Relevant bibliographies by topics / Emblems, National – Haiti – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Emblems, National – Haiti – History'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Emblems, National – Haiti – History"

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Martynenko, Ekaterina A. "Emblems of Scotland in Alasdair Gray’s Fiction." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 25, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2021-3-102-113.

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Alasdair Gray is one of the most influential post-war Scottish writer along with Muriel Spark, Robin Jenkins, and James Kelman. He is wellknown not only as a contemporary novelist, intellectual, and esthete but also as a political activist and a Scottish independence supporter. Although his novels are written exclusively in English, they are characterized with a strong national flavor and are inspired by the ideas of the eminent Scottish scientists, philosophers, and community leaders. The article dwells on the analysis of Scottish national emblem in Alasdair Gray’s fiction. This emblem manifests itself through female nation figures, which were first used in Scottish nationalist discourse by Hugh MacDiarmid and Lewis Grassic Gibbon during the period of Scottish Literary Renaissance. One of the most recurrent themes in Alasdair Gray’s fiction are female suffering and entrapment, which serve as political allegories of the national inferiority complex («Scottish cringe») and subordinate position within the United Kingdom. Thus, the writer strives to include Scotland into the post-colonial framework. In order to re-imagine Scottish nation figure Alasdair Gray addresses both the literary tradition and the latest feminist ideas of his time. Unlike other contemporary Scottish writers who tend to present this figure as a passive victim of political injustice, Alasdair Gray intentionally makes her initiative and active non-victim. She is also constructed as a female monster, which alludes to discrepancy between country’s rich history and its «young» parliament.
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Hamal, Koshal. "Logos of South Asian Countries: A Visual Aesthetic and Symbolic Significance." Journal of Fine Arts Campus 5, no. 1 (November 30, 2023): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfac.v5i1.60293.

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A national logo is a visual representation of a country, and it signifies the most powerful visual language of any country in the world. All the countries have their own logo to represent their country in visual form. In the context of each country in South Asia, a national logo is categorized as a national emblem. The national emblems of South Asian countries have different and unique meanings and are made with different cultural, religious, natural, and historical motifs and shapes. The main objective of this paper is to identify the visual aesthetic and symbolic significance of the national emblems of each South Asian country. The visual aesthetic contains elements of composition, color, shapes, and the essential rules of a logo, while the symbolic significance contains the symbolic meaning of each motif used for the entire logo of a South Asian country. This study finds that a country's culture, religion, and history should not be disconnected from the national emblem because the national emblem creates unique values for a country. A national emblem is like a mirror of a country, which represents the appropriate visual symbol of a country. This study is an analytical study based on qualitative method.
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Hoffmann, Léon–François. "Creolization in Haiti and National Identity." Matatu 27, no. 1 (December 7, 2003): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000441.

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Knoll, Joachim H. ""Heil Dir im Siegerkranz". Nationale Feier- und Gedenktage als Formen kollektiver Identifikation." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, no. 2 (2005): 150–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073053978924.

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AbstractStarting from a political controversy and a wide-ranging media-discussion, the article examines the evolution of German national holidays from the "Kaiserreich" to the reunited Federal Republic (1871-2005). The author lists the dates and attributes of the national festivities (national emblems, national colors, national anthem) and asks to what extent national days can contribute to a collective identification with the given state and its political system. In the process of change one identifies a long run from emotional festivity towards a rather rational attitude in celebrating the National Day. The future of the current German national holiday (October 3) in the frame of a 'democratic culture' is far away from being settled.
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Davis, Christopher. "History as an Enemy and an Instructor: Lessons Learned from Haiti, 1915-34." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 11, no. 1 (June 16, 2020): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.2020110101.

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As Haiti and other nations in the Caribbean and Latin America experience increasing instability, and the United States increases its naval presence in the region, history offers important lessons for future U.S. involvement. An exploration of the tactical innovations of the Marine Corps and of the influence of national history on the Haitian insurgencies during the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1915–34) reveals the significance of history in either achieving or curtailing military goals.
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Ylönen, Aleksi. "Building the nation in Southern Sudan: state emblems, symbols and national identity." Africa Review 12, no. 2 (April 22, 2020): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1755095.

