belonging to a cooperative British World, becoming particularly relevant to the evolution of restrictive Canadian attitudes towards British immigrants after 1905.
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Samuel, T. J., P. M. White, and J. Perreault. "National Recording Systems and the Measurement of International Migration in Canada: An Assessment." International Migration Review 21, no. 4 (December 1987): 1170–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838702100413.
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This article describes and provides a critical assessment of the adequacy of Canada's statistical sources on immigration and emigration for both scientific study and policy needs. The article discusses the relationship between immigrant data collection systems and immigration policy and the importance of political considerations in the establishment of immigrant data collection systems. Special attention is given to the statistical sources that apply to the various categories of migrants.
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Piepiora, Ewa. "The Local Dimension of Immigrant Integration Policy Based on West Pomerania Province." Reality of Politics 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201609.
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Since Poland joined the European Community, it has been transforming from a country of emigration into an emigration-immigration one. Year by year an increase of immigrants coming to Poland has been observed, which involves the Polish government and local authorities taking actions within the implementation of migration policy. The multifaceted processes of integration take place on the levels of linguistics, culture, education, and social activation aimed at combating social exclusion of this group of Polish inhabitants.
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Strazzari, Davide. "Immigration and Federalism in Canada: beyond Quebec Exceptionalism?" Perspectives on Federalism 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): E—56—E—84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0020.
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Abstract The paper focuses on Canadian Provinces’ role in migrant selection. After an asymmetric approach, that benefited only Quebec, the federal government granted devolutionary powers in migrant selection to the other Provinces as well, moving towards de facto asymmetry. This process has proved to be successful over the years, but recently the federal government has reacted, recentralizing some aspects of immigration policy. This does not apply to Quebec. This policy change may suggest that, although immigration federalism may be grounded on reasons other than the need to accommodate linguistic or ethnic claims, it remains the case that the former are “weaker” than the latter, and are more subject to pressure from the central government. This is also confirmed by looking at the mechanisms through which intergovernmental agreements have been translated into law. Unlike the Quebec case, immigration’s devolution in relation to the other Provinces has occurred through administrative delegation of powers from the federal government. This permits the federal government to exercise some form of political pressure in order to realign the Provinces’ discretionary choices.
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Frideres, James S. "Canada's Changing Immigration Policy: Implications for Asian Immigrants." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5, no. 4 (December 1996): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689600500404.
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Canada has accepted immigrants since the turn of the century and has been a major player in the world wide movement of people. However, until the 1960s, most immigrants were white and from Western Europe. By the late 60s, Canada's immigration policy took on a more universalistic criteria and immigrants from around the world were able to enter. In 1971, Canada established a multicultural policy, reflecting the multi-ethnic composition of Canadian society. However, a quarter century later, economic and ideological pressures have forced the government of the day to rethink its immigration policy. The present paper reviews Canadian immigration policy and assesses the current situation. An analysis of the 1994 immigration consultation process is presented which led to the new changes in immigration policy. Recent changes in the organizational structure of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration and its policy are evaluated. The implications of the new immigration policy are discussed, particularly as it relates to Asian immigration.
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Sukhobokova, Olga. "Canadian governments policy on Ukrainian immigration in the 1910s – 1930s." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.3.
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The article examines Canadian immigration policy toward Ukrainians in the 1910s-1930s. At this time, following the tumultuous Ukrainian immigration organized by W. Laurier’s government, subsequent Canadian governments (Robert Borden, Arthur Meighen, Mackenzie King, Richard Bennet) restricted immigration from Eastern Europe, including from Ukrainian lands. The aim of the article is to analyze the main approaches of Canadian governments during this period to the immigration of Ukrainians, the formation of appropriate legislation and practice. Research methods. General scientific principles, interdisciplinary approaches (history, law, sociology) and special historical methods, in particular comparative and retrospective analysis, are used. They were used to analyze the origins and political and legal rationale for changes in Canadian immigration law and their implementation in practice. Emphasis is placed on the attitude of Canadian politicians and society to East Slavic, including Ukrainian, immigration, and its influence on official government policy. The scientific novelty of the study is to consider Canada’s immigration policy towards Ukrainians in the 1910s and 1930s in terms of its political and economic development, using mainly Canadian English-language sources and literature. Conclusions. Objective domestic and foreign policy circumstances due to the First World War and the economic development of Canada (the transition from agro-industrial to industrial-agrarian economy) had a significant impact on the formation of immigration policy of the government of R. Borden, along with the theoretical concepts of the Conservatives. It was they who played a leading role in determining the position of Ukrainian immigrants not only on the conservative government of R. Borden (1911–1920), but also remained in power under the liberal government of Mackenzie King. Despite some positive changes for Ukrainian immigrants in the 1920s, the Great Depression in the mid-1930s virtually halted the flow of immigration from Ukrainian lands. However, even under these circumstances, Canada remained one of the priorities for Ukrainians, and in the interwar period became the leader among American countries in the number of admitted Ukrainian immigrants.
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Falconer, Thirstan. "“We Can’t Be Too Selective about This”: Immigration Advocacy in the Canadian English-Language Press, 1949–57." International Journal of Canadian Studies 58 (April 1, 2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.58.x.54.
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Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their preference for a more robust policy frequently surfaced in the English-language press. This article shows that newspapers coverage across the country criticized the government’s immigration policy during the 1950s and advocated for an approach that accommodated more newcomers to spur population and economic growth. Through their coverage, the editors and journalists reasoned that boosting immigration accelerated the Canadian economy. English Canadian journalists and newspapers attempted to influence Canadians about the economic benefits of increasing migration to Canada.
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Simplice, Asongu. "Determinants of health professionals’ migration in Africa: a WHO based assessment." International Journal of Social Economics 42, no. 7 (July 13, 2015): 666–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2013-0287.
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Purpose – How do economic prosperity, health expenditure, savings, price-stability, demographic change, democracy, corruption control, press freedom, government effectiveness, human development, foreign aid, physical security, trade openness and financial liberalization play-out in the fight against health-worker crisis when existing emigration levels matter? Despite the acute concern of health-worker crisis in Africa owing to emigration, lack of relevant data has made the subject matter empirically void over the last decades. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A quantile regression approach is used to assess the determinants of health-worker emigration throughout the conditional distributions of health-worker emigration. This provides an assessment of the determinants when existing emigrations levels matter. Findings – Findings provide a broad range of tools for the fight against health-worker brain-drain. As a policy implication, blanket emigration-control policies are unlikely to succeed equally across countries with different levels of emigration. Thus to be effective, immigration policies should be contingent on the prevailing levels of the crisis and tailored differently across countries with the best and worst records on fighting health-worker emigration. Originality/value – This paper has examined the theoretical postulations of a World Health Organization report on determinants of health-worker migration.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Nolan, Anne. "The ‘healthy immigrant’ effect: initial evidence for Ireland." Health Economics, Policy and Law 7, no. 3 (January 19, 2011): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413311000040x.
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AbstractThe period from 1996 to 2008 was one of rapid economic and social change in Ireland, with one of the most significant changes being the transition from a situation of net emigration to one of substantial net immigration. Although research on the impact of immigration on Irish society, as well as the labour market characteristics and experiences of immigrants in Ireland has increased in recent years, comparatively little is known about the health status of immigrants to Ireland. An extensive international literature has documented a ‘healthy immigrant’ effect for large immigrant-receiving countries such as the United States, Canada and Australia, whereby the health status of immigrants is better than comparable native-born individuals. There is also evidence to suggest that immigrants’ health status deteriorates with time spent in the host country. However, the Irish immigration experience differs considerably from that of countries that have been the focus of research on the ‘healthy immigrant’ effect. Using microdata from a nationally representative survey of the population in 2007, this paper finds only limited evidence in favour of a ‘healthy immigrant’ effect for Ireland, although the distinctive features of the Irish immigrant population, and the nature of the data available, may partly explain the results.
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Berger Richardson, Sarah, and Nadia Lambek. "Federalism and fragmentation: Addressing the possibilities of a food policy for Canada." Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v5i3.281.
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Canadian federalism poses unique challenges for the development of a national food policy. Under the Constitution Act, 1867, the federal government and the provinces are granted powers to govern exclusively in certain areas and to share jurisdiction in others. Where one level of government has exclusive jurisdiction, the other level of government is not permitted to interfere. However, good food system governance requires addressing policy coherence and coordination horizontally, across sectors such as agriculture, trade, health, finance, environment, immigration, fisheries, social protection, and vertically between the federal government, the provinces, and international and transnational actors. The development of a national food policy for Canada offers an opportunity to harmonize law and policymaking, and clarify the key roles that all levels of government play in the development and governance of food systems. This will require identifying sites of conflict and overlap, but also spaces for collaboration, coordination, and innovation. A national food policy will necessarily have to work within the constraints of Canadian constitutional law, but federalism and the division of powers can be harnessed to create a more just, equitable, democratic and sustainable food system.
