Journal articles on the topic 'Ely Cathedral. Lady Chapel'

After the devastating fire of 1184, the Lady Chapel of Glastonbury Abbey was constructed on the site of the Old Church (Vetusta Ecclesia), the wattle church traditionally associated with Joseph of Arimathea. The lavish decoration of the chapel is frequently mentioned in the literature. In many cases authors emphasize the old-fashioned, Romanesque character of much of the ornament in contrast to the seemingly more progressive contemporary early Gothic mouldings of nearby Wells Cathedral. Nevertheless, it is generally recognized that the designer of Glastonbury Lady Chapel knew of the latest developments in French Gothic architecture as witnessed in his use of crocket capitals and sharply pointed arches in the vault. This juxtaposition of Romanesque and Gothic motifs has led to the categorization of the Lady Chapel as Transitional. Convenient as such a label may be as a term of reference in charting a purely typological evolution, it does little for our understanding of the use of some distinctly different elements in contemporary structures located in the same region. Is it the case that the patron and/or master mason of Glastonbury Lady Chapel are simply more conservative than at Wells Cathedral? Could Glastonbury Lady Chapel be consciously archaizing in an effort to emphasize the antiquity of the site? Should we perhaps think in terms of a traditional Benedictine monastic style at Glastonbury as opposed to an innovative style for the secular canons of Wells? Or is the rich decoration at Glastonbury Lady Chapel to be explained in a more general sense as an imitation of the art of church treasures? To address these questions the first part of this essay will examine the stylistic sources of the Lady Chapel. The meaning of the style of the Lady Chapel in the context of the beginnings of Gothic architecture in Britain will be discussed. Attention will then be turned to the sculpture of the Lady Chapel (Thurlby 1976a).

The article is an attempt to present the impressions of Andrey Muraviev, religious writer, theologian, poet, playwright, church and state activist, from his stay in Vilnius in 1863, on the basis of his work entitled The Russian Vilnius. It consists of six essays on Vilnius religious monuments: the Chapel of Our Lady of Ostra Brama, St. Paraskeva Orthodox church, Orthodox cathedral of Our Most Holy Lady, Orthodox church of translation of St Nicholas’ relics, Holy Trinity cathedral, Holy Spirit church and monastery complex. The author was only interested in monuments which would document the city’s connections to Russia and Orthodox Christianity. His reflections might be considered as a literary justification for the program of Russification of the north-west country, developed by the writer’s brother, Mikhail, who went down in Polish historical memory as Veshatiel.

In any evaluation of the character and accomplishments of the English Reformation, an essential ingredient must be a sympathetic but, so far as possible, objective assessment of the nature – in all its strengths and weaknesses – of the unreformed Church and religion upon which the Reformation was wrought. Among the multifarious operations of the pre-Reformation Church, perhaps the most central to its fundamental purposes was the conduct by its clergy of the worship of God and the celebration of the sacrifice of the mass, as effected on the small scale by the parish clergy and on the grand scale by the priests and clerks of the greater collegiate churches and the religious of the monasteries. As acts of worship, commemoration and intercession, the efficacy of these rituals lay in the simple fact of their enactment by those to whom their conduct was committed, irrespective of the grandeur of the setting or the presence or absence of any congregation or other attendance. Nevertheless, credit both terrestrial and celestial was perceived to redound upon those institutions which endeavoured to clothe their acts of devotion and worship with the finest products that the artisans of the day could create, within the grandest achievements of their contemporary architects. In respect of the conduct of the liturgy, it was, in the event, those institutions which had carried these arts to their highest levels that eventually proved to be the principal casualties of the Reformation process; a period of less than fifteen years (1535–49) sufficed to effect the extinction of all the monastic churches, and of all the collegiate churches except for some thirty which enjoyed cathedral status, academic function or extremely close royal connection.

Liverpool Cathedral’s Lady Chapel was the first portion to be constructed of a building project which took until the end of the 1970s to complete. Often overshadowed by the later work, this comparatively small building has perhaps not been adequately documented and assessed as a work in its own right. Moreover, in the case of this portion of the cathedral, two architects were involved, and so an attempt to assess the extent of each person’s contribution is a necessary endeavour in any study of this building, but has not previously been undertaken in this case.

