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Journal articles on the topic 'Elite'
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Do Carmo, Everton Crivoi, Allan Inoue, Cesar Cavinato Cal Abad, Frederico Antonio dos Santos Andrade, Valmor Tricoli, and Renato Barroso. "Pacing strategy during Olympic Cross-Country Mountain Bike: effects of performance level, age and sex." Journal of Science and Cycling 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.28985/0620.jsc.04.
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Objectives: the aim of the present study was to verify the pacing strategy during a season of a Cross-Country Mountain Bike (XCO-MTB) and the effects of performance level, age and sex. Method: Overall, 802 paces in 4 age-sex categories were analyzed: male elite (EliteM; n = 272), female elite (EliteF; n = 170), male under-23 (U23M; n = 247) and female under-23 (U23F; n = 113). Races were divided into Initial Lap; middle one (Middle1); middle two (Middle2) and Final Lap. The athletes were divided into high performance (HP); intermediated performance (IP) and low performance (LP). The magnitude-based inference and the effect size were assessed to check the changes clinically important. Results: it was observed a similar fast-start strategy for all categories. Both HP EliteM and EliteF athletes showed higher speed in Final Lap than LP (EliteM - ES = 0.5; 90%CI -0.8 to -0.2; very likely and EliteF - ES = 1.0; 90%CI -1.4 to -0.6; almost certain). The U23F athletes showed higher speeds in Initial Lap than EliteF (ES = 0.21; 90%CI - 0.1 to 0.5; likely), however in Final Lap the speeds was lower in U23F (ES = 1; 90%CI -1.3 to -0.6; very likely). Conclusion: the fast-start strategy is typically used during a XCO-MTB race independently of performance level, age or sex. HP Elite athletes are able to maintain higher speeds in the Final Lap. U23F athletes used to do a more variable pacing strategy with more aggressive fast-start strategy and lower speed in Final Lap than EliteF.
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Gulbrandsen, Trygve. "Elite Integration and Institutional Trust in Norway." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187441.
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AbstractIn modern elite theory accommodation and compromise between national elite groups are seen as preconditions for the continuance and stability of a democratic society. It is claimed that elite accommodation is facilitated to the extent that the elites are integrated. In this article trust between the various elite groups and their respective institutions is investigated as a core aspect of elite integration. The analyses presented in the article demonstrate that in general there is a relatively high level of institutional trust among national elite groups in Norway. There is, however, some variation in how much trust the various elite groups accord the institutions to which other elite groups belong, and this is explained by (1) the extent to which one elite identifies with the functions of other elites, (2) has a similar ideological orientation, and (3) has social contact with members of other elites.
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McAllister, Ian. "Party Elites, Voters and Political Attitudes: Testing Three Explanations for Mass-Elite Differences." Canadian Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (June 1991): 237–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900005072.
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AbstractThe extent of differences in mass-elite political opinion and their theoretical implications have long been a source of interest to democratic theorists. Early classical democratic theorists saw education as the solution to mass-elite political differences, with an educated mass public displaying the same support for democratic institutions as their elite counterparts. By contrast, the later democratic elitists saw little that would reduce mass-elite differences. More recently, modern elite theorists have argued that elites are more polarized on political issues than mass publics, and that political conflict can be moderated by the ability of elites to downplay potentially divisive issues. Using Australia as a case study, these three approaches to mass-elite political differences are analyzed using a matched survey of voters and candidates conducted at the Australia 1987 federal election. The results show little support for education as a factor reducing mass-elite differences and point to the democratic elitists' argument that mass-elite political differences are fixed and enduring. In line with modern elite theories, the results also confirm the existence of more intense issue polarization among elites than among voters, and elites' ability to control the issues that reach the political agenda.
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Mahmud, Ramli. "Struggle of the Local Elite in Gorontalo." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 2 (April 24, 2019): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i2.675.
