Relevant bibliographies by topics / Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada

Academic literature on the topic 'Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada"

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Roy, Patricia E. "Images and Immigration: China and Canada." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, no. 2-3 (2013): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02003008.

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Long before most Canadians ever saw a Chinese person, they heard from travellers, traders, diplomats, and missionaries of a country suffering from uprisings and wars, corruption and vice, intellectual stagnancy, and huge overpopulation. Such images influenced Canada’s immigration policy toward Chinese that began with the imposition of a head tax in 1886 and became an exclusionary policy in 1923. The perceived inability of weak and divided Chinese governments to regulate emigration thwarted Canadian efforts to devise less humiliating methods of restricting immigration. Sympathy for China in its war against Japan after July 1937 boosted China’s image in Canada. That, along with greater concern in Canada for human rights, contributed to the beginning of an easing of restrictions on Chinese immigration in 1947. For humanitarian reasons, after the formation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Canada admitted a handful of refugees. An estimated 11,000 Chinese entered Canada illegally during the first decade of the PRC. By the 1960s, China was a world power and a significant market for Canadian products. Thus, when Canada reformed its immigration policies it judged potential Chinese immigrants, along with others, more on their skills than on their country of origin.
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Grams, Grant W. "The Story of Josef Lainck: From German Emigrant to Alien Convict and Deported Criminal to Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp Inmate." Border Crossing 10, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v10i2.1129.

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Josef Lainck, a German national emigrated to Canada in July 1927. He arrived in Quebec City and travelled west to Edmonton, Alberta where he became a burglar and shot a police officer. Lainck was arrested in November 1927 and deported to Germany in 1938, upon arrival he was arrested and interned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp until April 1945. This article will examine Lainck’s emigration to Canada, arrest and deportation to Nazi Germany. Lainck’s case is illuminating as it reveals information on deportations from Canada and the Third Reich’s return migration program and how undesirables were treated within Germany. The Third Reich’s return migration plan encouraged returnees to seek their deportations as a method of return. Canadian extradition procedures cared little for the fate of foreign nationals expatriated to the country of their birth regardless of the form of government or the turmoil that plagued the nation. This work will compare Canadian to American deportation rates as an illustration of Canada’s harsh deportation criterion. In this article, the policies and practices of immigration and deportation are discussed within a framework of insecurity as a key driver for human mobility in the first half of the 20th century.
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Scott, Elizabeth A. "‘The Ill-name of the Old Country’: London’s Assisted Emigrants, British Unemployment Policy, and Canadian Immigration Restriction, 1905-1910." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 26, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037231ar.

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Between 1906 and 1910, Canada passed two increasingly restrictive Immigration Acts to, among other reasons, reduce charitable assisted emigration from London. These acts were passed in response to Britain’s Unemployed Workmen Act in 1905, which contained an emigration clause designed to move London’s unemployed to Canada. Canada deemed these emigrants to be unsuitable largely because they hailed from the impoverished East End of London. Emigration charities felt an imperial betrayal in the wake of the restrictions. Although an exception allowed for a limited degree of charitable emigration to continue, assisted English emigrants were now unreservedly lumped together with other undesirables in the British World. Despite Canadian displeasure, charities continued to send London’s unemployed to Canada until World War I. A more direct relationship between British unemployment policy and Canadian immigration policy is emphasized, opening a space wherein to examine transnational and imperial legal tensions in the early twentieth century British World. This space reveals a nexus of poverty, migration, and restriction that pitted Britain’s needs against Canada’s; it also complicates the concept of loyal nations belonging to a cooperative British World, becoming particularly relevant to the evolution of restrictive Canadian attitudes towards British immigrants after 1905.
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Samuel, T. J., P. M. White, and J. Perreault. "National Recording Systems and the Measurement of International Migration in Canada: An Assessment." International Migration Review 21, no. 4 (December 1987): 1170–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838702100413.