The arrival of Spaniards in the Caribbean islands introduced to the region the practice of applying pigments onto buildings. The pigments that remain on these buildings may provide data on their historical evolution and essential information for tackling restoration tasks. In this study, a 17th-century mural painting located in the Cathedral of Santo Domingo on the Hispaniola island of the Caribbean is characterised via UV–VIS–NIR, Raman and FTIR spectroscopy, XRD and SEM/EDX. The pigments are found in the older Chapel of Our Lady of Candelaria, currently Chapel of Our Lady of Mercy. The chapel was built in the 17th century by black slave brotherhood and extended by Spaniards. During a recent restoration process of the chapel, remains of mural painting appeared, which were covered by several layers of lime. Five colours were identified: ochre, green, red, blue and white. Moreover, it was determined that this mural painting was made before the end of the 18th century, because many of the materials used were no longer used after the industrialisation of painting. However, since both rutile and anatase appear as a white pigment, a restoration may have been carried out in the 20th century, and it has been painted white.

Let us contemplate Thomas Cranmer, Primate of All England, sitting on an altar to preside over the trial of Anabaptist heretics. The time is May 1549; the altar, unceremoniously covered over to support the judge, is that of the Lady Chapel in St Paul’s Cathedral in London; several of the heretics on trial have denied the Catholic doctrine of the incarnation, and one will later be burned at the stake. In a compelling paradox, an archbishop tramples an altar of Our Lady in the course of defending the incarnation. One witness in the crowd of onlookers was a pious and scholarly Welsh Catholic, Sir Thomas Stradling, who later wrote down his reactions to the occasion. He interpreted it as the uncannily accurate fulfilment of an eleventh-century prophecy to be found in a manuscript in his own library: Cranmer, he pointed out, went on to be punished for his blasphemy first by the 1549 rebellions and then by his fiery death at the stake.’

Archaeological excavations in the complex of the Arch Parish Church of St Asel discovered an entire early Christian complex consisting of a north singlecellchurch and, to its south, a group of baptismal buildings which was soon transformed into a longitudinal building with an eastern apse. A number of remodelling interventions between the sixth and the eighth century confirm that the early Christian church and its baptistery survived the turbulent centuries of the Migration Period. The next major building phase was identified during the conservation works carried out on the church walls and there is no doubt that it occurred at the turn of the ninth century when the church became the cathedral of the Croatian bishop. Both churches, the north and the south, were provided with new stone furnishings while the baptismal font was altered so as to conform to the liturgical changes which were introduced into the baptismal rite. Archaeological evidence has demonstrated that the font remained in use until the sixteenth century when the apse of the south church was destroyed to make way for the chapel of Our Lady of Zečevo (1510-1530). The buildings to the south suffered a major destruction in 1780 when the Lady chapel was extended at the expense of its north wall which was torn down and the southern structure was cut in half.

ABSTRACTThe Christmas octave in the Sarum rite included the singing of prosae on Christmas Day and on the three days following Christmas – the feasts of St Stephen, St John the Evangelist and the Holy Innocents. After the Vespers preceding each of these three days, a procession was made to an appropriate altar in the church, during which a responsory was sung with its prosa and wordless melismas after each prosa verse, with two responsory prosae based upon the melody from Christmas. These processions featured, in turn, the deacons, the priests and the choirboys, vested in silken copes and carrying lighted candles, going to the altar of St Stephen, of St Peter and All Apostles, and of Trinity and All Saints (the Lady Chapel). Rubrics indicate their special character, especially for St Stephen, described as solemnitas diaconorum, but also for all three, described as being for the sake of deacons, priests and choirboys in turn. Processions to altars in Salisbury Cathedral were strictly limited to one each year; these processions took up those three altars, which then had no further processions on their proper days. The processions had been established during the initial building-phases of the cathedral, when only these three altars existed. This exceptional series of processions emphasised the distinct importance of the Christmas octave and honoured the hierarchy of the choir, who served the liturgy throughout the year.