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Pestel, Friedemann. "The Impossible Ancien Régime colonial: Postcolonial Haiti and the Perils of the French Restoration." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-261.

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The Impossible Ancien Régime colonial: Postcolonial Haiti and the Perils of the French Restoration This article discusses the consequences of Napoleon's downfall for the world's first modern post-slavery state, Haiti. It focuses on the interplay between the French colonial office's diplomatic missions that were lobbied by dispossessed planters to recover the lost colony and the Haitian propaganda to guarantee national independence. These relations ultimately contributed to a shift in French colonial politics towards Haiti, from military conquest and re-enslavement to financial indemnification. Taking the rhetoric of pacification beyond Europe, French diplomacy presented racial hierarchies as an extension of the 1814 compromise between old and new elites in metropolitan France. The Haitian side, however, insisted on the sharp contradiction between the supposed reconciliation in France and a quasi-restoration of the Ancien Régime colonial. Drawing on Haitian, French and British source material, this article analyses how Haitian propaganda attacked the precarious political legitimacy of Restoration France from an extra-European viewpoint to exert pressure on European colonial politics. Relying on Haiti as a model for slave emancipation, British abolitionists significantly contributed to excluding the option of the Ancien Régime colonial. The debate on Haiti's future forced Louis XVIII's government to ponder the political risks of colonial restoration. In the outcome, financial indemnification became France's primary condition for recognising Haitian independence in 1825.
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Gaffield, J. "Complexities of Imagining Haiti: A Study of National Constitutions, 1801-1807." Journal of Social History 41, no. 1 (September 1, 2007): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2007.0132.

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Wade, Peter. "Music, blackness and national identity: three moments in Colombian history." Popular Music 17, no. 1 (January 1998): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000000465.

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The study of music and national identity has been limited, in my view, by some underlying assumptions. The first is connected to some influential ideas on nationalism, while the second has to do with long-standing ideas about the relation between music and identity. On nationalism, many approaches place too much emphasis on the homogenising tendencies of nationalist discourse, whereas, in my view, homogenisation exists in a complex and ambivalent relationship with the construction of difference by the same nationalist forces that create homogeneity. In a related fashion, with respect to music and identity, several studies of Latin American musical styles and their socio-political context – for example, ones focusing on the Dominican Republic, Haiti and Brazil – display a tendency to set up a model of homogenising elites versus diversifying and resistant minorities.
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Mieliekiestsev, Kyrylo. "Emblems of the Post-Soviet Donetsk Region: Official Ones «From the Bossmen», Upgrades «From the People», Alternatives From the «Russian World» Supporters." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 36 (June 2021): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-58-66.

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The purpose of the article is the analysis of the development of Donetsk region emblems (official heraldry and vexillology of Donetsk Oblast, reflection of historical themes in commercial nomenclature, reinterpretations of official symbols by individuals) in 1991–2015, identifying the main trends in the development of emblems, their connections with the views of customers and authors on history and politics, transformations of symbolics. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, and systematics. General scientific and special-historical methods were used, such as content analysis, generalization, chronological, retrospective methods. The scientific novelty is based on it being the first attempt to generalize various elements of emblem studies of the Donetsk region, for the first time going beyond the official heraldry and vexillology of the Oblast, while considering their transformation in the hands of non-state actors. Conclusions. The post-Soviet era emblems of Donetsk and the Donetsk Oblast were developed in a unique situation: on the one hand local elites wanted to move away from Soviet symbols and modernize Donetsk as a “brand”, and on the other hand, due to the peculiarities of these elites’ education, origins and political preferences, did not perceive the region’s history. outside of the Soviet stereotypes about “Donbas as the economic center.” As a result, local elites ignored Cossack history of the Donetsk region in contrast to the perpetuation of industrial achievements of the Russian Empire (such as the Oblast’s coat of arms motto with a quote from Dmitri Mendeleev, “The Mertsalov Palm Tree”, as well as various “John Hughes/Yuz” nomenclature). Over the decades, there has been a divergence of traditions of Donetsk emblem use: official, business, and national-patriotic. At the same time, pro-Moscow organizations have been developing and imposing a separate emblem tradition since 1991, based on historical myths around the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Soviet Republic, but detached from both the old Soviet symbols and the new official Donetsk emblems. The latter were developed to symbolize the “uniqueness” of eastern Ukraine, the “separateness” of Donetsk region, but did not actually intersperse with Russian symbols (with the exception of the Russian-language motto). In this form, it did not meet the goals of Moscow’s agents of influence, but was accepted and reworked by pro-Ukrainian patriotic forces. Thus, the use of one or the other version of Donetsk region symbols indicates a person’s political beliefs, their understanding of regional history and “memory politics” around it.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Emblems, National – Haiti – History"

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Baroco, Molly M. "Imagining Haiti: Representations of Haiti in the American Press during the U.S. Occupation, 1915-1934." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/43.