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Macklin, Audrey. "Dancing across Borders: ‘Exotic Dancers,’ Trafficking, and Canadian Immigration Policy." International Migration Review 37, no. 2 (June 2003): 464–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003.tb00145.x.
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This article analyzes a Canadian immigration program that authorizes issuance of temporary work visas to ‘exotic dancers.’ In response to public criticism that the government was thereby implicated in the transnational trafficking of women into sexual exploitation, Citizenship and Immigration Canada retained the visa program de jure but eliminated it de facto. Using a legal and discursive analysis that focuses on the production of female labor migrants variously as workers, as criminals and as bearers of human rights, the article argues that the incoherence of Canadian policy can only be rendered intelligible when refracted through these different lenses. The article concludes by considering policy options available to the state in addressing the issue.
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Шешум, Урош. "ПОЛИТИКА МЛАДОТУРАКА ПРЕМА ДОСЕЉАВАЊУ МУХАЏИРА ИЗ БОСНЕ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНЕ У ОСМАНСКО ЦАРСТВО 1908–1912. И РЕАКЦИЈA СРПСКЕ ВЛАДЕ НА ИСЕЉЕНИЧКИ ПОКРЕТ МУСЛИМАНА THE POLICY OF THE YOUNG TURKS TOWARDS THE IMMIGRATION OF MUHAJIRS FROM BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA TO THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN 1908–1912 AND THE REACTION OF THE SERBIAN GOVERNMENT TO THE MUSLIM EMIGRATION MOVEMENT." Историјски часопис, no. 70/2021 (December 30, 2021): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2170435s.
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The paper presents the policy of the Young Turks and the attitude of the Government of the Kingdom of Serbia towards the emigration of Muhajirs from Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Ottoman Empire, and later their return to the homeland. The Serbian Government opposed the emigration of Muslims from Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Ottoman Empire and refused to provide assistance to those who moved to the area under the sovereignty of the Ottoman Porte. On the other hand, the Government of the Kingdom of Serbia supported and helped the movement of Muhajirs back to their homeland. For the purposes of writing this paper, we used primarily published and unpublished archival material of Serbian origin, the contemporary press, and relevant literature.
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Simplice, Asongu. "Globalization and health worker crisis: what do wealth-effects tell us?" International Journal of Social Economics 41, no. 12 (November 25, 2014): 1243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2013-0288.
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Purpose – Owing to lack of relevant data on health human resource (HHR) migration, the empirical dimension of the health-worker crisis debate has remained void despite abundant theoretical literature. A health worker crisis is growing in the world. Shortages in health professionals are reaching staggering levels in many parts of the globe. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A quantile regression approach is used to examine the determinants of health-worker emigration throughout the conditional distributions of health-worker emigration. This provides an investigation of the determinants when existing emigrations levels matter. The author assesses the determinants of emigration in the health sector through-out the conditional distribution of HHR emigration. Findings – The findings have been presented in two main strands: when existing emigration levels are low and when existing emigration levels are high. In the former case (when existing emigration levels are low), wealth-effects have the following implications. First, while economic prosperity is a good tool against nurse brain drain in middle income countries (MICs), health expenditure is a good instrument against physician brain drain in low income countries (LICs). Second, whereas positive demographic change fuels the problem in LICs, it mitigates the issue in their MIC counterparts. Third, savings, government-effectiveness, foreign-aid and inflationary pressures only accentuate the problem for both income groups. Fourth, corruption-control becomes a vital tool for emigration-control in both income-brackets. Fifth, while trade openness mitigates physician emigration in LICs, financial openness has the opposite effect on nurse emigration. In the latter case (when existing immigration levels are high), the following conclusions have been drawn. First, While economic prosperity fights nurse emigration only in LICs, savings is a tool against physician emigration only in their MIC counterparts. Second, health expenditure and inflationary pressures are relevant tools in the battle against physician resource flight. Third, whereas, government effectiveness is an important policy measure for mitigating emigration in LICs, human development plays a similar role in MICs. Fourth, democracy, press-freedom, foreign-aid and financial openness fuel emigration in either income strata. Fifth, population growth and trade openness are important tools in the fight against brain-drain. Sixth, the HIV infection rate is a deterrent only to nurse emigration. Originality/value – This paper complements existing literature by empirically investigating the World Health Organization hypothetical determinants of health-worker migration in the context of globalization when income-levels matter. In plainer terms, the work explores how the wealth of exporting countries play-out in the determinants of HHR emigration.
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Burgard, Antoine. "‘The fight on educating the public to equal treatment for all will have to come later’: Jewish Refugee Activism and Anti-Immigration Sentiment in Immediate Post-War Canada." London Journal of Canadian Studies 34, no. 1 (November 14, 2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2019v34.006.
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Canadian immigration policy of the 1930s and 1940s was the most restrictive and selective in the country’s history, making it one of the countries to take the smallest number of Jewish refugees fleeing the Nazi persecution. After the war, Canada slowly opened its borders, but only through small token gestures in 1947 and 1948. This article explores how the main Canadian Jewish organization lobbied for the welcoming of more Jewish refugees and migrants in the immediate aftermath of the war. It examines how their perception of the public’s anti-Jewish immigrant sentiment and of the Canadian immigration policy’s discriminatory mechanisms informed their strategies. During that period, the Canadian Jewish Congress prioritized constant and subtle action with the government instead of trying to set up mass mobilization campaigns. This strategic shift is an overshadowed but essential chapter of both Jewish and human rights histories in Canada. This article invites a re-evaluation of Jewish activism’s role in ending ethnic selection in the Canadian immigration policy and promoting refugee rights. It contributes to broadening our understanding of how minority groups lobbied and worked with hostile media and authorities.
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Predojević-Despić, Jelena. "Labour migration, COVID-19 pandemic and the Western Balkans: Measures to encourage temporary, circular and return migration." Demografija, no. 18 (2021): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/demografija2118071p.
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The aim of this paper is to consider measures that contribute to the regulation of temporary and circular migration, as well as reintegration in the countries of the Western Balkans, which have long faced numerous and diverse challenges of labor emigration. Immediately after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, a large number of migrant workers returned to the countries of the Western Balkans. Migrant workers, especially those who are staying abroad temporarily, have faced sudden and numerous migration challenges, but they also want to return to work abroad as soon as the conditions are met. Therefore, in order to improve the position and protect the rights of international migrants as efficiently as possible in the future, it is necessary to develop measures that can complement the activities of the Western Balkan countries to regulate and encourage temporary and circular migration, as well as reintegration of migrant workers upon return. This is particularly important in the context of the complex challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, as the contribution of both highly-skilled and low-skilled foreign workers has been shown to be an integral part of the sustainability of the state system in immigration countries. They will increasingly direct immigration policies towards measures to attract the necessary foreign workers. Therefore, emigration countries should work on improving legislation, developing inter-institutional cooperation and strengthening the capacity of actors at both national and local levels of government and building an approach that includes cooperation of whole of government approach, including the scientific and civil sector. After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was shown that migration policy should rapidly develop measures that reduce the costs and negative effects of migration to the lowest possible level, both for migrants and their families who often remain in the country of origin.
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Ghanem, Rejean. "Canada - A Long Way To Go: The Designated Country of Origin Policy and Refugee Protection." Contemporary Kanata: Interdisciplinary Approaches To Canadian Studies, no. 1 (September 26, 2021): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2564-4661.23.
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The Designated Country of Origin (DCO) policy was a political response to unwanted migration in Canada. Adapted from Europe, Harper took a liking to the EU’s SCO policy after Canada received a large influx of Middle Eastern and Balkan refugees seeking asylum. He adapted it in Canada, renaming it Designated Country of Origin (DCO). Under the DCO, the government of Canada would decide if a refugee's country of origin was dangerous enough to be considered for asylum. If the asylum seekers country is determined as safe, that person would be disregarded and sent back to their country of origin. Many refugees who had already settled in Canada had their files reopened and were told to return to their country of origin. The DCO policy became an integral part of the refugee status determination process in Canada to which some regarded as faulty, inefficient, and unjust. In 2019, the SCO was deemed unconstitutional and violated The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Ahmed Hussen, Minister of Immigration, wanted to create an asylum system that was considered fair and efficient. While it is important for an asylum seeker to prove they are truthful about the facts of their case, the DCO policy represents a climate of hostility towards migrants in Canada. In this piece, it will be argued that the DCO policy is a discriminatory migration tool used to “weed out” what the government deems as fake migrants. This policy could deny international protection to those who are genuinely in need. The DCO proves that the nation has a misleading reputation of being welcoming to all who come. The DCO threatened the human rights of asylum seekers who sought refuge in Canada.
