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Journal articles on the topic 'Elizabethan court'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

MEARS, NATALIE. "COUNSEL, PUBLIC DEBATE, AND QUEENSHIP: JOHN STUBBS'S THE DISCOVERIE OF A GAPING GULF, 1579." Historical Journal 44, no. 3 (September 2001): 629–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001947.

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John Stubbs's controversial pamphlet against Elizabeth's proposed marriage with Francis, duke of Anjou, The discoverie of a gaping gulf (1579), has conventionally been seen – with Edmund Spenser's The shepheardes calendar and Philip Sidney's letter to Elizabeth – as part of a propaganda campaign organized by Leicester and Walsingham to force Elizabeth to reject the marriage. Yet the evidence linking Stubbs with Leicester and Walsingham is thin. This article re-examines that evidence in the light of recent research on court factionalism, men-of-business, and concepts of counsel. It argues that A gaping gulf was an independent initiative taken by Stubbs which expressed very different attitudes to ‘counsel’ from Sidney's letter. It suggests that participants in public debate need to be explored on their own terms, rather than as necessarily catspaws of councillors; that there was an emergent Elizabethan public sphere independent of the court which, in holding different attitudes to counsel than councillors, could bring them into conflict with Elizabeth.

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2

Garwood, Sasha. "Entering Elizabeth: eating and gender at the Elizabethan court." Assuming Gender 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/ipics.27.

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3

Zaharia, Oana-Alis. "Fashioning the Queen - Elizabeth I as Patron of Translations." Gender Studies 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10320-012-0034-5.

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Abstract The present paper aims to explore the role of Queen Elizabeth I as literary patron and dedicatee of translations by focusing on the dedication that precedes Geoffrey Fenton’s rendering of Francesco Guicciardini’s Storia d’Italia. Fenton’s extensive dedication to the Queen is extremely revealing of the manner in which the system of patronage was understood in Elizabethan England. Moreover, it facilitates our understanding of the translator’s role and position at the Elizabethan court, of the political and cultural implications of choosing the Queen as the patron of a translation.

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4

Gajda, Alexandra. "Henry Savile and the Elizabethan Court." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 6, no. 1-2 (March 17, 2021): 32–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-06010001.

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Abstract This essay examines Henry Savile’s relationship with the Elizabethan and Jacobean court and the political culture of the period in which he lived. Particular attention is paid to the controversies surrounding Savile’s alleged connection to Robert Devereux, 2nd earl of Essex and the court politics of the 1590s, and variant interpretations scholars have made of the political significance of his historical scholarship. Savile’s Elizabethan literary remains demonstrate his persistent interest in the association between militarism and the arts of civil government, and the frequently problematic relationship of virtuous soldiers and statesmen to princely rulers. These concerns were shared by leading Elizabethan soldiers and statesmen, from the earl of Leicester, William Cecil, Lord Burghley, to the earl of Essex, and may have influenced the latter’s growing alienation from queen and court in the late 1590s. A broader comparison of Savile’s career with those of contemporary Merton scholars, however, confirms that he rejected the public careers pursued by other friends and colleagues. Savile’s political connections seem to have served his scholarly ambitions rather than the other way around, and after the rebellion of the earl of Essex he seems to have retreated from life at court.

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5

van den Berg, Sara. "The Passing of the Elizabethan Court." Ben Jonson Journal 1, no. 1 (January 1994): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.1994.1.1.4.

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6

Cole, Mary Hill. "Katherine Butler.Music in Elizabethan Court Politics." American Historical Review 121, no. 3 (June 2016): 1018–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.3.1018.

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7

Dunn, Richard. "John Dee and the Elizabethan Court." Endeavour 36, no. 4 (December 2012): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.endeavour.2012.06.002.

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8

Philo, John-Mark. "Elizabeth I’s Translation of Tacitus: Lambeth Palace Library, MS 683." Review of English Studies 71, no. 298 (November 29, 2019): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz112.