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Throughout the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. government and its supporters were forced to defend the legitimacy of American action. In order to justify it to the American public, officials and journalists created a dichotomy of capacity between an inferior Haiti and a superior U.S., and they presented the occupation as a charitable civilizing mission. This vision of Haiti and Haitians was elaborated in a racialized discourse wherein Haitians were assigned various negative traits that rendered them incapable of self-government. In examining how the New York Times, the National Geographic Magazine, and the Crisis represented Haiti, I demonstrate how race was the primary signifier, and how these representations were used to either perpetuate or challenge the American racial social hierarchy.
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Belony, Lyns-Virginie. "Between pragmatism and the defence of a “Sister State” : the national association for the advancement of colored people and the U.S. occupation of Haiti, 1915-1922." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/13697.

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À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis.
Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States.
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Books on the topic "Emblems, National – Haiti – History"

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Klinge, Matti. Suomen sinivalkoiset värit. Helsingissä: Otava, 1998.

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Adriansen, Inge. Nationale symboler i det Danske Rige, 1830-2000. København: Museum Tusculanums Forlag, Københavns universitet, 2003.

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József, Laszlovszky. A Magyar címer története. 2nd ed. Budapest: Pytheas, 1990.

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Hattenhauer, Hans. Geschichte der deutschen Nationalsymbole: Zeichen und Bedeutung. 2nd ed. München: Olzog, 1990.

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Hattenhauer, Hans. Deutsche Nationalsymbole: Geschichte und Bedeutung. 3rd ed. Köln: Bundesanzeiger, 1998.

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Donaire, Javier Barahona. Imagen cívica de Honduras: Compilación de documentos cívicos e históricos. Tegucigalpa, D.C: Faro Litográfica, 1985.

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Liebau, Veronika. Die Freiheitsglocke in Berlin =: The Freedom Bell in Berlin. Berlin: Jaron, 2000.

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Shapovalov, G. I. Pokhodz︠h︡enni︠a︡ ukraïnsʹkoho tryzuba, abo, I︠A︡k poi︠e︡dnalysi︠a︡ i︠a︡kir i khrest. Zaporiz︠h︡z︠h︡i︠a︡: [s.n.], 1992.

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Panchenko, Volodymyr. Sobornyĭ herb Ukraïny. Kyïv: PBP "Fotovideoservis", 1993.

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Peña, Benjamín Vargas. La bandera. 2nd ed. [Asunción? Paraguay: s.n., 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Emblems, National – Haiti – History"

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Belfort, Jocelyn, Hugues Séraphin, and Godson Lubrun. "Managing a UNESCO World Heritage Site in a Post-colonial, Post-conflict and Post-disaster Destination. The Case of the Haitian National History Park." In Managing Protected Areas, 99–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40783-3_7.