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Bohatyrets, Valentyna. "Embracing multiculturalism of Canada: the roots & the present-day realities." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.32-41.
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The paper provides the framework for embracing multiculturalism as a source of national identity, a political ‘profession de foi’, and an engine for a government to gain positive outcomes, leading to better immigrant integration and economic advantages for any country in the world. Noteworthy, Canadian federal policy of multiculturalism, since its official adoption in 1971, is witnessed to work stunningly and in contrast to developments elsewhere – in Canada, public support for multiculturalism is seeing unprecedented growth. Currently, the diversity of the Canadian populace is increasing faster than at any time in its history; Canada’s ethnic makeup has notably altered over the time due to changing immigration patterns. According to the latest poll findings, 84% of Canadians agree with the statement that ‘Canada’s multicultural makeup is one of the best things about this country’; 61% of Canadians believe multiculturalism ‘strengthens national identity’. Moreover, released data from Environics reveals that 27% of Canadians believe ‘multiculturalism is the one characteristic about Canada that most deserves to be celebrated on its upcoming 150thanniversary. Undeniably, people around the world tend to view Canada as “good”. Importantly, the election of Justin Trudeau is viewed as an excellent opportunity to invigorate brand Canada. Noteworthy, brand Justin Trudeau is currently composed of his belief in and promotion of the values of tolerance, equality and diversity. While recognizing the value for society of the human dignity inherent in each individual, Trudeau’s government aims to push beyond mere tolerance to mutual understanding and respect.
Keywords: Multiculturalism of Canada, immigration, digital diplomacy, brand, national identity, poll, ethnic groups
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Rudner, Martin, and Susan McLellan. "Canada's Economic Relations with Southeast Asia: Federal–Provincial Dimensions of Policy." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1990): 31–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00001165.
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In its reply to the Report of the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Representatives (The Hockin Committee) on Independence and Internationalism (1986), the Government of Canada reiterated its intention to treat the Asia-Pacific as ‘an area of concentration in the National Trade Strategy’ (Canada's International Relations, 1986, p. 60). Within the National Trade Strategy, significant attention is being given to the development of Canada's economic relationship with the countries of Southeast Asia, most notably the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) grouping. The policy mechanisms deployed to promote closer economic and social ties with Southeast Asian countries include those pertaining to international trade and finance, development assistance, transport, immigration and cultural relations.
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Vlasenko, Valerii. "Interwar Ukrainian Political Emigrants in Yugoslavia: Relations with the Authorities." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8.
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This article is devoted to the relationship between interwar Ukrainian political emigrants and local authorities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). A comparative analysis of the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards Russian and Ukrainian emigrants was conducted. The Russophilia of Yugoslav authorities, who viewed the Ukrainian question through the lense of the Russian emigrants, was described. The idea of Pan-Slavism had been spreading in the Balkans for a long time, which facilitated the legitimization of friendly relations between the southern Slavs (primarily Serbs) and Russians, whom Serbs considered as protectors from the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires. Yugoslavia sided with the anti-Bolshevik White Movement, an ally of the Entente, which had a positive impact on the situation of Russian emigrants. The young state was in need of professionals with a good command of foreign languages and European culture. Many emigrants met those requirements. Therefore, in the early 1920s, several thousands of emigrants worked in the public service. The reigning Karadjordjević dynasty had marital ties with the Romanov dynasty. A former Russian diplomat was among advisers to the king and the head of government. The immigration from the former Russian Empire was addressed by the Royal Court as well as several ministries and central government institutions. Direct support to the immigrants was provided by the State Commission for Assistance to Russian Refugees. Yugoslavia was a center of political and religious immigration for Russians and a provincial center for Ukrainian emigration. It is concluded that the Yugoslav authorities did not distinguish Ukrainians from Russian emigrants, therefore, any specific policy towards them was not carried out. The degree of interaction of Ukrainian emigrants with local authorities in Yugoslavia varied geographically (Slovenia and Croatia, on the one hand, and Serbia and Macedonia, on the other) and in time (in the first half of the 1920s and from the mid-1920s until the beginning of World War II). Keywords: authorities, emigration, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Yugoslavia.
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Privara, Andrej, and Eva Rievajová. "Migration governance in Slovakia during the COVID-19 crisis." Migration Letters 18, no. 3 (May 16, 2021): 331–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i3.1469.
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Foreign-born population in Slovakia has been growing steadily over recent years. Since 2018, foreigners from the so-called third countries have become dominant within the immigrant population. The migration crisis due to the Pandemic seems not affected the patterns of migration to Slovakia. We would argue that the need in Slovakia‘s domestic labour market affected immigration flows more than anything else. Before the outbreak of the COVID-19 Pandemic, due to emigration flows, there was a shortage of labour in the country. However, as a result of the restrictive measures taken by the government in response to the Pandemic, changes are taking place, which also has an impact on the employment of foreigners. During the Pandemic, several laws regulating the legal status of foreigners in the Slovak Republic have been amended. This article focuses on the legislative developments in shaping the Slovak migration policy in the near future.
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Dauvergne, Catherine. "Beyond Justice: The Consequences of Liberalism for Immigration Law." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 10, no. 2 (July 1997): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900001557.
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In November 1994 the Canadian government released its Immigration Plan for 1995 and an immigration and citizenship strategy mapping policy direction until the year 2000. This strategy, developed after extensive public consultations, was the government’s response to increasingly contentious public discourse about immigration. The 1994 document was the government’s attempt to reorient Canadian immigration law and policy. The 1996 and 1997 Immigration Plans, tabled in November 1995 and October 1996 respectively, are consistent with the five year plan announced in 1994, demonstrating that the change of direction set out in 1994 has met at least some of the government’s objectives.This paper assesses the reorientation of Canadian immigration law contained in the 1995 Immigration Plan and accompanying documents. Much of the public debate about immigration concerns whether current immigration levels and policies are fair, or just. As Canada is a liberal society, it is appropriate to begin the search for standards of fairness—or justice—in liberal theory. But because liberal theory presumes a community and then explores theories of fairness and justice within that community, it does not yield a standard of justice which is useful for assessing changes in immigration law. Nor, I argue, can liberalism’s tenets be extrapolated to address this question. This conclusion leads to insights about the role of immigration law in liberal society and points to particular ways to assess this law. While other theoretical paradigms may contain ways of determining the fairness of immigration law, such paradigms are less useful in the Canadian setting, where liberal discourse is hegemonic and hence is the language in which debates about immigration law must take place to be immediately politically relevant. The first half of this paper examines liberal theory’s failure to address the justice of immigration laws, and evaluates attempts to extend classical liberalism to meet this challenge.
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Kozachuk, Oleh. "National Question in the U.S. and Canada’s Domestic Politics: Conclusions from the Comparative Analysis." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.122-127.
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The conclusions of the research «National Question in the U.S. and Canada’s Domestic Politics: Comparative Analysis» are proposed for consideration here. For the first time in Ukrainian political science, a cross-national comparison of the USA and Canada in the context of the analysis of the national question was carried out. Namely, its essence was clarified, the peculiarities of multicultural practices in the USA and Canada (cultural pluralism and multiculturalism) were analyzed, and an analysis of ethno-racial discrimination and ethnic mobilization was conducted. The research methodologically conceptualized and developed a comparative political study of interethnic interactions with the use of a research strategy for comparing most similar systems (for example, the USA and Canada). The case study method has been substantiated and applied, involving the method of structural and focused comparison as a tool of cross-national research (for example, the USA and Canada), and also proved that the method can be effective in comparative political science. In the research, the indexation of immigration policy was conceptualized, and a scientific apparatus (a logical sequence of conceptualization, measurement and aggregation) for further cross-national studies in which the object is the national question in general and the migration policy in particular was developed. The theoretical results of the research can be used for the further design of models of binary implicit comparison of similar states. The case study method has not yet been properly applied in Ukrainian political science; therefore, the method proposed by the author for a structured and focused comparison of cases can be useful for both scholars and practitioners when comparing phenomena and processes. The author proposed the concept and design of a study of the already forgotten issues of the national question, which has been proven not to be outdated even in such advanced polyethnic states as the USA and Canada. The scientific results obtained by the author can be used by subjects of internal policy, first of all in the practice of public authorities. The proposed method of indexing immigration policy can serve scholars, legislators, government officials, and employees of the executive authorities to carry out cross-national and/or cross-temporal comparisons.