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This article describes and provides a critical assessment of the adequacy of Canada's statistical sources on immigration and emigration for both scientific study and policy needs. The article discusses the relationship between immigrant data collection systems and immigration policy and the importance of political considerations in the establishment of immigrant data collection systems. Special attention is given to the statistical sources that apply to the various categories of migrants.
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Piepiora, Ewa. "The Local Dimension of Immigrant Integration Policy Based on West Pomerania Province." Reality of Politics 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201609.

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Since Poland joined the European Community, it has been transforming from a country of emigration into an emigration-immigration one. Year by year an increase of immigrants coming to Poland has been observed, which involves the Polish government and local authorities taking actions within the implementation of migration policy. The multifaceted processes of integration take place on the levels of linguistics, culture, education, and social activation aimed at combating social exclusion of this group of Polish inhabitants.
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Strazzari, Davide. "Immigration and Federalism in Canada: beyond Quebec Exceptionalism?" Perspectives on Federalism 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): E—56—E—84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0020.

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Abstract The paper focuses on Canadian Provinces’ role in migrant selection. After an asymmetric approach, that benefited only Quebec, the federal government granted devolutionary powers in migrant selection to the other Provinces as well, moving towards de facto asymmetry. This process has proved to be successful over the years, but recently the federal government has reacted, recentralizing some aspects of immigration policy. This does not apply to Quebec. This policy change may suggest that, although immigration federalism may be grounded on reasons other than the need to accommodate linguistic or ethnic claims, it remains the case that the former are “weaker” than the latter, and are more subject to pressure from the central government. This is also confirmed by looking at the mechanisms through which intergovernmental agreements have been translated into law. Unlike the Quebec case, immigration’s devolution in relation to the other Provinces has occurred through administrative delegation of powers from the federal government. This permits the federal government to exercise some form of political pressure in order to realign the Provinces’ discretionary choices.
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Frideres, James S. "Canada's Changing Immigration Policy: Implications for Asian Immigrants." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5, no. 4 (December 1996): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689600500404.

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Canada has accepted immigrants since the turn of the century and has been a major player in the world wide movement of people. However, until the 1960s, most immigrants were white and from Western Europe. By the late 60s, Canada's immigration policy took on a more universalistic criteria and immigrants from around the world were able to enter. In 1971, Canada established a multicultural policy, reflecting the multi-ethnic composition of Canadian society. However, a quarter century later, economic and ideological pressures have forced the government of the day to rethink its immigration policy. The present paper reviews Canadian immigration policy and assesses the current situation. An analysis of the 1994 immigration consultation process is presented which led to the new changes in immigration policy. Recent changes in the organizational structure of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration and its policy are evaluated. The implications of the new immigration policy are discussed, particularly as it relates to Asian immigration.
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Sukhobokova, Olga. "Canadian governments policy on Ukrainian immigration in the 1910s – 1930s." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.3.

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The article examines Canadian immigration policy toward Ukrainians in the 1910s-1930s. At this time, following the tumultuous Ukrainian immigration organized by W. Laurier’s government, subsequent Canadian governments (Robert Borden, Arthur Meighen, Mackenzie King, Richard Bennet) restricted immigration from Eastern Europe, including from Ukrainian lands. The aim of the article is to analyze the main approaches of Canadian governments during this period to the immigration of Ukrainians, the formation of appropriate legislation and practice. Research methods. General scientific principles, interdisciplinary approaches (history, law, sociology) and special historical methods, in particular comparative and retrospective analysis, are used. They were used to analyze the origins and political and legal rationale for changes in Canadian immigration law and their implementation in practice. Emphasis is placed on the attitude of Canadian politicians and society to East Slavic, including Ukrainian, immigration, and its influence on official government policy. The scientific novelty of the study is to consider Canada’s immigration policy towards Ukrainians in the 1910s and 1930s in terms of its political and economic development, using mainly Canadian English-language sources and literature. Conclusions. Objective domestic and foreign policy circumstances due to the First World War and the economic development of Canada (the transition from agro-industrial to industrial-agrarian economy) had a significant impact on the formation of immigration policy of the government of R. Borden, along with the theoretical concepts of the Conservatives. It was they who played a leading role in determining the position of Ukrainian immigrants not only on the conservative government of R. Borden (1911–1920), but also remained in power under the liberal government of Mackenzie King. Despite some positive changes for Ukrainian immigrants in the 1920s, the Great Depression in the mid-1930s virtually halted the flow of immigration from Ukrainian lands. However, even under these circumstances, Canada remained one of the priorities for Ukrainians, and in the interwar period became the leader among American countries in the number of admitted Ukrainian immigrants.
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Falconer, Thirstan. "“We Can’t Be Too Selective about This”: Immigration Advocacy in the Canadian English-Language Press, 1949–57." International Journal of Canadian Studies 58 (April 1, 2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.58.x.54.