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Abstract Preserved at Lambeth Palace Library is a manuscript translation of Tacitus’s Annales, completed in the late sixteenth century. The translation was undertaken, this essay argues, by Elizabeth I. The article makes the case for the queen’s authorship with an appeal to paper stock, provenance, style of translation, and, above all, to the handwriting preserved in the manuscript. The queen’s late hand was strikingly idiosyncratic and the same features which characterize her autograph works are also to be found in the Lambeth translation of Tacitus. The manuscript’s transmission is traced from the Elizabethan court to Lambeth via the collection of Archbishop Thomas Tenison (1636–1715), whose acquisition of Francis Bacon’s (1561–1626) manuscripts helped to make Lambeth Palace Library one of the largest collections of State Papers from the Elizabethan era. The article then compares the authorial corrections made to the Lambeth Tacitus with those which Elizabeth made to her other translations with a special focus on the idiosyncrasies of the queen’s late hand. Finally, Elizabeth’s translation is compared with Richard Greenway’s translation of the Annales (1598), highlighting the methods of translation adopted by either translator. While Greenway expands for the sake of clarity, reworking Tacitus’s remarkably terse prose, Elizabeth preserves something of the historian’s celebrated brevity, closely reproducing the syntax of the original. By examining both the material aspects of the manuscript and the stylistic qualities of the translation itself, this article offers the first study of Elizabeth I’s translation of Tacitus.

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9

Tighe, William J. "Five Elizabethan courtiers, their Catholic connections, and their careers." British Catholic History 33, no. 2 (September 15, 2016): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2016.25.

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This article considers some of the men and women who served in the Privy Chamber of Elizabeth I and those men who held significant positions in her outer Chamber for evidence of Catholic beliefs, sympathies or family connections. It then discusses the careers of five men who at various times in Elizabeth’s reign were members of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners. It will show that their court careers were decisively affected by their Catholic beliefs and connections and, in one case, by a temporary repudiation of Catholicism. Their careers witness both to a fluidity of religious identity that facilitated their advancement at Court and to a narrowing of this identity over the course of the reign.

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10

Larson, Katherine R. "Music in Elizabethan Court Politics by Katherine Butler." Early Modern Women 10, no. 2 (2016): 224–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/emw.2016.0032.

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11

Brennan, M. G. "Leicester and the Court. Essays on Elizabethan Politics." Notes and Queries 50, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/50.1.106.

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12

Brennan, Michael G. "Leicester and the Court. Essays on Elizabethan Politics." Notes and Queries 50, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/500106.

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13

Wall, Alison. "For love, money, or politics? A clandestine marriage and the Elizabethan court of Arches." Historical Journal 38, no. 3 (September 1995): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019956.

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ABSTRACTThe strange circumstances of the hasty clandestine wedding of Thomas Thynne and Maria Audley in 1594 raise questions about possible motives for it. He was the teenage heir to a rich Wiltshire gentleman, and she was a young attendant of Queen Elizabeth, but their families were divided by political faction. Private correspondence afterwards and contentious court of Arches proceedings lasting to 1601 reveal the tactics adopted on the one hand by her family to try to prove consent of both bride and groom to marriage, on the other the countering tactics of the Thynnes to disprove it. The parents exploited ecclesiastical court procedure, and attempted to influence witnesses and judge. This case shows attitudes to marriage making, beliefs about rituals and tokens, and conceptions of the law of marriage in Elizabethan England.

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14

Buffey, Emily. "Playing Chaucer at the Early Elizabethan Inns of Court." Comparative Drama 55, no. 2-3 (2021): 138–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cdr.2021.0010.

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15

Alcock, Nat. "Elizabethan Inventories and Wills of the Exeter Orphans’ Court." Vernacular Architecture 47, no. 1 (January 2016): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03055477.2016.1234892.

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16

CAMPBELL, MARION. "Inscribing Imperfection: Sir Walter Ralegh and the Elizabethan Court." English Literary Renaissance 20, no. 2 (March 1990): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1990.tb01012.x.