Keywords: national question, new institutionalism, case study, structural and focused comparison, immigration, ethno-racial discrimination.
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Phillips, Dana. "Ishaq v Canada: “Social Science Facts” in Feminist Interventions." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 35 (May 30, 2018): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v35i0.5271.
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This article examines the role of social science in feminist intervener advocacy, focusing on the 2015 case ofIshaq v Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration). InIshaq, a Muslim woman challenged a Canadian government policy requiring her to remove her niqab while reciting the citizenship oath. The Federal Court of Appeal dismissed several motions for intervention by feminist and other equality-seeking organizations, emphasizing their improper reliance on unproven social facts and social science research. I argue that this decision departs from the generous approach to public interest interventions sanctioned by the federal and other Canadian courts. More importantly, the Court’s characterization of the intervener submissions as relying on “social science facts” that must be established through the evidentiary record diminishes the capacity of feminist interveners to effectively support equality and access to justice for marginalized groups in practice.
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Bataille, Philippe. "The racism scene and the multicultural project: Quebec as an example." Social Science Information 37, no. 2 (June 1998): 381–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901898037002008.
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In crisis-ridden social and cultural contexts, racism tends to be translated into action. This article, based on a study of Quebec in particular, looks at the political option of multiculturalism as a possible institutional and political response to racism. When the different levels of political organization of a society - in the present case, the Federal Government of Canada and the Provincial State of Quebec - are divided ideologically, a policy such as multiculturalism, conceived as a political means of handling immigration, is transformed into a political issue, generating a peculiar type of political crisis which in turn nourishes the cultural crisis. At this point, neither the control of immigration nor its management by the political structures can any longer subdue racist reflexes, which undermine the principle of cultural convergence inscribed in the preamble to the multicultural project.
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Witalec, Robert. "Porozumienie Stronnictw Demokratycznych 1948-1950 – próba konsolidacji polskiej emigracji politycznej." Studia Historyczne 61, no. 2 (242) (December 31, 2018): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.02.04.
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Agreement of Democratic Parties in the Years 1948-1950 – an Attempt to Consolidate the Milieu of Polish Political Immigration
After his arrival to London in 1947, Stanisław Mikołajczyk undertook endeavors to form a national committee, which would be a projection of the World War II quadruple agreement, which brought together Polish Peasant Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe), Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna), Labor Party (Stronnictwo Pracy) and National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe). The creation of the Agreement of Democratic Parties was to be the initial step towards the future cooperation and functioning. Yet the National Party was not interested in such cooperation and the Agreement turned out to be a weak entity, unable to conduct active policy among Polish emigration. Differences between parties proved to be too big a barrier, among others regarding the question of the legality of Polish government in exile. The final blow to Mikołajczyk’s concept was the creation of Political Council by National Party, Polish Socialist Party and the Polish Liberty Movement “Independence and Democracy” (Polski Ruch Wolnościowy „Niepodległość i Demokracja”).
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Hjalmarson, Elise. "Sentenced for the season: Jamaican migrant farmworkers on Okanagan orchards." Race & Class 63, no. 4 (November 18, 2021): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968211054856.
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Despite perfunctory characterisation of Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) as a ‘triple win’, scholars and activists have long admonished its lack of government oversight, disrespect for migrant rights and indentureship of foreign workers. This article contends that the SAWP is predicated upon naturalised, deeply engrained and degrading beliefs that devalue Black lives and labour. Based on twenty months’ ethnographic fieldwork in the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia, Canada, it reveals the extent to which anti-Black racism permeates, organises and frustrates workers’ lives on farms and in local communities. It situates such experiences, which workers characterise as ‘prison life’, in the context of anti-Black immigration policy and the workings of racial capitalism. This ethnography of Caribbean migrants not only adds perspective to scholarship hitherto focused on the experiences of Latino workers, but it also reinforces critical work on anti-Black racism in contemporary Canada.
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Depatie-Pelletier, Eugénie, Hannah Deegan, and Katherine Berze. "Band-Aid on a Bullet Wound—Canada’s Open Work Permit for Vulnerable Workers Policy." Laws 11, no. 3 (April 20, 2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11030036.
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In June 2019, the Government of Canada implemented the Open work permit for vulnerable workers (OWP-V) policy, authorizing immigration officers to issue open work permits to migrant workers on employer-specific work permits if they demonstrate reasonable grounds to believe that they are experiencing abuse or are at risk of abuse in their workplace. Drawing on research conducted by a community organization on the impact of the policy, this article examines the policy’s potential to remedy the problematic effects of the employer-specific work permit and whether it has been implemented efficiently. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with organizations that provide direct legal and social support to migrant workers in Canada. Additionally, two datasets regarding the role of the OWP-V policy in IRCC’s employer compliance regime were analyzed. The research concludes that the OWP-V policy cannot be expected to counteract the high risk of abuse imposed on workers through the employer-specific work permit. Numerous barriers were identified that make it difficult for migrant workers to apply for the permit. The small number of OWP-V permits issued in proportion to the number of employers authorized to hire migrant workers makes it unlikely that the policy will significantly impact employers’ propensity to comply with the program conditions.
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Atak, Idil, Graham Hudson, and Delphine Nakache. "Policing Canada’s Refugee System: A Critical Analysis of the Canada Border Services Agency." International Journal of Refugee Law 31, no. 4 (December 2019): 464–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eez040.
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Abstract The officers of the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) play pivotal roles at various stages in Canada’s refugee system, making decisions that are life-changing for asylum seekers. This article examines the evolving institutional setting and processes that define the CBSA’s enforcement policy and its consequences for asylum seekers in Canada. Drawing on the findings of field-research, conducted between October 2015 and May 2018 in three Canadian provinces (Ontario, British Columbia, and Quebec), it argues that the Agency operates in a specific social universe heavily shaped by the post-9/11 geopolitical context of the criminalization of migration. This situation has been exacerbated by the major overhaul of Canada’s refugee system, undertaken by the previous Conservative government in 2012. The article further contends that the way the CBSA has been involved in refugee status determination turns Canada’s refugee system into an adversarial and unfair process for some groups of asylum seekers. To that end, it highlights the CBSA’s policies in three areas: eligibility determination, front-end security screening of refugee claimants, and ministerial interventions at the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada.
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Bavery, Ashley Johnson. "“Crashing America’s Back Gate”: Illegal Europeans, Policing, and Welfare in Industrial Detroit, 1921-1939." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 239–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216655791.
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Between 1921 and 1939, the border separating Detroit, Michigan, from Windsor, Canada, represented a key site for undocumented immigration on America’s northern border, and the migrants in question were European. This essay examines industrial urban America in the wake of 1921 and 1924 Immigration Acts to reveal the effects of restriction and policing on America’s emerging welfare state. It finds that in Detroit, after federal policies gave nativism the force of the law, local smuggling, policing, and enforcement practices branded foreign-born Europeans as illegal regardless of their legal status. During the New Deal Era, when the federal government built America’s welfare system, the stakes for belonging to the nation-state became higher than ever. In this moment of transition, local actors drew on rhetoric connecting foreigners to crime and dependence to urge federal policymakers to tie welfare benefits to citizenship. These local initiatives in Detroit and across the nation prompted the federal government to purge non-citizens from the Works Progress Administration, the new welfare program most associated with dependence and relief. Ultimately, this essay argues that a shift in national mood about foreignness in urban America took hold of the United States in the 1920s and shaped federal welfare policy by the 1930s.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Maryasis, D. A. "Israel and Migration of High Skilled Workforce: Brain Drain and the Possibility of Replenishing the Market with High-Quality Human Capital." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-201-215.
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International labor migration is one of the most important elements of the modern global economy. Amid growing knowledge economy, migration of highly skilled specialists plays an increasingly important role. For Israel, as an immigrant society, migration issues have been of paramount importance since the early days of the independent state. However, in the first decades the discussion focused mainly around the influence of immigrants on the economic development of the country and identification of the most effective ways to adapt immigrants. At present, the Israeli economic model is built in such a way that the institutions of the knowledge economy are at its core, that requires a significant amount of labor with an appropriate level of skills. At the same time, today Israel witnesses emigration of such specialists, mainly to the United States. This paper is devoted to the analysis of the current situation. The article substantiates the relevance of the chosen topic not only for Israel, but also for other economically developed countries and gives a brief bibliographic review in the field. Next, the author analyzes the tendencies of high skilled work force immigration to Israel at the present stage through the analysis of the supply and demand in the country's labor market in the high-tech sector and assessment of the government programs created to attract foreign non-Jewish specialists to the country which appear to be not effective. The article also deals with the problems of emigration of high skilled workers from Israel. An overview of the magnitude of the phenomenon is given based on international comparisons; main reasons of the trend are identified and analyzed; government programs for the return of compatriots are assessed. It is argued that Israel should pursue a more effective policy to attract highly skilled non-Jewish immigrants into the country, which will fully realize the existing positive externalities and dampen the problem of brain drain.