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This paper explains the dynamics of the struggle of local elites in the Gorontalo region. After the formation of Gorontalo as a province, Gorontalo local elites gained their political position in government power. The elite in question is divided into three groups, namely the government elite, non-government elite, and non-elite. These three groups ultimately helped to color the circulation of the elite in Gorontalo in the struggle for power in the government.
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Hughes, A., and L. Cormode. "Researching Elites and Elite Spaces." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 30, no. 12 (December 1998): 2098–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a302098.
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Clemens, Simon. "Metapolitics and Cultural Hegemony: The Concept of the Elite in the Discourse of the New Right Institut für Staatspolitik." PCS – Politics, Culture and Socialization 10+11, no. 2019-2020 (April 29, 2024): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v10i1-2.02.
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Most research on right-wing populism focuses on the construction of ʼthe peopleʼ. Conversely, I ask how the other side of the populist conflict line – ʼthe eliteʼ – is discursively constructed. To this end "I examine the debates of the far-right Institut für Staatspolitik (IfS) using Robert Entmanʼs framing analysis. Subsequently, I contextualize the results within the elite discourse of the German New Right. Summing up the results, the IfS states that starting from the student protests in the 1960s and 1970s the elite has become leftist or ʼmulticulturalistʼ. Through the eliteʼs hegemony in the media, it exerts a pressure of conformity. While the IfS constructs the elite negatively, it is not anti-elite. By labeling its political enemies as elites, the IfS tries to speak in the name of ʼthe peopleʼ. At the same time, it is elitist argues even for a right-wing elite. In pointing out this paradoxical construction, it becomes clear that the framing of right-wing actors should not be confused with the actual reality. Notably, the IfSʼs discursive strategy reflects a metapolitical or hegemony theoretical approach that is paradigmatic for the New Right.
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Glucksberg, Luna. "A gendered ethnography of elites." Focaal 2018, no. 81 (June 1, 2018): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2018.810102.
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This article offers a critical ethnography of the reproduction of elites and inequalities through the lenses of class and gender. The successful transfer of wealth from one generation to the next is increasingly a central concern for the very wealthy. This article shows how the labor of women from elite and non-elite backgrounds enables and facilitates the accumulation of wealth by elite men. From covering “the home front” to investing heavily in their children’s future, and engaging non-elite women’s labor to help them, the elite women featured here reproduced not just their families, but their families as elites. Meanwhile, the aff ective and emotional labor of non-elite women is essential for maintaining the position of wealth elites while also locking those same women into the increasing inequality they help to reproduce.
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Dogan, Mattei. "Introduction: Diversity of Elite Configurations and Clusters of Power." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418672.
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AbstractDefinitions of several concepts: ruling class, elite configuration, apex of power, elite interlock, functional elites, elite cousinhood. In the field of elites one notices a preponderance of contemporary American theories which are not all adequate for understanding elites stratification and roles in other parts of the world. A series of binary comparisons between France, Britain, Germany, Italy, Netherlands and Japan, underlines differences and similarities.
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Nankervis, K., L. Dumbell, L. Herbert, J. Winfield, R. Guire, and E. Launder. "A comparison of the position of elite and non-elite riders during competitive show jumping." Comparative Exercise Physiology 11, no. 2 (April 2015): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3920/cep150004.