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Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their preference for a more robust policy frequently surfaced in the English-language press. This article shows that newspapers coverage across the country criticized the government’s immigration policy during the 1950s and advocated for an approach that accommodated more newcomers to spur population and economic growth. Through their coverage, the editors and journalists reasoned that boosting immigration accelerated the Canadian economy. English Canadian journalists and newspapers attempted to influence Canadians about the economic benefits of increasing migration to Canada.
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Simplice, Asongu. "Determinants of health professionals’ migration in Africa: a WHO based assessment." International Journal of Social Economics 42, no. 7 (July 13, 2015): 666–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2013-0287.

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Purpose – How do economic prosperity, health expenditure, savings, price-stability, demographic change, democracy, corruption control, press freedom, government effectiveness, human development, foreign aid, physical security, trade openness and financial liberalization play-out in the fight against health-worker crisis when existing emigration levels matter? Despite the acute concern of health-worker crisis in Africa owing to emigration, lack of relevant data has made the subject matter empirically void over the last decades. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A quantile regression approach is used to assess the determinants of health-worker emigration throughout the conditional distributions of health-worker emigration. This provides an assessment of the determinants when existing emigrations levels matter. Findings – Findings provide a broad range of tools for the fight against health-worker brain-drain. As a policy implication, blanket emigration-control policies are unlikely to succeed equally across countries with different levels of emigration. Thus to be effective, immigration policies should be contingent on the prevailing levels of the crisis and tailored differently across countries with the best and worst records on fighting health-worker emigration. Originality/value – This paper has examined the theoretical postulations of a World Health Organization report on determinants of health-worker migration.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada"

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Straehle, Christine. "Immigration, individual autonomy, and social justice : an argument for a redistributive immigration policy." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102827.

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Contemporary liberal democratic societies currently enact immigration policies that are morally indefensible from a liberal autonomy and social justice perspective. In a world characterized by stark inequalities in individual opportunities to lead autonomous lives, and in which many individuals lack the basic conditions for autonomous functioning, I argue that contemporary immigration regimes that distinguish between desirable immigrants---who are typically from similarly wealthy countries---and undesirable one ---who are typically members of the global poor---conflict with liberal commitments to individual autonomy and equality of opportunity. I advocate that such commitments should lead wealthy countries to change their criteria for immigration, so that they admit proportionally many more of the global poor than they currently do. Such redistributive immigration policies are a way for rich countries to fulfill their global distributive justice duties. The thesis examines two major objections to formulating immigration policies on grounds of global distributive justice. First, some theorists posit a moral distinction between compatriots and non-compatriots, and argue that duties of redistribution should be restricted to compatriots. Second, some theorists fear that redistributive immigration schemes will have negative consequences on the conditions of social justice in host communities. This fear derives from the assumptions that social solidarity and social trust will be eroded by the greater ethno-cultural heterogeneity that is likely to result from the implementation of redistributive immigration policies. In response I show, first, that social solidarity is not circumscribed by national boundaries; the empirical evidence does not support claims that solidaristic acts rely on a predefined idea of community. Second, drawing on the Canadian case study, I find that institutional trust rather than interpersonal trust is key to motivating compliance with social welfare policies, and that this kind of trust can be sustained under conditions of ethno-cultural heterogeneity.
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Vibert, Dermot Wilson. "Canada's Chinese immigration policy and immigration security 1947-1953." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61662.