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Wach, Dominik, and Marta Pachocka. "Polish Cities and Their Experience in Integration Activities – The Case of Warsaw." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no. 2 (July 26, 2022): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.6.
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In recent years, the issues of integration – related on the one hand to people referred to as foreigners, immigrants, newcomers, etc. – and on the other hand to host societies – have been gaining importance in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, including Poland. Before the political and socio-economic transformation at the turn of the 1980s and the 1990s, it was a country relatively closed to international migration. Only in the early 1990s did it open up to migration fl ows. That was also the time when the state’s policy in this area had been gradually emerging. The preparations for EU membership enforced the process of developing a national migration policy. Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004 and to the Schengen zone in 2007 saw its full involvement in EU migration governance in terms of internal and external policies, and thus the further europeanisation of national law, public policy, and practices in the field of migration management. Recent years have seen a change in Poland’s migration status, which has now become an emigration-immigration state, and the near future may bring about its transition into a new immigration state, especially in connection with the influx of large numbers of forced migrants from Ukraine since the end of February 2022. At the time of writing, that is mid-2022, Poland does not have a formalised integration policy at the central level. National law provides integration measures only for benefi ciaries of international protection (persons with refugee status and subsidiary protection), which concerns a very small group of foreigners. However, the last two decades have seen increased involvement at the local government level (especially in cities) in integration. This is a process taking place in local communities with the support of other actors such as NGOs, informal associations, or universities. One such example is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, where the largest number of migrants, both voluntary and forced, live. This paper aims to explore the selected practices undertaken by some of Warsaw’s municipal institutions and offi ces, which can be treated as an important part of the local integration policy and which could be a role model for other cities less experienced in immigrant integration.
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Urteaga Olano, Eguzki. "Envejecimiento de la población, desarrollo económico y política de inmigración en Francia." Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales, no. 26 (April 8, 2011): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_ais/ais.200826337.
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Este artículo se pregunta si: ¿la política migratoria restrictiva elaborada y puesta en marcha por el gobierno francés, a través de la aceleración de las salidas y de la reducción de las entradas, que pretende reducir el número de inmigrantes y favorecer une inmigración de trabajo tratando de atraer a los más cualificados, permitirá hacer frente a los nuevos retos impuestos por el envejecimiento de la población, el aumento de la mortalidad y la disminución de la población activa? Defendemos la hipótesis según la cual, esta política carece de sentido en un contexto caracterizado por un bajo saldo migratorio, porque la llegada continua pero reducida de inmigrantes no compensa el envejecimiento de la población, provocará una falta de mano de obra, un declive de la actividad económica y una crisis del sistema de pensiones, por el aumento de los jubilados y el descenso de la población activa. Más allá, se repercutirá tanto en el crecimiento económico como en el Estado de Bienestar. A pesar de estos datos, el gobierno francés se empeña en aplicar su política de inmigración en razón de las ideas de los gobernantes, de la presión de la extrema derecha y de la visión cortoplazista de los cargos electos.This article asks whether the restrictive policy on migration drawn up and implemented by the French government speeding up emigration and reducing immigration in an effort to reduce the number of immigrants and encourage an immigrant workforce, in an attempt to attract more skilled workers, will enable them to overcome the new challenges imposed by the ageing of the population, the increase in the mortality rate and the reduction of the active population.We defend the hypothesis that this policy does not make any sense in a context characterised by a low balance of migration, because the constant albeit reduced stream of immigrants arriving in the country is no compensation for the ageing population. It will lead to a lack of manpower, a decline in economic activity and a crisis in the pension system, because of the increase in the number of pensioners and the slump in the active population. Beyond that, it will have repercussions on both economic growth and on the Welfare State. Despite these facts, the French government is set on applying its policy on immigration in line with the ideas of the people in power, of the pressure from the extreme right and of the short-term view of the politicians.
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Lee, Rennie. "How do coethnic communities matter for educational attainment? A comparative analysis of the United States and Canada." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 2 (April 2018): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218767486.
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The United States and Canada represent two of the largest immigrant-receiving countries. Although both countries have long histories of receiving immigrants, they are viewed differently in their abilities to integrate immigrants and their children. A popular and reoccurring narrative is Canada’s greater ability to integrate immigrants and their children compared with the United States. One possible explanation is that coethnic communities in Canada are more visible and supported by government funding than coethnic communities in the United States, which may differentially affect the outcomes of immigrants’ children in the two countries. Using nationally representative data from the Sensitive General Social Survey and Ethnic Diversity Survey, this study examines the effects of coethnic community, national origin group, and individual characteristics on educational attainment in the United States and Canada. This study utilizes differences in coethnic community and national origin group effects to understand institutional differences between the two countries. In particular, it finds that coethnic community education has a positive effect in both countries, but the effects for coethnic community income and educational selectivity differ. This study suggests that differences in coethnic community income and educational selectivity may be due to differences in immigration policy, which shape the types of settlement challenges and sources of support that immigrants and their children encounter upon arrival.
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Houle, France. "Consultation During Rule-Making: A Case Study of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Regulation." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 28, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v28i2.4506.
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Since it prescribed its first regulatory policy in 1986, the Federal government implemented a consultation process with stakeholders and the general public during the rule-making process. This process is not legally mandatory (unlike in the province of Quebec). However, failure to conduct a consultation process results in an administrative sanction: the refusal to approve the new regulation by Cabinet. This article reports on the results of an empirical research project we conducted in 2004 within the Immigration Division of the Citizenship and Immigration Canada Department [CIC]. Our general research question was exploratory in nature. We wanted to know how CIC civil servants understood their obligation to consult with citizens. Our case-study indicates that it is difficult to implement a consultative culture within a department that has a strong long-term commitment to protect the integrity of the Canadian territory.Depuis la mise en oeuvre de sa toute première politique réglementaire en 1986, l’administration publique fédérale consulte les parties prenantes et le public en général lors de l’élaboration d’un projet de règlement. Ces politiques n’ont pas pour effet de rendre la consultation légalement obligatoire (comme au Québec), mais administrativement obligatoire. La sanction du non-respect de cette obligation résulte en le refus par le Cabinet d’approuver le nouveau règlement. Dans cet article, nous faisons rapport sur les résultats d’une recherche empirique que nous avons menée en 2004 avec la section de l’immigration du ministère de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration du Canada [CIC]. Notre question générale de recherche était de nature exploratoire : nous voulions savoir comment les fonctionnaires de CIC comprenaient l’obligation qui leur était faite de consulter les citoyens. Notre étude de cas indique qu’il est difficile d’implanter une culture de consultation dans un ministère dont la mission est, depuis longtemps, de protéger l’intégrité du territoire canadien.
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Dahal, Rudra, Jessica Naidu, Bishnu Bahadur Bajgain, Kalpana Thapa Bajgain, Kamala Adhikari, Nashit Chowdhury, and Tanvir C. Turin. "Patient-Identified Solutions to Primary Care Access Barriers in Canada: The Viewpoints of Nepalese Immigrant Community Members." Journal of Primary Care & Community Health 13 (January 2022): 215013192211417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21501319221141797.
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Background: Accessing healthcare for immigrants in Canada is complicated by many difficulties. With the continued and upward trend of immigration to Canada, it is crucial to identify the solutions to the barriers from the perspectives of different immigrant communities as they encounter them including the relatively smaller and less studied population groups of immigrants. As such, Nepalese immigrants in Canada are a South Asian ethnic group who have their own distinct language, culture, and socio-economic backgrounds, however, their experience with accessing healthcare in Canada is scarce in the literature. Methods: We conducted 12 focus group discussions with first-generation Nepalese immigrants who had experiences with primary care use in Canada. Informed consent and demographic information were obtained before each focus group discussion. The verbatim transcription of the focus groups was analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: The participants expressed a range of potential solutions to overcome the barriers, which we presented using the socio-ecological framework into 4 different levels. This includes individual-, community-, service provider-, and government/policy-levels. Individual-level actions included improving self-awareness and knowledge of health in general and navigating the healthcare system and proactively improving the language skills and assimilating into the Canadian culture. Examples of community-level actions included community events to share health information with immigrants, health literacy programs, and driving/carpooling to clinics or hospitals. Actions at the service provider level were mainly focused on enhancing communications, cultural competency training for providers, and ensuring to hire primary care workforce representing various ethnocultural backgrounds. Overall, focus group participants believed that the provincial and federal government, as appropriate, should increase support for dental and vision care support and take actions to increase the healthcare capacity, particularly by employing internationally graduated health professionals. Conclusions: Access to primary care is essential for the health of immigrant populations in Canada. Individuals, community organizations, health service providers, and governments need to work both individually and collaboratively to improve immigrants’ primary care access.