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AbstractThe Haitian National History Park, which comprises the historical sites of the Citadel, Sans-Souci and Ramiers, is Haiti’s sole UNESCO World Heritage Site. The site aims to contribute to fostering a sense of community among all Haitians. Equally importantly, it seeks to instil a sense of national pride despite the negative image of Haiti conveyed by the popular media. All the attempts to turn the Park into a tourist destination have failed however, despite the site’s huge potential. On top of the political, economic and social issues faced by modern Haiti, the lack of leadership on developing tourism strategies also impacts negatively on the promotion of the site. This chapter considers the main difficulties of managing a Caribbean UNESCO site within a post-colonial, post-conflict and post-disaster context. Key issues that are faced include: lack of professionalism of tourism actors, lack of leadership and absence of vision, lack of knowledge of visitor needs and requirements, as well as the problematic external image of Haiti as a tourism destination. Although the focus of the paper is on a cultural heritage site, we raise wider issues here that have relevance to other debates around how heritage in an environment such as Haiti’s might be managed.
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Hebblethwaite, Benjamin. "The Rada Rite in Haiti." In A Transatlantic History of Haitian Vodou, 134–82. University Press of Mississippi, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496835604.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 analyzes the history and content of the Rada Rite, including its ceremony, cycles of salutation, stations of salutation, and rituals. The names of 102 Rada Rite spirits are provided with linguistic and cultural features. The chapter includes 25 Haitian Creole and English facing-page songs by the contemporary Vodou group “Rasin Figuier” that focus on Rada Rite themes and spirits, including Ginen, ounsi kanzo (“initiates”), Papa Legba, Gran Chemen, Marasa, Lesen, Bondye (“God”), Loko, the angel Gabriel, Agaou, Ayizan, Danbala Wèdo, Ayida Wèdo, Vodou flags, the white of Rada, Èzili Freda, Agwe Tawoyo, Nago Rite songs for Ogou Balizay and Olicha, plus a few chante pwen (“songs of criticism”) that address political feuding, literacy, and national unity. The method of Vodou hermeneutics reads in history, religious studies, linguistics, literary criticism, and ethnomusicology to interpret Rasin Figuier’s Rada songs focused on life, order, and rootedness.
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Godden, Richard. "Absalom, Absalom! Haiti, and Labor History." In William Faulkner’s Absalom, Absalom!, 251–81. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195154771.003.0009.

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Abstract In 1791 slaves revolted on San Domingo. “The world’s richest colony” was overrun in a black revolution whose forces “defeated the Spanish; inflicted a defeat of unprecedented proportions on the British, and then made their country the graveyard of Napoleon’s magnificent army.”1 By 1804 the Americas had their first black national state, the independent re- public of Haiti. In 1823 Thomas Sutpen leaves Virginia for the West Indies where, in 1827, he puts down an uprising among slaves on a French sugar plantation on Haiti. As due recompense, he marries the owner’s daughter and achieves a son (1829). The dates are important since they indicate that Faulkner has the hero of Absalom, Absalom! earn the properties upon which he will eventually base his plantation “design” improperly. There were neither slaves nor French plantations on Haiti in 1827. Faulkner’s chronology creates an anachronism that rewrites one of the key facts of nineteenth-century black American history, in what looks suspiciously like an act of literary counterrevolution.
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Mackenzie, John M. "Introduction." In A Cultural History of the British Empire, 1–38. Yale University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300260786.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter argues that the cultural exports of the British Empire were seized upon by both indigenous peoples and settlers, which were then adapted and converted to their own ends. Moreover, in many societies it was the adoption, adaptation, and conversion of cultural forms to the ends of new national identities and the forces of nationalism that served to break up that empire. Imperial cultural phenomena, often hybridised with indigenous equivalents, became vital emblems of a new nation-state international order. The chapter briefly explores how certain imperial cultural forms and expressions have served to establish the empire's idea of modernity. It also examines the literature surrounding British imperial cultural history and reveals the gaps in the research regarding this aspect of British culture and history.
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Butler, Joanna, and Megan Davis-Mcelligatt. "Introduction." In Narrating History, Home, and Dyaspora, 3–10. University Press of Mississippi, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496839879.003.0001.

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The introduction establishes the relationship between Edwidge Danticat’s work and the concepts of national identity and belonging. It then introduces the chapters to follow, which address myriad facets of her literature as they relate to the concept of homes, the representations of nationalisms, and the confluences of past and present. Part one analyzes Danticat’s work in relation to the nations of the United States and Haiti as well as the broader dyaspora. Part two focuses on how the themes of history and memory work within Danticat’s literature. Part three directs attention to Danticat’s narrative form and storytelling techniques. Finally, part four explores the complexities of Haitian activism, community, and citizenship.
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Dirksen, Rebecca. "Sounding Carnival." In After the Dance, the Drums Are Heavy, 1–50. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190928056.003.0001.