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17

Gomulkiewicz, Abigail. "The Gender Dynamics of Dress Gifts from Elizabethan Men at the Court of Elizabeth I." Gender & History 33, no. 2 (February 5, 2021): 346–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12512.

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18

Winston, Jessica. "Seneca in Early Elizabethan England*." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 1 (2006): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0232.

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AbstractIn the 1560s a group of men associated with the universities, and especially the early English law schools, the Inns of Court, translated nine of Seneca’s ten tragedies into English. Few studies address these texts and those that do concentrate on their contributions to the development of English drama. Why such works were important for those who composed them remains unclear. This essay examines the translations against the background of the social, political, and literary culture of the Inns in the 1560s. In this context, they look less like forms of dramatic invention than kinds of writing that facilitated the translators’ Latin learning, personal interactions, and political thinking and involvement.

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19

GAJDA, ALEXANDRA. "DEBATING WAR AND PEACE IN LATE ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (November 6, 2009): 851–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990331.

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ABSTRACTPeace with Spain was debated by Elizabeth I's government from 1598, when France and Spain made peace by signing the Treaty of Vervins. Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex was zealously hostile to accommodation with Spain, while other privy councillors argued in favour of peace. Arguments for and against peace were, however, also articulated in wider contexts, in particular in a series of manuscript treatises, and also in printed tracts from the Netherlands, which appeared in English translation in the late 1590s. This article explores ways that ideas of war and peace were disseminated in manuscript and printed media outside the privy council and court. It is argued that disagreement about the direction of the war reveals differing contemporary responses to the legitimacy of the Dutch abjuration of Spanish sovereignty and the polity of the United Provinces, which have implications for our understanding of political mentalities in late Elizabethan England.

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20

Takemura, Harumi. "Gesta Grayorum and Le Prince d’Amour." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 94, no. 1 (August 1, 2017): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0184767817722102.

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Although the indebtedness of early modern English dramatic literature to the intellectual and literary milieu of the Inns of Court is widely recognized, its revelling culture has been heretofore understudied. The Inns of Court developed its own festive culture, which gives the evidence of the hybridity of courtly entertainments and satirical urbanism. This article looks in detail at two Inns of Court revels performed in the 1590s, Gesta Grayorum (1594–95, Gray’s Inn) and Le Prince d’Amour (1597–98, Middle Temple), and explores the shifting nature of the Elizabethan entertainment culture.

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21

PARRY, GLYN. "JOHN DEE AND THE ELIZABETHAN BRITISH EMPIRE IN ITS EUROPEAN CONTEXT." Historical Journal 49, no. 3 (September 2006): 643–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005462.

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Recent scholarship on the ideological origins of the British Empire has emphasized the importance of John Dee's imperial writings in justifying the Elizabethan exploitation of English Atlantic discoveries. Yet a closer reading of these writings in the context of European politics, Elizabethan Court intrigues, and Dee's occult natural philosophy and magical imperialism reveals their covert purpose of recovering a lost British Empire in Europe. Dee wrote initially to address both the chronic and acute problems facing the regime in 1576, but rather than being an autonomous authority whose ideas commanded attention because of their intrinsic power, he was subordinate to the Court patronage system. Consequently his writings only gained attention when revised to align with the policies of powerful courtiers such as the earl of Leicester, and even then influential Catholic courtiers could exploit contingent political circumstances to counter his influence. Dee's writings remained problematic not only because restoring the British Empire in Europe would entail confronting Spain, but also because in their hidden centre they proposed the creation of an apocalyptic empire by magical means, particularly the philosopher's stone. In the end the contingent events that made Dee's writings briefly influential ensured their ultimate irrelevance to Elizabethan policy-making.

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22

Christian, Margaret, and Peter E. McCullough. "Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 2 (1999): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544734.

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23

Giordano, Kailey. "Age in Love: Shakespeare and the Elizabethan Court by Jacqueline Vanhoutte." Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 20, no. 2 (2020): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jem.2020.0016.

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24

Wallace, Dewey D., and Peter E. McCullough. "Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052760.