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Nistor, Adela, and Diana Reianu. "Determinants of housing prices: evidence from Ontario cities, 2001-2011." International Journal of Housing Markets and Analysis 11, no. 3 (June 4, 2018): 541–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhma-08-2017-0078.
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Purpose This paper aims to present a panel data econometric model of the main determinants of house prices in the ten largest census metropolitan areas (CMA) in Ontario, Canada, for the years 2001, 2006 and 2011. The impact of immigration on the housing market in Canada is little researched; however, immigration plays an important role into the economy of Canada. According to Statistics Canada, not only is immigration key to Canada’s population growth but also without immigration, in the next 20 years, Canada’s population growth will be zero. The motivation for this study is the bursting of housing bubbles in some developed countries (e.g. USA). The authors analyze variables that are related to the immigration policy in Canada, accounting also for the impact of the interest rate, income, unemployment, household size and housing supply to analyze housing price determinants. The study investigates the magnitude of the impact of the top three leading categories of immigrants to Canada, namely, Chinese, Indian and Filipino, on the housing prices in Ontario’s largest cities. The results show the main factors that explain home prices over time that are interest rate, immigration, unemployment rate, household size and income. Over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, immigration grew by 400 per cent in Toronto CMA, the largest receiving area in Ontario, while the nonimmigrant population grew by 14 per cent. For Toronto CMA, immigrants, income, unemployment rate and interest rate explain the CA$158,875 average home price increase over the 2001-2011 time period. Out of this, the three categories of immigrants’ share of total home price increase is 54.57 per cent, with the corresponding interest rate share 58.60 per cent and income share 11.32 per cent of the total price growth. Unemployment rate contributes negatively to the housing price and its share of the total price increase is 24.49 per cent. Design/methodology/approach The framework for the empirical analysis applies the hedonic pricing model theory to housing sales prices for the ten largest CMAs in Ontario over the years 2001-2011. Following Akbari and Aydede (2012) and O’Meara (2015), market clearing in the housing market results in the housing price as a function of several housing attributes. The authors selected the housing attributes based on data availability for the Canadian Census years of 2001, 2006 and 2011 and the variables that have been most used in the literature. The model has the average housing prices as the dependent variable, and the independent variables are: immigrants per dwelling (Chinese, Indian, and Filipino), unemployment rate, average employment income, household size, housing supply and the interest rate. To capture the relative scarcity of dwellings, the independent variable immigrants per dwelling was used. Findings This study seems to suggest that one cause of high prices in Ontario is large inflows of immigrants together with low mortgage interest rate. The authors focused their attention on Toronto CMA, as it is the main destination of immigrants and comprises the largest cities, including Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton and Oakville. Looking over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, the authors can see the factors that impact the home prices in Toronto CMA: immigration, unemployment rate, household size, interest rate and income. Over the period of 10 years from 2001 to 2011, immigrants’ group from China, India and the Philippines account for CA$86,701 increase in the home price (54.57 per cent share of the total increase). Income accounts for CA$17,986 increase in the home price (11.32 per cent share); interest rate accounts for CA$93,103 of the average home price increase in Toronto CMA (58.60 per cent share); and unemployment rate accounts for CA$38,916 decrease in the Toronto average home prices (24.49 per cent share). Household size remain stable over time in Toronto (2.8 average household size) and does not have a contribution to home price change. All these four factors, interest rate, immigrants, unemployment rate and income, together explain CA$158,875 increase in home prices in Toronto CMA between 2001 and 2011. Practical implications The housing market price analysis may be more complex, and there may be factors impacting the housing prices extending beyond immigration, interest rate, income and household size. Finally, the results of this paper can be extended to include the most recent census data for the year 2016 to reflect more accurately the price situation in the housing market for Ontario cities. Social implications The fact that currently, in 2017, the young working population cannot afford buying a property in the Toronto CMA area means there is a problem with this market and a corresponding decrease in the quality of life. According to The Globe and Mail (July 2017), a new pool in 2017 suggested that two in five Canadians believe housing in this country is not affordable for them. Further, 38 per cent of respondents who consider themselves middle or upper class believe in no affordability of housing. The Trudeau Government promised Canadians a national housing strategy for affordable housing. Designing a national housing strategy may be challenging because it has to account for the differential income ranges across regions. Municipal leaders are asking the government to prioritize repair and construct new affordable housing. Another reason discussed in the media of the unaffordability of housing in Toronto and Vancouver is foreign buyers. The Canadian Government recently implemented a tax measure on what it may seem the housing bubble problem: foreign buyers. Following Vancouver, in April 2017, Ontario Government imposed a 15 per cent tax on foreign buyers who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents. This tax is levied on houses purchased in the area stretching from Niagara Region and Greater Toronto to Peterborough. Originality/value Few studies use Canadian data to explain house prices and analyze the effect of immigration on housing prices. There is not much research on the effect of the immigrants and immigrants’ ethnicity (e.g., Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants), on the housing prices in Canada cities. This study investigates the impact of the most prevalent immigrant races (e.g., from China, India and the Philippines) on housing prices, using data for Canadian major cities in Ontario within a panel data econometric framework. This paper fills this gap and contributes to the literature, which analyzes the determinants of housing prices based on a panel of cities in the Canadian province of Ontario.
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Stankiewicz, Wojciech. "Integracja emigrantów muzułmańskich ze społeczeństwem przyjmującym na przykładzie Francji." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 36 (February 18, 2022): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.008.
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Incorporating Muslim Migrants in the West: The French Model of IntegrationThe Muslim emigration to France is connected with many social, religious and political problems. The worshippers of Islam were admitted to settle, but not to integrate with French society and the national economy. Although, according to the French scheme of integration, all people are equal before the law and it is unlawful to emphasise differences, life in France does not reflect the Republican idea any more, and instead of creating the French nation as one community, a multicultural society unable to assimilate newcomers is being born.There are numerous stereotypes in French society that push aside Algerians and Moroccans, especially those living in the suburbs, and put them in conflict with the French legal system. This approach should change and the French must cease perceiving Muslims as strangers and realise they are lawful citizens, an inseparable part of their everyday life. The successive generations of Muslim immigrants should no longer be pushed to the margins of social life because of their ethnic origin, name, religion, and culture.The violent riots in France in 2005 and 2007, however, were caused not only by cultural conflict but also by the recession of the French economy. The main problem in the French suburbs is the high level of unemployment (40%) caused by the numerous meanders of the immigration policy. Instead of facilitating employment for immigrants, the government demands special professional training even for jobs which do not require such qualifications.
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Mina, Noula. "Taming and Training Greek “Peasant Girls” and the Gendered Politics of Whiteness in Postwar Canada: Canadian Bureaucrats and Immigrant Domestics, 1950s–1960s." Canadian Historical Review 102, s3 (September 1, 2021): s854—s875. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s3-014.
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Drawing on the voluminous government records as well as selective interviews in a large oral history archive created over several years, this article explores Canada’s recruitment of Greek female domestics in the 1950s and early 1960s within the context of the feminist scholarship on female labour schemes as well as more recent whiteness literature on the in-between racial status of peripheral Europeans. In considering the contradictory features of a large but little-known labour scheme through which more than ten thousand Greek women arrived, many of them before their families, it documents the role of the bureaucrats – who envisioned the domestics’ transformation into models of modern domesticity while portraying them as victims of their patriarchal communities and manipulators of Canadian immigration policy – and that of the women who negotiated various challenges. To account for the scheme’s remarkable longevity, a key argument probes the mix of factors that repositioned a traditionally non-preferred Southern European group of women into a desirable white source of immigrant labour and future Canadian motherhood. Ultimately, Greek women enjoyed a racial privilege and mobility not afforded to later arriving women from the Caribbean and Philippines.
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Lin, Yuanfang, Xuezhu Wang, and Tirtha Dhar. "Impact of Information on Food Stocking during Early Period of COVID-19 Outbreak: Survey Exploration between Canada and US Consumers." International Business Research 14, no. 2 (January 21, 2021): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v14n2p72.