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Carnival is the biggest musical event of the year in Haiti, in terms of musicians involved, crowds gathered, and money spent. It is also caught up in a complex web of political, economic, and social maneuverings, and thus creates an ideal space for venting against power alongside the various acts of play associated with the festival. This chapter introduces both carnival history in Haiti and the sonic environment that shapes this study, while establishing a conceptual frame for the book. This theoretical frame is built around two major avenues of inquiry that underline the entire text: a view of sounding as sonified mobility that can be studied through musical cartography, and a consideration of carnival and the carnivalesque in terms of vagabondage. Both avenues lead to broader discussions about performing citizenship and defending national sovereignty.
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Rey, Terry. "Haitian Vodou." In The Oxford Handbook of Caribbean Religions, 59–70. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190916961.013.5.

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Abstract This chapter looks into the origins of Haitian Vodou. It explains how Haitian Vodou emerged as a religion under some of the worst oppression in human history, transatlantic slavery, and colonialism. Despite the long history of racist, colonialist, and oppressive misrepresentations and misappropriations of Vodou, Haitian Vodou is a religion of great sophistication and astounding creativity that provides for its adherents all that one can ask of any religion. Vodou embodies the most inspirational stories in human religious history, which are African religions thriving in the Americas and the world history’s only successful national slave revolt. The chapter mentions how Vodou delivered its meaning, solace, and healing to the Caribbean nation as Haiti endured political upheaval, abject poverty, epidemics, and earthquakes.
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Ramírez, Dixa. "Untangling Dominican Patriotism." In Colonial Phantoms, 36–74. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479850457.003.0002.

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This chapter focuses on the ambivalent nationalism evident in the celebration of the first national Dominican poet, Salomé Ureña (1850-1897). Studying poems, letters, speeches, and essays by Ureña and some of her contemporaries, the chapter contends that the strong desire for Ureña’s poetry coexisted with the elite’s generalized assumption that the ideal citizen subject was a white man. It argues that Ureña’s embodiment of Dominican nonwhiteness combined with her status as a respectable woman allowed Dominicans of the intellectual and ruling elite to satisfy two intertwined impulses: to construct a national identity that could explain Dominican difference from Haiti, and, as such, justify a seat at the global table; and a tacit acceptance that a nonwhite woman such as Ureña could only be considered “the muse of the nation” because Dominican territory had a history of black freedom and leadership.
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Helg, Aline. "Epilogue." In Slave No More, translated by Lara Vergnaud, 274–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649634.003.0012.

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The epilogue briefly examines slave self-liberation strategies and legal emancipation in the fifty years following general emancipation in the British colonies in 1838 up to the abolition of slavery in Brazil in 1888. The epilogue explores differences in national trajectories to abolition, with particular attention paid to Cuba, Haiti, and the United States in order to show how these national narratives mask a longer history of repression, white compensation, and slave survival. While emancipation was eventually enacted across the Americas, many states' recalcitrance to liberate slaves-or to compensate them once emancipated-meant that even after 1838, slaves still relied on self-liberation in order to gain their freedom. Given the relative rarity of outright slave rebellion, many of the strategies of self-liberation-including self-purchase, flight, and enlistment-used by slaves before 1838 remained central to their attempt to gain freedom in the Americas even after British emancipation.
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Reynolds, Anna. "Butterflies and Binders’ Shops." In Waste Paper in Early Modern England, 95–123. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198882701.003.0004.

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Abstract Chapter 3 attends to the manuscript waste that flooded the English landscape after the dissolution of the monasteries in the middle of the sixteenth century, and tells the stories of two antiquarians and how they thoughtfully apprehended such waste. The first is the reformer John Bale who fantasized about the possibility of wasting the popish books that were suddenly released from their monastic confines, but, at the same time, hoped to collect and preserve the historical chronicles that might prop up Protestant narratives of the English past. In the face of the indiscriminate waste practices of the sixteenth century, Bale’s encounters with fragments of waste in binders’ and grocers’ shops came instead to be absorbed into his eschatological understanding of how the world was rapidly decaying and nearing its end. The second part of the chapter considers the continued material and imaginative presence of monastic waste in seventeenth-century England, focusing on John Aubrey and the national, local, and personal history he tells through the lens of discarded and repurposed materials. Conceiving of these materials as the flotsam in the shipwreck of time, Aubrey reads in waste emblems of antiquarian labour and his own identity as an antiquarian.
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