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25

Heal, Felicity, and Peter E. McCullough. "Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching." American Historical Review 104, no. 3 (June 1999): 984. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651118.

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26

Lockey, Brian C. "Elizabethan Cosmopolitan: Captain Thomas Stukeley in the Court of Dom Sebastian." English Literary Renaissance 40, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.2009.01059.x.

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27

Wall, Alison. "'Points of Contact': Court Favourites and County Faction in Elizabethan England." Parergon 6, no. 1 (1988): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1988.0012.

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28

Bennett, Kristen Abbott. "Rhetorical Swordfighting and Satire in Thomas Watson’s Hekatompathia." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 48, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 6–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04801001.

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Abstract Thomas Watson’s critics have suggested that The Hekatompathia, Or Passionate Centurie of Love ambitiously aspired to be a pedagogical text, but if this work is designed to teach, then this essay suggests Watson’s manipulations of genre, style, and intertexts combine to offer a pedagogy for poets, a compilation of rhetorical postures one may employ to simultaneously deliver and disguise socio-political satire in Elizabethan England. This essay first discusses how Hekatompathia additionally signals its satirical aims by participating in the pasquinade tradition, and positioning a “pasquine piller” at the volta of this sequence of one hundred passions. Next, it shows how Watson’s “passions” intertextually recall Pierre de Ronsard’s Discours des Misères de ce Temps, a collection of lyrics satirizing the French factionalism that has led to civil war, as well as Thomas Jeney’s later English translation that turns a mirror to princes toward Queen Elizabeth. Upon recognizing the Ronsardian subtexts of courtly factionalism and civil unrest associated with Watson’s “passions,” one may see how they are compounded as the poet sets them forth in the “pathetical style” of Seneca and Lucan. The civil wars of ancient Rome and subsequent imperial tyranny are frequently held up as a cautionary tales for early modern English and European rulers, but Watson’s simultaneous translation of the French Wars of Religion relocates these civil broils in England, implicating Elizabethan court dissidence and hypocrisy.

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29

Haskett, Timothy S. "The Medieval English Court of Chancery." Law and History Review 14, no. 2 (1996): 245–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743785.

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The medieval English Court of Chancery is not a well-known institution. Its Victorian great-granddaughter—if to posit such a relationship does the antecedent justice—has a far broader public for its much darker persona, thanks to Jarndyce and Jarndyce. Even Chancery's Jacobean descendant looms larger in the historical memory than does its medieval forebear, if only for the celebrated battle between Chancellor Ellesmere and Coke, CJ. Perhaps with the brief tenure of St. Thomas More, brought into our own popular culture by playwright Robert Bolt and actor Paul Scofield, the early Chancery emerges for a moment, although the court under More was overshadowed by that chancellor's more difficult trials. In fact, the Chancery as a court has been subsumed in a multitude of studies on the Chancery as an administrative office. It appears in essays on government, councils and parliaments, writing offices and administrative centers. Yet the court that grew around the chancellor was not the sum, or even just a part, of his activity as the leading administrator of the realm. Still, with a few exceptions, the medieval Court of Chancery has never been afforded the same careful and discrete treatment its Elizabethan successor has received. The older court remains a footnote to administrative history, something just on the far side of the light cast by St German and Tudor records.

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30

Danou, Photini. "Catholic Treason Trials in Elizabethan England. Complexities and Ambiguities in the Stage Management of a Public Show: The Case of William Parry." Journal of Early Modern History 14, no. 5 (2010): 393–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006510x519046.

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AbstractThis article discusses complexities and ambiguities that arose during the proceedings of a Catholic treason trial. The analysis proceeds by way of a case study of the trial of William Parry who was one of Lord Burghley’s spies. Despite having confessed plotting to assassinate Queen Elizabeth, during his performance in his trial Parry decided to change his story and retract his putatively voluntary confession. Based on Parry’s trial records this essay draws attention to the contesting discourses of patriotism and treason that were produced during the court procedures, suggesting that treason trials in Elizabethan England could not always be conducted safely nor controlled so as to produce the desired propaganda for the crown. The mise en scene by the authorities of a public show trial was one thing; its actual administration, quite another. Punishers and defendants interacted in the communicative space of the trial and through that interaction there emerged a multiplicity of possibilities, of interpretations and appropriations, of meanings and understandings.