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We summarize the exploration results from a survey study that asks Canada and U.S. consumers questions related to their acquisition and processing of information related to the COVID-19 pandemic, situation assessment at the beginning of outbreak, as well as food shopping and stocking behavior during the lockdown. Our analyses identified unique factors influencing consumers’ situation assessment and stockpiling decisions that are going along with the emerging social and cultural trends over the past two decades. These include the wide reach of internet-based media, multiple sources of information in terms of different media types, media languages as well as communication across country borders towards an individual’s immigration and other ethnicity background. Information obtained from social media sources is found to have statistically different impact on the initial situation assessment between Canada and U.S. customers. But learning COVID-19 news from non-English media source significantly increases the seriousness perception of consumers from both countries. Information acquisition from multiple language sources also makes a Canadian customer more likely to stockpiling food items. Consumers’ food stocking behavior from both countries are under the influence of societal and economic factors such as job security. Findings from our research contribute to the ongoing global efforts in mitigating COVID-19’s negative impact by generating effective policy and strategic recommendations for government and business communities to implement collaborative and constructive actions under the global pandemic.
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Hilde, Rosalie K., and Albert Mills. "Making critical sense of discriminatory practices in the Canadian workplace." critical perspectives on international business 11, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-09-2012-0042.
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Purpose – This paper aims to report on a preliminary study of how professionally qualified immigrants from Hong Kong to Canada make sense of their experiences, particularly workplace opportunities. Design/methodology/approach – The study is framed by a Critical Sensemaking approach, involving in-depth interviews with 12 informants from the Hong Kong Chinese community and discursive analysis (Foucault, 1979) of the local and formative contexts in which they are making sense of workplace opportunities. Findings – The findings suggest that a dominant discourse of “integration” strongly influences the way that professionally qualified immigrants come to accept the unchallenged assumptions that the government is providing help for them to “get in”; and that ethnic service organizations are offering positive guidance to the immigrants’ workplace goals and opportunities. Immigrants’ identity and self-worth are measured by whether they “get in” – integrate – into so-called mainstream society. The effect of this hidden discourse has been to marginalize some immigrants in relation to workplace opportunities. Research limitations/implications – The interplay of structural (i.e. formative contexts and organizational rules), socio-psychological (i.e. sensemaking properties) and discursive contexts (e.g. discourses of immigration) are difficult to detail over time. The interplay – although important – is difficult to document and trace over a relatively short period of time and may, more appropriately lend itself to more longitudinal research. Practical implications – This paper strongly suggests that we need to move beyond structural accounts to capture the voice and agency of immigrants. In particular, as we have tried to show, the sensemaking and sensemaking contexts in which immigrants find themselves provide important insights to the immigrant experience. Social implications – This paper suggests widespread policy implications, with a call for greater use of qualitative methods in the study of immigrant experience. It is suggested that policymakers need to move beyond uniform and structural approaches to immigration. How selected immigrants in context make sense of their experiences and how this can help to identify improved policies need to be understood. Originality/value – This paper is original in going beyond both structural and psychological accounts of immigration. Through the developing method of Critical Sensemaking, the study combines a focus on structure and social psychology and their interplay. Thus, providing insights not only to the broad discriminatory practices that so-called non-White immigrants face in Canada (and likely other industrial societies) but how these are made sense of. The study is also unique in attempting to fuse sensemaking and discourse analysis to show the interaction between individual sensemaking in the context of dominant discourses.
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Flores-Yeffal, Nadia Y., and Karen A. Pren. "Predicting Unauthorized Salvadoran Migrants’ First Migration to the United States between 1965 and 2007." Journal on Migration and Human Security 6, no. 2 (June 2018): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502418765404.
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Although Salvadoran emigration to the United States is one of the most important migratory flows emanating from Latin America, there is insufficient information about the predictors of first unauthorized migration from El Salvador to the United States. In this study, we use data from the Latin American Migration Project–El Salvador (LAMP-ELS4) to perform an event history analysis to discern the factors that influenced the likelihood that a Salvadoran household head would take a first unauthorized trip to the United States between 1965 and 2007. We take into account a series of demographic, social capital, human capital, and physical capital characteristics of the Salvadoran household head; demographic and social context variables in the place of origin; as well as economic and border security factors at the place of destination. Our findings suggest that an increase in the Salvadoran civil violence index and a personal economic crisis increased the likelihood of first-time unauthorized migration. Salvadorans who were less likely to take a first unauthorized trip were business owners, those employed in skilled occupations, and persons with more years of experience in the labor force. Contextual variables in the United States, such as a high unemployment rate and an increase in the Border Patrol budget, deterred the decision to take a first unauthorized trip. Finally, social capital had no effect on the decision to migrate; this means that for unauthorized Salvadoran migrants, having contacts in the United States is not the main driver to start a migration journey to the United States. We suggest as policy recommendations that the United States should award Salvadorans more work-related visas or asylum protection. For those Salvadorans whose Temporary Protected Status (TPS) has ended, the United States should allow them to apply for permanent residency. The decision not to continue to extend TPS to Salvadorans will only increase the number of unauthorized immigrants in the United States. The United States needs to revise its current immigration policies, which make it a very difficult and/or extremely lengthy process for Salvadorans and other immigrants to regularize their current immigration status in the United States. Furthermore, because of our research findings, we recommend that the Salvadoran government — to discourage out-migration — invest in high-skilled job training and also offer training and credit opportunities to its population to encourage business ventures.
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Solonska, Nataliia, and Galina Borysovych. "POSITION OF THE UKRAINIAN-CANADIAN SCIENTIST JAROSLAV RUDNYTSKYJ IN THE SETTELMENT OF THE LANGUAGE CONFLICT OF IMMIGRANTS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.16.
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The article analyzes one of the problems of personal relations belonging to the ethnic minority of the immigration community and the English- and French-speaking majority of the elite nation of the country of new immigrants, highlights the problem of preserving the national identity of Ukrainians in the Canadian diaspora through persistent, consistent and tolerant steps. Ukrainian linguist, folklorist, Slavist, librarian, organizer of science, teacher, public figure, Professor J. Rudnytsky in opposition to the linguistic assimilation of his own people; the principledness of the scientist in resolving the linguistic conflict, which gave a positive solution for both parties - Canada and the Ukrainian diaspora. The importance of the civic position and significant potential opportunities to influence the official circles of the country, government commissions, committees, international organizations and public opinion of authoritative intellectual work in society and academia, which, using historically sound evidence, proves the objectivity of his point of view. in this way he protects the national dignity of his people, their ancient and rich culture and defends his moral principles and beliefs. A bibliographic review of J. Rudnytsky's scientific work was carried out, where on the basis of historically balanced facts, historical-political, linguistic analysis he investigated the essence of language assimilation, which is equal to the destruction of national identity. It is shown that lexicographical works, conclusions from them gave the scientist a basis to win the struggle for the Constitutional recognition of the Ukrainian language in Canada, which supported the policy of official languages and multiculturalism in the country. It is emphasized that scientific conclusions gave the scientist the opportunity to summarize and summarize the research and became the basis for the introduction into public circulation of a capacious definition - linguocide (language murder), which is now widely used in scientific works.
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Chanda, Saoli, Mahadev Bhat, Kateel G. Shetty, and Krishnaswamy Jayachandran. "Technology, Policy, and Market Adaptation Mechanisms for Sustainable Fresh Produce Industry: The Case of Tomato Production in Florida, USA." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 25, 2021): 5933. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13115933.
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Tomato (Solanum lycopersicum L.) is an important vegetable crop in Florida, a state located in the south-eastern region of the United States. The state is the second largest producer of tomatoes in the country and contributes to almost 90% of the domestic winter tomato supplies. However, tomato farmers in Florida have come under increasing pressure due to climate changes, foreign imports, and rising production costs. The purpose of this paper is to analyze whether Florida tomato growers will continue to sustain their production given the seasonal and geographic production advantage, yet against various internal and external threats emerging throughout the fresh produce supply chain. We developed our study on a multi-disciplinary conceptual model of network (supply chain) relationship and primary and secondary data gathered from various stakeholders and the literature. We found that Florida farmers have done remarkably well by adapting to warming temperatures and changing consumer expectations about environmental sustainability and responsible labor practices. However, foreign competition, labor shortage, the rising costs of inputs, extreme weather events (hurricanes), and pests and diseases due to humid climate continue to affect the sustainability of the Florida tomato production. Our paper suggests various farm-, market-, and institution-level adaptation mechanisms for preventing the regional production advantage of the Florida tomato industry from eroding. Newer immigration laws are necessary for easing the labor situation. In order to have a level playing field with respect to the use of protected agriculture technology such as in Mexico and Canada, U.S. farmers in general and Florida farmers in particular need government support. Florida farmers need to diversify their fresh produce market strategies, finding new product streams. There is also a need for reforming the product certification landscape, which some growers find cumbersome and cost prohibitive. Growers may gain from being better able to convey to consumers the information regarding their effort put into environmental sustainability, workers welfare, and safe food.