In 1648 the creole elite of Mexico City was enthralled to learn that in December 1531 the Virgin Mary had appeared to a poor Indian and had miraculously imprinted on his cape the likeness of herself, which was still venerated in the chapel at Tepeyac just outside the city limits. The moment was opportune, since in 1622 Archbishop Juan Pérez de la Serna had completed the construction of a new sanctuary devoted to Our Lady of Guadalupe and in 1629 the image had been brought to the cathedral in a vain attempt to lower the flood waters that engulfed the capital for four years. In effect, Image of the Virgin Mary, Mother of God of Guadalupe (1648) was a heartfelt response to the growth in devotion to the Mexican Virgin; and its author, Miguel Sánchez, wrote as if inspired by a particular revelation, since his only guides were oral tradition and the stimulus of other apparition narratives. A creole priest, renowned for his piety, patriotism and great learning, Sánchez appears to have modelled his account on Murillo’s history of Our Lady of Pilar and her apparition at Zaragoza to St James, which is to say, to Santiago, the patron saint of Spain.

AbstractThis essay is in honour and in memory of the late Prof. Dr. Engelbert MVENG Sf. Born in Cameroon on May 9, 1930, Fr. Mveng has been found murdered in Yaoundé on April 23, 1995 before he would turn 65 years old. In the last thirty years, he was professor at the University of Yaoundé/Cameroon, Department of History. As a historian and theologian, he has enormous contributions to African culture and history, especially in the realm of cultural and religious anthropology as well as in iconology, which have won a wide acclaim. The internationally renowned artistic work of Fr. Mveng which can be found in different churches, chapels and educational centers the world over, underlines the iconographic contribution of Africa to the world and to Christianity. See, for example: Our Lady of Africa in the Basilica of the Annunciation in Nazareth/Israel; the Jesuit Hekima College in Nairobi/Kenya; Uganda Martyrs Altar at Libermann, Douala/Cameroon; Our Lady of the Yaoundé Cathedral/Cameroon; the decoration of the chapel of the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaoundé/Cameroon ... and various centers in Africa and in the United States ... I have presented the first version of this essay on the occasion of a visit of John Paul II to Cameroon. I enclose a selected bibliography of the writings of Fr. Engelbert Mveng.

The lesson that people hold radically differing views about church art is the harder to learn when one comes to it from the iconodul-istic side. Looking back on my own Roman Catholic schooling, and the place of statues and holy pictures in the religious devotions of that milieu, I realize that once sacramental awareness develops, it is not always easily confined to the matter of the theological sacraments themselves. The beheading of the statues in the Lady Chapel at Ely, which I visited at the age of eleven, seemed a shocking circumstance whose motivation was totally incomprehensible, even allowing for the fact that it was the work of Protestants, and the Old Testament, which might have brought the dawn of understanding, was, of course, no part of an ordinary Catholic education at that time. In short, the author of Charlemagne’s Libri Carolini would have found much upon which to make adverse comment in me, my fellows, and the monks who taught us. With the first artistic love of my student days, which was Romanesque sculpture, came an awareness of the voices and practice of those great medieval Protestants, the Cistercians. But only in the later encounter with Charlemagne was I forced to listen seriously to the moral and theological arguments against the unbridled use of figurai art in the service of the Church.