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Tighe, W. J. "Courtiers and Politics in Elizabethan Herefordshire: Sir James Croft, his Friends and his Foes." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012140.

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For well over a decade studies in local history have occupied a significant position in the historiography of early modern England. In particular, the study of the ‘county community’ as the most significant English political and governmental unit and as the primary sphere of social and affectional loyalties for the greater number of those Englishmen constituting the political nation has become securely established. Within this wide and fruitful field for continuing research the theme of the ‘points of contact’ or reciprocal communication between the court and the county, Westminster and the provinces, which Sir Geoffrey Elton raised not so long ago and which Kevin Sharpe more recently attempted to apply to the problems of government in early Stuart England, suggests that investigations of the gentry of a particular county might illustrate how this interchange between the centre and the localities functioned. For such a study to prove fruitful, however, one prerequisite would appear to be necessary: a member of a prominent county family, perhaps its head, who also holds a major office of state or position at court. Such a man was Sir James Croft whose eminent position in Herefordshire was founded on the contacts he made and the patronage he attracted in the last years of Henry VIII's reign. Although this position was threatened in the years of his disgrace during Queen Mary's reign, it gathered strength again in the 1560s, and reached its apogee during the following two decades. Between 1570 and his death in 1590, he served at court as comptroller of the household.

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32

Scott-Warren, Jason. "Sir John Harington's 'Life of Ariosto' and the Textual Economy of the Elizabethan Court." Reformation 3, no. 1 (January 1998): 259–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ref_1998_3_1_010.

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33

Kneidel, Gregory. "Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching. Peter E. McCullough." Modern Philology 99, no. 4 (May 2002): 622–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/493129.

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34

Hammer, Paul E. J. "Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching (review)." Parergon 16, no. 2 (1999): 272–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1999.0020.

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35

Sterrett, Joe. "Here Our Prayer: Praying to Court and Society in Late-Elizabethan England and Titus Andronicus." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 75, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ce.75.1.3.

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36

Sharp, Zachary Daniel. "“Fitter to Please the Court Than the School”: Courtly and Paideutic Rhetoric in Elizabethan Poetics." Rhetorica 38, no. 1 (2020): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2020.38.1.57.

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This paper argues that Elizabethan handbooks on poetics enact two coevolving traditions in the history of rhetoric and poetics: one sees poetry as a rhetorical art of stylistic invention, while the other sees it as an object of study, analysis, and ethical training. To show this, I examine George Puttenham's Art of English Poesy and contrast it with William Scott's recently discovered Model of Poesy. Puttenham demonstrates how poetic style works as a tool of rhetorical invention; Scott, on the other hand, treats poetics as a method of literary critical analysis. Scott's poetics, I argue, is derived from a “paideutic” tradition, the aims of which mirror those found in educational treatises that concern the hermeneutic training students received in English grammar schools. Puttenham, writing for courtiers, instead makes a case for poetics as a means of rhetorical adaptation at court—his handbook, in short, shows poetry to be a rhetorical and pragmatic art of verbal performance that exists outside the schoolroom.

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Lamont, W. "Shorter notice. Sermons at Court. Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching. PE McCullough." English Historical Review 114, no. 459 (November 1, 1999): 1311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.459.1311.

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Jones, Norman. "Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching by Peter E. McCullough." Catholic Historical Review 85, no. 4 (1999): 634–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1999.0217.

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ÖĞÜTÇÜ, MURAT. "THE COURT, THE NOBILITY AND THE MONARCH S RESPONSIBILITIES IN SHAKESPEARE S ELIZABETHAN HISTORY PLAYS." Journal of International Social Research 9, no. 43 (April 20, 2016): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.17719/jisr.20164317617.