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Lilienthal, Gary. "People Trafficking and Smuggling Crimes in Australia: A Critical Analysis of State Intent." Issues in Legal Scholarship 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ils-2016-0249.
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AbstractThis article’s objective is to expose the rhetorical source of the heavy irony in Australia’s immigration detention regime. The observer might wonder why an isolated and vast land could be so concerned at, and afraid of, small groups of “boat people.” Therefore, the paper poses the question as to what reasoning and public policy purposes might underlie the successful public rhetoric vilifying “boat people,” creating the construct of “people smuggling” and demanding military operations to “turn back the boats.” It tries to correlate with a likely state desire to resurrect the old laws of attainder, civil death and outlawry, in order to create a slave-class of displaced migrants, for solely state interests and purposes. In addressing the question structurally, discussion begins with a brief look at the Australian law. Argument then concentrates on the originating negotiations in the international high councils. After this, the article looks at instances of people smuggling rhetoric in Canada, also addressing briefly the United States law. Then there is a section on modern rhetorical analysis, which argument tries to use to explain what might underlie these government methods. The paper briefs the reader on the old laws of civil death, outlawry and attainder in Australia, with a view to a contextual assessment as to whether they are really what underlie the draconian outcomes of Australia’s human trafficking and people smuggling laws and policies. The research outcome will likely suggest that conveniences to the state such as efficiency in policing, removing likely political opposition from new arrivals, avoiding any dilution of the local culture and skirting unwanted international rights are most likely to be the real state intent.
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Todorović, Milica, Vanja Javor, and Nevena Radić. "Emigracioni potencijal mladih u Srbiji." Migracijske i etničke teme / Migration and Ethnic Themes 36, no. 2-3 (2020): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.11567/met.36.2.2.
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Amidst negative demographic trends, emigration of the young, reproductive and employable population is one of the vital issues for the further development of the Republic of Serbia. Hence, there is a need for in-depth academic research and expert discussions that would allow for a better understanding of the issue, while pointing out its limitations and potentials. Since the country’s emigration potential is not sufficiently represented in previous research, this paper aims to shed light on the phenomenon of migration by discussing the attitudes, intentions and motives of senior-year high school students. It also aims to identify the factors for the potential emigration of young people. In line with the research subject and aims, the paper relies on the focus group method. The analysis was carried out using data from a focus-group survey conducted in three local governments – the City of Leskovac, the City of Užice and the City of Zaječar. Regional centres in the southern, western and eastern parts of Serbia were selected because they best represent the heterogeneity of its socio-economic development and migration patterns. Given that the group is the main unit of analysis within the chosen qualitative research method, the respondents had to share at least one important characteristic. In this case, they were senior-year high school students, born or residing in the mentioned cities. Focus groups were organised in Medical Schools and Grammar schools, while in the City of Zaječar and the City of Leskovac, the research was conducted in the Technical School, too. During the research, a total of 15 focus-group interviews were conducted, in which 149 students participated. All respondents were 18 or 19 years old at the time of the survey, while in terms of gender structure, there were slightly more females (77 compared to 72 males). The participants recognised the importance and relevance of youth migration, showed enthusiasm and, at the same time, took the discussion seriously. The results showed that most of the participants intend to stay in Serbia, while also indicating a relatively high level of readiness to emigrate after finishing school. The intention to stay is more pronounced among the students from the City of Leskovac, which is understandable considering that this is an area where traditional family values are important. On the other hand, the intentions to emigrate are most frequent among students from the City of Zaječar, a traditional emigration area. Although the desire to aid the development of the community stands out as a significant determinant of staying, attachment to the family emerges as the main factor influencing the decision not to emigrate. When observing the respondents’ opinions according to the type of school, significant differences were noticed. Students of medical schools in all cities have to a greater extent expressed their readiness to stay in the country, which is contrary to the generally present trend of emigration of medical workers to EU countries. The research showed that students from these schools are more optimistic than students from other schools because they believe that the prospects of finding a job for their educational profile in Serbia are currently somewhat more favourable. It is important to point out that students who intend to stay in Serbia in most cases plan to continue living in one of the large regional centers – Belgrade, Novi Sad or Niš. Their decision to participate in internal migration flows can be related to the fact that they plan to continue their education in the mentioned regional centres and to stay there after graduation. It was found that students from the City of Leskovac primarily intend to continue their education in Niš, students from the City of Užice opt for faculties in Belgrade, while students from the City of Zaječar gravitate almost equally towards Belgrade and Niš. By considering the motives that influence young people’s migration intentions, it was established that economic factors have a distinct role in deciding on potential emigration. The most frequent push factor is the unfavourable financial situation in the family. When it comes to the pull-factors, the majority of respondents stated that the standard of living, higher salaries and more adequate conditions for professional development and advancement abroad are decisive for potential emigration. As to the importance of education in the process of deciding on migration, it does not appear to be a significant factor for external migration, given that a small number of students plan to continue their education abroad immediately after high school. While discussing the most significant push-factors, the participants expressed dissatisfaction with the general living conditions in Serbia. The students’ discussion about the potential destination led to the conclusion that the majority see traditional destinations of the inhabitants of Serbia as potential countries of emigration: Austria, Germany, France, the USA or Canada. When it comes to the choice of a destination, the participants emphasised the crucial importance of migration networks, i.e., connections with relatives and friends abroad. Some respondents emphasise that having relatives and acquaintances in the chosen destination country can be of great importance during integration into a new environment. Although some students emphasise that migration can improve the lives of individuals and families, the majority view emigration as a process that negatively affects the overall development of Serbia. Interestingly, the respondents in all three local government units expressed a unanimous attitude that too many resources are being invested in the development of Belgrade, while insufficient investments are directed to the planning of the development of other local governments, primarily in rural areas. Based on the discussions and exchange of opinions of focus group participants, it was possible to create certain recommendations to decision-makers to mitigate the problem of the emigration of young people. The respondents suggested several concrete measures that the state should take to improve certain aspects of life in Serbia. Their recommendations are focused, above all, on improving the economic situation, including increased monthly incomes, creating new jobs (especially for highly educated people) and encouraging youth entrepreneurship. They recognised the need for part of the investments to be directed towards rural areas in order to mitigate the effects of depopulation and economic decline. In the context of improving the education system, the recommendations call for reforms that would align education profiles with the needs of the labour market. Students in all three local governments believe that strategies and plans for future development should be tailored to the specific needs of different regions. Although the importance of youth migration is recognised at the academic level in Serbia, this phenomenon requires a more complex analysis in development and strategic documents. In this regard, qualitative research needs to intensify at the local, regional and national levels, which would enable the adoption of adequate plans, strategies and measures of population policy towards the migration of young people. The results of this paper can contribute significantly to and serve as the basis for further research on the migration processes among young people in Serbia.
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Foster, Jason. "From “Canadians First” to “Workers Unite”: Evolving Union Narratives of Migrant Workers." Articles 69, no. 2 (May 13, 2014): 241–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025028ar.
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Summary Federal government policy changes in the early 2000s led to the rapid expansion of Canada’s Temporary Foreign Worker (TFW) Program by increasing the number of eligible occupations. Before the expansion few trade unions in Canada had interaction with TFWs, but with the new rules, and the high profile political debate that ensued, unions were forced to confront the issue of migrant workers directly for the first time. Using narrative analysis, the paper examines media statements from union officials between 2006 to 2012 to track the narratives constructed by unions regarding TFWs. It finds three temporally sequential narrative arcs: 1-prioritizing of Canadian workers’ interests and portrayal of TFWs as employer pawns; 2-TFWs as vulnerable workers needing union advocacy for their employment and human rights; and 3-post-economic crisis conflicted efforts to integrate Canadian and TFW interests. The changing narratives reflect evolving union reaction to the issue of growing use of TFWs, as well as interaction with external political and economic contexts shaping the issue. The study examines how unions understand challenging new issues. The results suggest union discourses are shaped by the tension between internal pressures and external contexts. They also suggest that leaders’ responsibility to represent members can sometimes clash with unions’ broader values of social justice. Unions build internal value structures that inform their understanding of an issue, but they must also reflect members’ demands and concerns, even if those concerns may not reflect social justice values. The case study reveals the line between “business union” and “social union” philosophy is fluid, contested and context dependent. The paper also links union narratives of TFWs in this contemporary setting to labour’s historical attitude toward immigration and race, finding elements of both continuity and disruption.