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Salgado, Martinez Teofilo de Jesus. "Canadian refugee policy : asserting control." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83148.

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This thesis considers the apparent shift in Canadian refugee policy between the more liberal refugee programs of the 1980s to the more restrictive contemporary orientation. We provide an explanation for the nature and content of policy pronouncements made in the period following the events of September 11, 2001. In order to put contemporary policy in context, we begin our investigation post-World War II when Canada first entered the international arena as a fully independent state. What follows is an examination of why the Canadian government has preferred its choice of refugee policies, and a consideration of forces and institutions that have shaped policy in the postwar period. At the same time, we reflect on the tension between Canada's refugee policy choices and its stated commitment to humanitarian values and international agreements.
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Guha, Julia Patricia. "The immigration and refugee board of Canada's guidelines on gender-related persecution : an evaluation." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33285.

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The thesis focuses on the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada's Guidelines on Women Refugee Claimants Fearing Gender-Related Persecution, released in 1993. The guidelines were designed to address a perceived shortcoming in international refugee law and its domestic applications, namely, the omission of gender-based persecution from the protection of the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. The omission of gender from the UN Convention had resulted in gender inequalities in the evaluation of asylum claims, inequalities the Canadian guidelines were designed to correct. However, since the inception of the guidelines, critics have dismissed the directives as numerically ineffective, pointing to the low numbers of women requesting asylum on the basis of gender-related persecution. While such a numerical analysis may be useful, the thesis argues it is incomplete. The thesis centres instead on the vital consciousness-raising role played by the guidelines, both domestically and abroad, and on the concrete results engendered by this function in the international realm of women's human rights.
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Puttagunta, P. Saradhi. ""Invasion" of the "Immigrant Hordes" : an analysis of current arguments in Canada against multiculturalism and immigration policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/nq27229.pdf.

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Dorais, Sophie Thanh Lan. "Conception et mise en place des politiques relatives au contrôle des demandeurs d'asile : nouvelles stratégies canadiennes dans le contexte de la globalisation." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19667.

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This thesis analyzes the influence of globalization on state sovereignty in the design and implementation of policies concerning asylum seekers. Using Canada as an example, it is argued that there are three emerging global forces that directly challenge the sovereignty of the state in matters of immigration. These forces are neoliberal and global security discourses and international refugee rights standards. But these forces have not led to a decline in the power of the state. Rather, they have forced the state to develop new strategies in order to reassert its sovereignty and regain its legitimacy. The state has responded to neoliberal and security pressures by designing, implementing and reinforcing control policies over asylum seekers. It has reacted to the international refugee rights norms and the demands of the refugee advocacy groups by developing strategies to integrate some of their principles without relinquishing its authority and autonomy.
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Detre, Laura A. "Immigration Advertising and the Canadian Government's Policy for Prairie Development, 1896 to 1918." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/DetreLA2004.pdf.

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Kilpatrick, Anne. "The Jewish Immigrant Aid Services : an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22598.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the Jewish Immigrant Aid Services (JIAS) as an example of an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system. The research explores how in-group and external political factors influence the techniques and effectiveness of JIAS within the immigration policy arena. Specifically, this paper examines how JIAS' lobbying efforts are influenced as a result of issues emerging from within the organization (e.g. structure, hierarchy, leadership, etc), and those arising from within the organization's constituency: Canadian Jews as a whole, and other organizations within the Jewish polity. Further, the broader context of public opinion and the Canadian immigration system are explored to determine how each affects JIAS' advocacy efforts. The political system is examined from the perspective of the structure and agendas operating at three levels of government involved in the development and implementation of immigration policy (the Department of Immigration, Legislative and Senate committees on immigration and employment, and the Cabinet).
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Takami, Chieko. "Defining women as a particular social group in the Canadian refugee determination process." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31175.