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40

Pérez Jáuregui, Mª Jesús. "Henry Constable’s Sonnets to Arbella Stuart." Sederi, no. 19 (2009): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2009.9.

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Although the Elizabethan poet and courtier Henry Constable is best known for his sonnet-sequence Diana (1592), he also wrote a series of sonnets addressed to noble personages that appear only in one manuscript (Victoria and Albert Museum, MS Dyce 44). Three of these lyrics are dedicated to Lady Arbella Stuart – cousin-german to James VI of Scotland–, who was considered a candidate to Elizabeth’s succession for a long time. Two of the sonnets were probably written on the occasion of Constable and Arbella’s meeting at court in 1588, and praise the thirteen-year old lady for her numerous virtues; the other one seems to have been written later on, as a conclusion to the whole book, implying that Constable at a certain moment presented it to Arbella in search for patronage and political protection. At a time when the succession seemed imminent, Constable’s allegiance to the Earl of Essex, who befriended Arbella and yet sent messages to James to assure him of his circle’s support, raises the question of the true motivation of these sonnets. This paper will analyze these particular works in a political context rife with courtly intrigue.

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41

Prest, Wilfrid. "William Lambarde, Elizabethan Law Reform, and Early Stuart Politics." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 4 (October 1995): 464–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386087.

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William Lambarde (1536–1601) has been much celebrated, and cited, by historians of Tudor England. Besides compiling what is generally recognized as the earliest county history (A Perambulation of Kent, completed in 1570; first published in 1576) and a pioneering edition of Anglo-Saxon laws and customs (Archaionomia, 1568), Lambarde's famous manual on the duties, powers, and responsibilities of justices of the peace (Eirenarcha, 1581) “gives an account, which is both complete and systematic, of the organization of the local government … as it stood at the end of the sixteenth century.” Although his abilities and achievements received only a modest measure of contemporary recognition, toward the end of his life Lambarde successively acquired the posts of Deputy in the Alienations Office (1589), Master in Chancery Extraordinary (1592), Master in Chancery and Deputy Keeper of the Rolls (1597), and Keeper of Records in the Tower of London (1601). He had been associated to the bench of Lincoln's Inn in 1579 (having, as the Black Book citation put it, “deserved universallie well of his comon wealth and contrie”); these promotions induced the ruling Council to make him a full bencher, “being one of Her Majesties Masters of hir Court of Chancery and of great reading, learning and experience.”In depicting the conscientious Elizabethan J.P. as burdened by “stacks of statutes,” Lambarde coined a phrase which has indeed “burrowed its way into most historical textbooks.” Besides numerous articles, modern scholarly interest in the man and his works has generated two biographies (published in 1965 and 1973), while the point of departure for John Howes Gleason's institutional-cumprosopographical account of local government under Elizabeth I and the early Stuarts was Lambarde's own record of his activities as a Kentish justice in the 1580s.

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42

Cole, Emily. "Theobalds, Hertfordshire: The Plan and Interiors of an Elizabethan Country House." Architectural History 60 (2017): 71–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/arh.2017.3.

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AbstractThis article aims to reconstruct the plan of Theobalds, Hertfordshire, built between 1564 and 1585 by Sir William Cecil, Lord Burghley. Theobalds was perhaps the most significant English country house of the Elizabethan period and in 1607 was taken on as a royal palace. It was visited by all the major court and political figures of the age, while its fame also extended overseas. Theobalds was innovative in various respects, as the article makes clear, and it had a profound impact on the architecture of its generation. Its importance is all the more extraordinary given that Theobalds was so short-lived: the house was taken down shortly after 1650 and few traces of it survive today. The assumption has been that, because the house was demolished so long ago, it could not be well understood. This article contradicts that view by reconstructing in detail the plan of Theobalds, using evidence provided by primary documents.

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FOX, ADAM. "RUMOUR, NEWS AND POPULAR POLITICAL OPINION IN ELIZABETHAN AND EARLY STUART ENGLAND." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 597–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007346.