This paper presents an unknown document about the construction of the marble tabernacle in the Corpus Christi chapel in the former Osor Cathedral, which has been attributed to the Venetian sculptor Alvise Tagliapietra (Venice, 1670–1747) through stylistic analysis. An archival source reveals an agreement concluded in Venice on September 20, 1708, between the representatives of the confraternity of Corpus Christi from Osor and Tagliapietra, whose workshop was located in the parish of San Moisè. The sculptor agreed that he would complete the works within five months. He was also to procure a small, gilded metal door and a statuette of the Risen Christ made of gilded copper. The price of the tabernacle was three hundred ducats, to be paid to Alvise in three instalments. He was to receive the first part upon signing the contract, the second during the work on the tabernacle, and the last upon delivering the tabernacle and installing it in the cathedral. Another contract published here was signed between the confraternity and the Venetian altar maker Zuanne Trognon in Cres on July 20, 1710. The master was to carve a new marble altar for the chapel to place Tagliapietra’s tabernacle on it. Trognon agreed to construct the altar for a total sum of 230 ducats, to be paid in three instalments, the last upon delivering the altar to Osor. Zuanne undertook to complete the entire work by June 1711. Finally, the altar arrived from Venice by boat on June 12, 1711, requiring additional funds from the brethren for its transportation, assembly, and placement in the confraternity chapel. Tagliapietra, like other Venetian sculptors, also received commissions from private clients. These concerned artworks for the sumptuous interiors and exteriors of numerous palaces owned by the Venetian elite. On this occasion, a marble bust of Venus from the Giusti Palace in Verona has been included in his oeuvre. Another hitherto unattributed work by Tagliapietra can be found in the Oratory of St Jacob located within the former Villa D’Arco in Corno Alto near Verona. It is a sculpture of the Immaculate Conception, similar to Tagliapietra’s allegorical depiction of Faith on the Osor tabernacle. The Venetian sculptor and his collaborators often replicated workshop sculptures due to frequent commissions of the same saintly statues for various churches in smaller towns of Friuli and Veneto. This is indicated, among other things, by Alvise’s hitherto unattributed monumental statues of St Nicholas the Bishop and St George from the parish church of the same name in Colloredo di Prato near Udine. In Alvise’s cycle from Rovinj, on which the master was assisted by his sons, the two large marble angels next to the retable of the altar of St Euphemia stand out in quality. The closest stylistic and chronologic analogy are the monumental angels on the main altar of the parish church in Conselve, carved in 1737. Tagliapietra used the same models for the previously unattributed angels on the main altar of the parish church in Pincara near Rovigo. At the end of his career, he also created a marble sculpture of Our Lady of the Rosary for commissioners from Rovinj. On that occasion, he replicated the monumental statue of the same name that he had carved in 1734 for the Venetian church of Santi Biagio e Cataldo, today located in the parish church of Solesino. It should be noted that Alvise Tagliapietra delivered the same sculpture around the 1740s for the oratory of a villa owned by the Venetian Condulmer family in Zerman near Treviso.