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Recent feminist criticism has resulted in remarkable changes to the interpretation of the refugee definition. Case law, academic commentaries and gender guidelines now recognize that women may constitute a particular social group under the definition of refugee. However, only those who belong to certain subgroups of women are usually granted asylum because being a woman only is considered too broad to comprise a particular social group. Such restrictive interpretation is theoretically and practically problematic, and it is the primary cause for the inconsistency in the interpretation of the definition of a particular social group and refugee determination in gender-based claims. Through an analysis of recent gender-based cases before the Canadian courts and the Immigration and Refugee Board, this paper argues that this inconsistency will be avoided when categorization of women does not require female claimants to prove characteristics other than their gender. Female refugees who are persecuted for being women do not need to provide additional reasons for their suffering, and this broad categorization of women should be consistently applied in Canada.
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Court, Erin. "How transnational actors change inter-state power asymmetries : the role of the Indian diaspora in Indo-Canadian relations on migration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8501d594-e5c1-47e0-9a08-24b7645f29f2.

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The overall aim of this thesis is to explore what emigration state power means in relation to the rules that govern international migration. This thesis challenges the conventional view that within a bilateral migration relationship the migrant-sending state is a 'rule-taker' compelled to accept the consequences of the migrant-receiving state's immigration and integration policies. Using India-Canada migration relations as its empirical case, this thesis examines how diaspora populations can serve as a transnational resource for the sending state to mitigate power asymmetries with the receiving state in bilateral migration relations. Part I of this thesis examines the Indo- Canadian diaspora's use of Canadian tribunal, electoral and lobby channels to advance immigration and integration policy outcomes that further both the interests of the diaspora and the Indian state. Part II considers the diffuse and ideational mechanisms through which the Indian state influences the diaspora's political mobilisation abroad. The diaspora's political activities in the host state, combined with the sending state's transnational influence over facets of diaspora identity, interests and organisational capacity, register important effects on Canadian migration policy that bear on the distribution of power between sending and receiving states. These effects cannot be explained on a purely inter-state model of migration relations, but are accounted for by the framework developed and applied in this thesis. The Conclusion addresses the scope conditions under which this thesis' theoretical framework and conclusions derived within it from the single-case study may allow for a wider comparative approach across other cases in future research.
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Books on the topic "Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada"

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Canada and immigration: Public policy and public concern. 2nd ed. [Toronto]: Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 1988.

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Stoffman, Daniel. Toward a more realistic immigration policy for Canada. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute, 1993.

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M, Beach Charles, Green Alan G, Reitz Jeffrey G, and John Deutsch Institute for the Study of Economic Policy, eds. Canadian immigration policy for the 21st century. Kingston, Ont: John Deutsch Institute for the Study of Economic Policy, 2003.

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Canada. Citizenship and Immigration Canada. A stronger Canada: [1998 annual immigration plan]. [Ottawa]: Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 1997.

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Canada. Employment and Immigration Canada (Dept.). Policy and Program Development Branch. Policy implications of demographic change in Canada. [Ottawa]: Employment and Immigration Canada, 1988.

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1964-, Slade Bonnie, ed. Immigration. Halifax, NS: Fernwood Pub., 2011.

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Canada. Employment and Immigration Canada (Commission). Processing undertakings of assistance in Canada. [Ottawa, Ont.]: Employment and Immigration Canada, 1991.

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Destination Canada: Immigration debates and issues. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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Controversy and complexity: Canadian immigration policy during the 1980s. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995.

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J, Trebilcock M., ed. The making of the mosaic: A history of Canadian immigration policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Emigration and immigration – Government policy – Canada"

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Heere, Cees. "Empire and Exclusion." In Empire Ascendant, 100–129. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837398.003.0005.