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This essay explores the circulation of rumour and news among those at the lower levels of society in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. It does so through an analysis of the court records in which people were indicted for spreading false reports or speaking seditious words and which are now preserved in assize files or amid the state papers. These sources reveal the networks of communication by which information was disseminated nationwide and shed light upon the relationship between oral, manuscript and printed media. They show how wild stories could be whipped up in the act of transmission and were fuelled by the political insecurities of this period. At the same time a more sophisticated awareness of current affairs is evident in some illicit conversations which suggest that even humble people were participating in the arguments which anticipated the Civil War.

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Raffield, Paul. "The Elizabethan Rhetoric of Signs: Representations of Res Publica at the Early Modern Inns of Court." Law, Culture and the Humanities 7, no. 2 (November 2010): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872109355548.

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Dutton, Richard. "Jonson and Shakespeare: Oedipal Revenge." Ben Jonson Journal 23, no. 1 (May 2016): 24–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2016.0151.

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Jonson's attacks on Shakespeare's popular stagecraft, in the Induction to Bartholomew Fair and the Prologue to the folio version of Every Man In His Humour, are both well known. This essay argues that the focus of these attacks extends to an area of the dramatists' rivalry that has not hitherto been explored, in the presentation of their plays at court. While it is known that Shakespeare's plays were frequently performed at court the evidence for the presentation of Jonson's plays there is more patchy. But the essay marshals it to suggest that the sequence of plays collected in the 1616 Works is in part a proud record of their performance at court, where he was now poet laureate in all but title, while the Prologue to Every Man In implicitly questions the fitness of Shakespeare's plays for presentation there. Such questioning extends into Bartholomew Fair itself, whose presentation at court on the first day of the 1614/15 Revels season has all the appearance of a command performance. Winwife's choice of the word “Palemon” (“out of the play”), in the lottery to win Grace Wellborn, inevitably evokes The Two Noble Kinsmen and its reworking of Chaucer's “The Knight's Tale,” as does the puppet-show's depiction of feuding former friends (though Littlewit has ludicrously confused Palemon and Arcite with Damon and Pythias). That confusion, however, redirects us to the early Elizabethan court plays by Richard Edwardes on these two pairs of friends, models of courtly tragicomedy with which Shakespeare and Fletcher's latest offering compares poorly.

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Burden, Michael. "The Independent Masque 1700–1800: A Catalogue." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 28 (1995): 59–159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.1995.10540972.

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The masque—a long-established if only loosely defined form which had its origins in the Elizabethan revels—underwent striking changes in the course of the seventeenth century. Having reached a sophisticated and inevitably short-lived unity of all its possible dramatic elements during the first quarter of the century, this unity was first undermined by the departure of Ben Jonson in 1631 from the team at Court, and then all but extinguished by the Commonwealth. Although its performance during the Interregnum and its subsequent regeneration both at Court and in private are more vigorous than is usually believed, there was never the money to revive its earlier splendour, nor the political climate in which to do so. There was, of course, a revival of the pre-Commonwealth habit of inserting masques into spoken plays, and towards the end of the century, masques were also interpolated between the acts of spoken plays. Masques were also included in the ‘dramatick’ operas of the 1670s and 1690s, but although the masques here were more extravagant than those in plays, this use did not give the genre theatrical independence.

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Sánchez Hernández, Elena. "Two Pole-Vaulters of Their Times: The Poetry of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, and Irving Layton." Prague Journal of English Studies 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2016): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pjes-2016-0002.

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Abstract This article compares the poetic output of the Anglo-Canadian writer Irving Layton with that of the famous Restoration rake and court poet John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester. Layton himself provided the connection in his wholehearted vindication of the seventeenth century as a time of “intellectual ferment”, “criticism and impatience for change”. Layton’s debt to Nietzsche and Rochester’s to his contemporary philosopher Hobbes, respectively, provide the thread through which a striking similarity of values and thematic concerns, of the quality of the amatory experience described; of their criticism of mankind, its institutions and even of themselves, on the one hand, and, on the other, of shared poetic formulas, sources of inspiration (classical, Elizabethan, satiric) and idiom string together in creative work that displays quite striking affinities, the product of similar vital stances.