As the former capital of Dalmatia, Zadar abounded in monuments produced during the 17th and 18th century, especially altars, statues, and paintings. Most of this cultural heritage had been lost by the late 18th and the first decades of the 19th century, when the former Venetian Dalmatia was taken over by Austrian administration, followed by the French and then again by the Austrian one. Many churches were closed down, their furnishings were sold away or lost, and the buildings were either repurposed or demolished. One of them had been home to two hitherto unpublished angels-putti located on the top of the inner side of the arch in the sanctuary of Zadar’s church of Our Lady of Health (Kaštel) at the end of Kalelarga (Fig. 1). Both marble statues were obviously adjusted and then placed next to the marble cartouche with a subsequently added inscription from 1938, which tells of a reconstruction of the church during the time it was administered by the Capuchins. The drapery of the right angel-putto bears the initials I. G., which should be interpreted as the signature of the Venetian sculptor Giuseppe Groppelli (Venice, 1675-1735). This master signed his full name as IOSEPH GROPPELLI on the base of a statue of St Chrysogonus, now preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art in Zadar (Fig. 2). Same as the signed statue of St Anastasia by master Antonio Corradini (Fig. 3), it used to form part of the main altar in Zadar’s monumental church of St Donatus, desacralized in 1798. Recently, two more angels have been discovered, inserted in the tympanum of the main altar in the church of Madonna of Loreto in Zadar’s district of Arbanasi, the one to the right likewise bearing the initials I. G. (Fig. 4). Undoubtedly, these two artworks were once part of a single composition: the abovementioned former altar in the church of St Donatus, transferred to the cathedral in 1822 and reconstructed to become the new altar in the chapel of St Anastasia. Giuseppe and his younger brother, Paolo Groppelli, led the family workshop from 1708, producing and signing sculptures together. Therefore, the newly discovered statues produced by Giuseppe are a significant contribution to his personal 174 Damir Tulić: Nepoznati anđeli Giuseppea Groppellija u Zadru... Ars Adriatica 6/2016. (155-174) oeuvre. It is difficult to distinguish between his statues and those by his brother, but it is generally believed that Paolo was a better artist. It is therefore important to compare the two sculptures, as they are believed to have been made independently. Paolo’s statue of Our Lady of the Rosary (1708) was originally located in the former Benedictine church of Santa Croce at Giudecca in Venice, and acquired early in the 19th century for the parish church of Veli Lošinj. If one compares the phisiognomy of the Christ Child by Paolo to that of Giuseppe’s signed sculpture of angel-putto in Zadar, one can observe considerable similarities (Figs. 5 and 6). However, Paolo’s sculptures are somewhat subtler and softer than Giuseppe’s. The workshop of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli has also been credited with two large marble angels on the main altar of the parish church in Concadirame near Treviso, as they show great similarity in style to the angels in Ljubljana’s cathedral, made around 1710 (Figs. 7, 8, 9, and 10). The oeuvre of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli can also be extended to two kneeling marble angels at the altar of the Holy Sacrament in the Venetian church of Santa Maria Formosa, with their marble surface somewhat damaged (Figs. 11 and 12). Coming back to the former main altar in Zadar’s church of St Donatus, it should be emphasized that it was erected following the last will of Archbishop Vettore Priuli (1688-1712), that contains a clearly expressed desire that the altar should be decorated as lavishly as possible. As the construction contract has been lost and the appearance of the altar remains unknown, it can only be supposed what it may have looked like (Fig. 13). It is known that the altar included an older, 13th-century icon of Madonna with the Child, which was later transferred to the Cathedral and is today preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art. Scholars have presumed that the altar may had the form of a triumphal arch, with pillars enclosing the pala portante with an older icon and statues placed lateraly. However, it can also be presumed that the executors of the archbishop’s last will, canons Giovanni Grisogono and Giovanni Battista Nicoli, found a model for the lavish altar in Venice, in the former altar of the demolished oratory of Madonna della Pace. That altar had been erected in 1685 and included an older Byzantine icon of Madonna with the Child. It was later relocated to Trieste and its original appearance remains unknown, but can be reconstructed on the basis of its depiction on the medal of Doge Alvise IV Mocenigo (1764), preserved in the parish church of Plomin (Fig. 14). This popular solution undoubtedly served as a model for the main altar in the church of Madonna delle Grazie at Este (Fig. 15), constructed between 1692 and 1697. Today’s appearance of the chapel of St Anastasia does not reveal much about its previous altars (Fig. 16). A recently discovered document at the State Archive of Zadar sheds a new light on the hypothesis that the old main altar was transferred from St Donatus in 1822 and became, with minor revisions, the new altar of St Anastasia, demolished in 1905. According to a contract from 1821, the saint’s altar was designed by Zadar’s engineer and architect Petar Pekota, and built by parish priest Giovanni Degano by using segments from older altars, including that of St Donatus. The painting ordered for the new altar, Martyrdom of St Anastasia by Giuseppe Rambelli from Forli (Fig. 17), is the only surviving part of the 19thcentury altar. The overall reconstruction of the chapel of St Anastasia took place between 1903 and 1906, according to a project of architect Ćiril Metod Iveković, which intended to have the chapel covered in mosaics ordered from Venice. However, during the reconstruction works, remnants of 13th-century frescos were discovered in the apse and the project had to be altered. The altar from 1822 was nevertheless demolished and a new marble mensa was built, with a new urn for the saint’s relics, made in the Viennese workshop of Nicholas Mund, as attested by receipts from 1906 (Fig. 18). A hundred years after the intervention, another one took place, in which the marble altar was disassembled and replaced by a new one, made of glass and steel, yet bearing the old marble urn of Bishop Donatus.