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Japanese expansion after the Russo-Japanese War was dynamic and multi-directional, and manifested itself in the growth of trade and emigration across the Pacific as well as territorial acquisition in Asia. The fourth chapter explores the Japanese ‘immigration crisis’ of 1906–8, when an increase in the number of Japanese immigrants sparked a panic on the Pacific coast of North America. Its central focus is on the Vancouver riots of September 1907, the largest incidence of anti-Asian violence during this period. Mass rioting against Japanese immigrants placed the Canadian government in in a difficult position, as it attempted to reconcile the clamour for a ‘white Canada’ with its position in the empire. This chapter analyses British and Canadian efforts to manage the migration crisis. It also dwells on the crisis’s transnational dimension, which expressed itself through declarations of racial solidarity between Canada and the United States.
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Chowdhury, Fariah. "Permanently Temporary." In Immigration and the Current Social, Political, and Economic Climate, 142–63. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6918-3.ch008.

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Canada's immigration policy radically shifted under Stephen Harper's federal Conservative Party government, which ruled from 2006 to 2015. The Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) is one key example of how migrants are increasingly entering Canada through a racially structured hierarchy of citizenship that privileges whiteness, while increasing the precarity of racialized migrants as they live, work, and contribute to the Canadian economy. This chapter offers a detailed policy analysis of Canada's TFWP, focusing on how the program marginalizes migrant workers as “un-Canadian” by placing them in racial, gender, and class hierarchies of belonging. This paper will discuss and outline recent changes and developments in Canada's TFWP, specifically those related to migrants classified as ‘lower-skilled' workers. While some labour needs in Canada can be read as truly temporary (for example, where workers were required to construct venues for the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games or other short-term construction projects), the lack of accountability within the TFWP in Canada has led to some occupations being misleadingly framed as ‘temporary', thereby creating a class of migrant workers who are “permanently temporary.” I will argue that the labeling of racialized migrants as “temporary workers” offers employers a structural incentive to keep wages systematically low and maintain poor working conditions, all couched under a guise of “competitiveness.” In this light, “temporary” work becomes synonymous with low-wage exploitation, and continues to strengthen a historic racist nation-state project in Canada. Further, this paper will argue that giving temporary status to migrant workers, rather than permanent residency, serves to limit access to social rights and services, only deepening their levels of exploitation. Finally, I argue that recent increases in TFWs is a symptom of a global trend towards the neoliberalization of citizenship, which has seen the unethical individualization of rights and the privatization of services across many fields.
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Chowdhury, Fariah. "Permanently Temporary." In Discourse Analysis as a Tool for Understanding Gender Identity, Representation, and Equality, 175–203. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0225-8.ch009.

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Canada's immigration policy radically shifted under Stephen Harper's federal Conservative Party government, which ruled from 2006 to 2015. The Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) is one key example of how migrants are increasingly entering Canada through a racially structured hierarchy of citizenship that privileges whiteness, while increasing the precarity of racialized migrants as they live, work, and contribute to the Canadian economy. This chapter offers a detailed policy analysis of Canada's TFWP, focusing on how the program marginalizes migrant workers as “un-Canadian” by placing them in racial, gender, and class hierarchies of belonging. This paper will discuss and outline recent changes and developments in Canada's TFWP, specifically those related to migrants classified as ‘lower-skilled' workers. While some labour needs in Canada can be read as truly temporary (for example, where workers were required to construct venues for the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games or other short-term construction projects), the lack of accountability within the TFWP in Canada has led to some occupations being misleadingly framed as ‘temporary', thereby creating a class of migrant workers who are “permanently temporary.” I will argue that the labeling of racialized migrants as “temporary workers” offers employers a structural incentive to keep wages systematically low and maintain poor working conditions, all couched under a guise of “competitiveness.” In this light, “temporary” work becomes synonymous with low-wage exploitation, and continues to strengthen a historic racist nation-state project in Canada. Further, this paper will argue that giving temporary status to migrant workers, rather than permanent residency, serves to limit access to social rights and services, only deepening their levels of exploitation. Finally, I argue that recent increases in TFWs is a symptom of a global trend towards the neoliberalization of citizenship, which has seen the unethical individualization of rights and the privatization of services across many fields.
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