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Umunç, Himmet. "On her Majesty's Secret Service: Marlowe and Turkey*." Belleten 70, no. 259 (December 1, 2006): 903–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2006.903.

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Since the early 1990s, there has been a great deal of serious in-depth research on the Elizabethan dramatist Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593), whereby his historically admitted career and connection with Shakespeare have been revisited, and consequently a comprehensive controversy among Marlowe students has risen with regards to a wide range of issues including his involvement in Elizabeth's secret service. Historically, it is true that, while he was a student at Cambridge from 1580 to 1587, he was secretly recruited to become an agent and, thus, from 1583 onwards, was sent abroad on secret missions; hence, his frequent and prolonged absences from his studies at the university. His espionage activities and their geographies have always been a mystery except his visits to France and, perhaps, to other Catholic countries. In this context, if one recalls that the first diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Elizabeth's England were officially established in 1583 when William Harborne was appointed the first English ambassador to the Ottoman court, it was also of vital importance for Elizabeth's government to secure the Ottoman support and alliance against the growing Spanish and Catholic threat. Therefore, Harborne's appointment was a timely political and diplomatic manoeuvre, and evidently a close watch on Ottoman politics and international relations came to the fore as a serious and vitally important exigency. Indeed, besides the regular staff of Harborne's embassy, three "gentlemen," who may have been assigned special missions, also accompanied him. Could one of them be Marlowe? It is hard to be specific and certain in the absence of documented evidence. However, given the Turkish contents and references of Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great and The Jew of Malta, one can argue that he was fully familiar with Turkey and Turkish history and that some of the names and material in these plays seem to indicate his first-hand knowledge in this respect. So, through reference to some historical facts and a close textual study of the Turkish material in these two plays, this article is an attempt to demonstrate Marlowe's direct connection with Turkey and, thus, to argue that he must have visited this country in his capacity as Elizabeth's secret agent.

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Frenk, Joachim. "Happiness in Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia." Critical Survey 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2020.320306.

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Sir Philip Sidney is not commonly associated with a search for happiness or the use he made of concepts of happiness in his works. Yet, as this article seeks to show, he employed a rhetoric of happiness throughout. In particular, Sidney’s Arcadias – the Old Arcadia, which he finished in 1581, and the New Arcadia, the substantial rewriting which remained unfinished – are markedly different in their representations of and their reflections on happiness. While happiness is associated with the Arcadian state as a – potentially fatal – aim in the Old Arcadia from its very beginning, it is subordinated to a sterner and more violent discourse in the New Arcadia, for which after Sidney’s death other writers wrote diverse happy endings. This different treatment of happiness in the Arcadias is also discussed with a view to different manuscripts and print editions as well as to the power play at the Elizabethan court.

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Evans, Mel. "‘The vsuall speach of the Court’? Investigating language change in the Tudor family network (1544–1556)." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 1, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 153–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2015-0011.

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AbstractThis paper considers how micro-level analysis can enrich our understanding of macro-level processes of language change, using a case study of the Tudors. It explores how language use in the Tudor family network relates to the role of the Court in the supralocalisation of innovative forms during the sixteenth century. Using an original corpus of correspondence and other autograph writings, I conduct a comparative analysis of the language of Elizabeth Tudor with her siblings, parents and caregivers. The findings suggest that Elizabeth’s siblings, Mary I and Edward VI, were progressive in changes localised at the Court, but that Elizabeth’s caregivers and peripheral kin may have influenced Elizabeth’s uptake of non-Court-based changes. Using Network Strength Scores to represent the social experiences of Elizabeth and her nearest kin, it appears that Elizabeth’s changing position within the Court network, from a peripheral to more central member, may have played a part in the Court’s catalyst effect for the supralocalisation of innovative forms, and the emergence of an overtly prestigious “norm” in Early Modern English.

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