Истоки поздних версий скульптурной визуализации Александра Невского были заложены еще в древности; важно, что в допетровскую эпоху иконописный канон по преимуществу предусматривал изображение князя в образе схимника, но не был единственно возможным. Установлено с высокой степенью достоверности, что первым дошедшим до нас его изображением является неатрибутированная ранее фигура, представленная на иконе «Богоматерь Тихвинская с протоевангельским циклом и святыми» (первая половина XVI в.). Изменение иконописного канона на «светскую» версию (1724) имело объективные предпосылки, поскольку и до этого Александр изображался в княжеских одеждах в монументальной живописи, миниатюрах, на житийных иконах. «Переходный» характер имеет фреска из Софийского собора в Вологде. Изготовление первой скульптуры Александра Невского («грудной статуи», 1754) связано с именем М. В. Ломоносова, из мозаичной мастерской которого происходят и два портрета князя. Указанному скульптурному произведению предшествовал барельефный портрет князя на его раке (1747–1752, ГЭ (Санкт-Петербург)). В XIX в. статуи князя установили на южных вратах Исаакиевского собора в Санкт-Петербурге (И. П. Витали, 1841–1846) и памятнике «1000-летие России» в Великом Новгороде (М. О. Микешин, И. Н. Шредер, 1862). В постреволюционную эпоху власть отказалась от использования в идеологических установках прежних символов, и герой Невской битвы оказался в забвении. Ренессанс произошел после выхода кинокартины С. М. Эйзенштейна. Это привело к появлению новой версии визуализации князя – в образе Н. К. Черкасова. В послевоенные годы эта версия была отражена и в скульптуре (памятник в Переславле-Залесском). Однако в Российской империи и Советском Союзе скульптурных изображений князя было создано все же слишком мало. На примере установки стелы в Усть-Ижоре (Архив Санкт-Петербургского Дома ученых) показано, что процесс согласования даже небольших памятных знаков был крайне сложным. С начала 1990-х годов ситуация изменилась. Памятники князю и скульптурные композиции, связанные с его именем, появились во многих городах страны, что делает актуальной задачу их типологизации. Самым ранним по времени появления является тип «часовни», представляющий собой вертикальную архитектурно-пластическую композицию, завершенную «куполом» и крестом. Сам же князь представлен в виде воина (Пушкин, Усть-Ижора, Кобылье Городище, отчасти пос. Ленинское). К этим памятникам примыкает еще один тип – «инок» (Городец). Данные скульптурные изображения можно соотнести с образцами иконописной традиции – допетровской («инок», клейма житийных икон) и петровской («святой воин»), а также с миниатюрами лицевых сводов. Остальные типы монументов представляют князя в образе воина, где атрибуты его святости, за редким исключением, играют второстепенную роль. В первую очередь это относится к конным памятникам (Псков (гора Соколиха), Санкт-Петербург (пл. Александра Невского) и др.). В статье показана связь этих произведений с отечественной и зарубежной художественными традициями. Широко распространенным типом памятников Александру Невскому является скульптура в виде одиночной фигуры (Городец, Курск, Волгоград, Владимир и др.). Несмотря на то, что в большинстве случаев связь с тенденциями визуализации, идущими из глубины веков, в этом типе сведена к минимуму, тем не менее она прослеживается, прежде всего, через элементы православной символики. И только два памятника этого типа – в Петрозаводске и Александрове – представляют Александра Невского в образе и воина, и святого. The origins of the later versions of Alexander Nevsky’s sculptural visualization were laid back in ancient times. It is important that, in the pre-Petrine era, the icon-painting canon mainly provided for the image of Nevsky as a schemamonk, but it was not the only possible one. It has been established with a high degree of certainty that the first image of Alexander that came to us is the previously non-attributed figure represented on the icon “Our Lady of Tikhvin with the Proto-Gospel Cycle and Saints” (first half of the 16th century). The change of the icon-painting canon to the “secular” version (1724) had objective prerequisites, since, before that, Alexander had been depicted in princely robes in monumental painting, miniatures, on hagiographic icons. The fresco from Saint Sophia Cathedral in Vologda has a “transitional” nature. The creation of the first sculpture of Alexander Nevsky (the “chest statue”, 1754) is associated with the name of Mikhail Lomonosov; two portraits of Nevsky also come from his mosaic workshop. This sculpture was preceded by a bas-relief portrait of Nevsky on his shrine (1747–1752, State Hermitage, St. Petersburg). In the 19th century, statues of Nevsky were erected on the southern gates of St. Isaac's Cathedral in St. Petersburg (I.P. Vitali, 1841–1846) and on the monument “1000th Anniversary of Russia” in Veliky Novgorod (M.O. Mikeshin, I.N. Schroeder, 1862). In the post-revolutionary era, the government refused to use the old symbols in ideological settings, and the hero of the Neva battle was forgotten. The renaissance occurred after the release of the film Alexander Nevsky by Sergei Eisenstein. This led to the emergence of a new version of the visualization of the prince – in the image of Nikolay Cherkasov. In the postwar years, this version was also reflected in sculpture (a monument in Pereslavl-Zalessky). However, in the Russian Empire and in the Soviet Union, too few sculptural images of the prince were created. Using the installation of a stele in Ust-Izhora (Archive of the St. Petersburg House of Scientists) as an example, it is shown that the reconciling of even small commemorative plaques was extremely difficult. Since the early 1990s, the situation has changed. Monuments to the prince and sculptural compositions associated with his name appeared in many cities of the country, which makes the task of typologizing them urgent. The earliest type is a “chapel”. It is a vertical architectural plastic composition completed with a “dome” and a cross. The prince himself is represented in the image of a warrior (Pushkin, Ust-Izhora, Kobyl’ye Gorodishche, partly the Leninskoye village). One more type adjoins these monuments – a “monk” (Gorodets). The sculptural images of this type can be correlated with samples of the icon-painting tradition, both of the pre-Petrine (“monk”, the scenes of life of hagiographic icons) and Petrine (“holy warrior”) eras, and with miniatures of illustrated chronicles. The remaining types of monuments represent Nevsky in the image of a warrior, in which the attributes of his holiness, with rare exceptions, play a secondary role. First of all, this refers to equestrian monuments (Pskov (Sokolikha Mountain), St. Petersburg (Alexander Nevsky Square), etc.). The article shows the relationship of these works with domestic and foreign artistic traditions. A widespread type of monuments to Alexander Nevsky is a sculpture in the form of a single figure (Gorodets, Kursk, Volgograd, Vladimir, etc.). Despite the fact that in most cases the connection with visualization trends that come from the depths of centuries is minimized in this type, it can still be traced, first of all, through elements of Orthodox symbolism. Only two monuments of this type – in Petrozavodsk and Alexandrov – represent Alexander Nevsky in the image of both a warrior and a saint.

[…] Yesterday some of us had the hardihood to brave the element and venture on shore, Father, Madre and self being of the party […] We reached Adelaide at 12.30 and at once did King William St. and had a look at some of the more prominent buildings – making some necessary if unromantic purchases. We had lunch at a very one-horse place which a bobby recommended to us as the best in Adelaide. After that we made a horse-tram journey out to see the cathedral which is a very beautiful little building with a Lady Chapel – fancy one in Melbourne. I dropped into the zoo and had a look round: I was very keen on seeing their rhinoceros but found it was these many years extinct. Father and Madre went on to the gallery where I met them. We had a very enjoyable half-hour there. There was no time for more. It is really a more interesting gallery than Melbourne as tho’ smaller it has fewer encumbrances in the way of trash and several jolly good pictures – Watts, Leighton, Bouguereau, Rossetti, etc. It is really a splendid gallery for Adelaide. We hadn't time for anything more as it was too wet to go up Mount Lofty. So we shopped and teaed and after that we came back […]

AbstractThe study, dedicated to Beautiful Pietàs conserved in South Tyrol (Northern Italy), aims to establish, for the first time, a connection between Austroalpine raw materials and the high-fired gypsum mortars constituting the Gothic figure groups in question. The origin and chronology of this stylistically and qualitatively differing ensemble have been subject of art historical debate for nearly a century. The discourse is dominated by three main hypotheses: itinerary of an Austrian artist versus itinerary of the work of art created in an artist’s workshop in Austria versus itinerary of the stylistic vocabulary via graphical or three-dimensional models. The comparison of the δ34S values and the 87Sr/86Sr ratios of the gypsum mortars and Austroalpine sulphate deposits (in a compilation of own reference samples and literature data) points to the exploitation of sediments in the Salzkammergut and possibly also in the evaporite district of the Eastern Calcareous Alps, thus evidencing the import of the sculptures and not the activities of local South Tyrolean or itinerant artists. Two geochronological units are distinguishable: The Pietà in the Church St. Martin in Göflan can be assigned to Upper Permian raw material, whereas the metrologically consistent sculptures in the Church of Our Lady of the Benedictine Abbey Marienberg and in the Chapel St. Ann in Mölten correlate with deposits of the Early Triassic (or the Lower-Middle Triassic transition). The medieval gypsum mortars also differ in their mineralogical characteristics, i.e. in their geologically related minor components, as in the first case, characterised by a significant proportion of primary anhydrite, natural carbonate impurities mainly consist of calcite (partly converted to lime-lump-like aggregates), whereas in the second group dolomite (or rather its hydration products after pyrometamorphic decomposition) predominates, accompanied by celestine, quartz and potassium feldspar. The Pietà in the Cathedral Maria Himmelfahrt in Bozen turned out to be made of Breitenbrunn calcareous sandstone (Leitha Mountains, Burgenland, Austria), which is why the sample is not considered in the geochemical analysis. Graphical Abstract