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The purpose of this study was to compare the jumping positions of elite riders (within the top 150 of the British Showjumping rankings) with non-elites (unranked). Video footage of 10 elite and 10 non-elite riders jumping a one stride double combination (a vertical followed by a square oxer) within a 1.20 m competition was analysed. Four angles were measured: the angle between the trunk and the vertical (TRUNKvert), the hip angle (HIP), the angle of the thigh to the horizontal (THIGHhoriz) and the angle of the lower leg to the horizontal (LOWER LEGhoriz). Differences in the angles at five points throughout the double combination and the changes in angles between points were compared using Mann-Whitney U tests. The effect of fence (vertical versus oxer) within groups (elite and non-elite) was also compared. The level of significance was set at P<0.05. HIP angle was significantly smaller on approach to the vertical (P=0.019) and significantly greater when approaching the oxer (P=0.001) for elite riders compared to non-elites. During approach to the oxer compared to the vertical elites had a greater HIP angle (P=0.007), whereas non-elites had smaller HIP (P=0.005) and THIGHhoriz (P=0.005) angles. During suspension, non-elite riders had a greater HIP (P=0.01) over the vertical and smaller LOWER LEGhoriz angle over the oxer (P=0.028) than elite riders. There were significant differences in change in HIP, THIGHhoriz and LOWER LEGhoriz angles between elite and non-elite riders between approach to and suspension over the oxer (P=0.007). During suspension, only elite riders showed an effect of fence with a greater HIP angle (P=0.005) and smaller TRUNKvert angle (P=0.013) over the oxer. Key differences in angles and change in angles exist between elite and non-elite riders. This information is useful in characterising elite rider position and identifying areas of interest for future study.
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Ruostetsaari, Ilkka. "Nordic Elites in Comparative Perspective." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 158–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187432.
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AbstractThe article compares the Nordic, i.e., Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish, elite structures based on power studies which were completed in these countries in the 2000s. Despite differences in data collection methods, all of these studies employ the positional approach, and the composition of national elites is defined identically. Moreover, the four Nordic countries are associated with largely common history and political culture. The Nordic elites will be compared on the grounds of three dimensions, i.e. openness of recruitment into the elites, interaction between various elite groups, and interaction between the elites and the people. We will ask in what way the Nordic elite structures have changed as far as these dimensions are concerned and how many elites exist in the Nordic countries, i.e., one power elite or several mutually competitive elites.
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Engelstad, Fredrik. "Democratic Elitism – Conflict and Consensus." Comparative Sociology 8, no. 3 (2009): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913309x447585.
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AbstractClassical elite theory stressed tensions between elites and democracy, whereas modern studies of elites take democracy as a point of departure – to a large extent under the heading of democratic elitism. This article discusses two strands of elite studies in a democracy perspective, one stressing elite conflict, the other focusing on elite consensus. As points of departure for empirical analysis both strands are valuable, but when linked to democratic theory they are insufficient. It is necessary to view elites in light of constitutional features that regulate their relationship with the state. Moreover, the public sphere must be taken into account as a constitutive element of democracy and as an arena for communication between elite groups and between them and citizenries.
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Torfason, Magnús Þór, Þorgerður Einarsdóttir, Guðbjörg Linda Rafnsdóttir, and Margrét Sigrún Sigurðardóttir. "Elítur á Íslandi – einsleitni og innbyrðis tengsl." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 13, no. 1 (June 16, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2017.13.1.1.
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Iceland has generally been characterized as a nation where social and economic equality are prominent, and where elite structures are relatively unimportant. There are, however, indications that elites exist, and futhermore, that they are becoming more pronounced and that inequality is on the rise. The goal of this paper is to analyze the business and commerce elite in Iceland the years 2014 and 2015, based on its relations with other elite groups and relations within the group. This allows conclusions to be drawn about the openness of the elite, its relations with the populace, and the democratic structures of the group. The analysis utilizes two data sets: Power and Democracy – A Study of Elites, and Gender Equality in Business: Evolution and Influence. Graphical analysis of elite structures was performed using R and igraph. The results indicate various internal relationship structures within the business and commerce elite. Residential homogeneity is prevalent, especially among male and older elites. A top management team member’s participation in politics or organized sports is predictive of greatly increased residential homogeneity in his or her team. The results suggest a layered elite structure and gaps in elite-populace relations. This indicates that it is important to consider the democratic structures of the Icelandic business elite and whether its homogeneity affects decision making within the elite.
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Torfason, Magnús Þór, Þorgerður Einarsdóttir, Guðbjörg Linda Rafnsdóttir, and Margrét Sigrún Sigurðardóttir. "Elítur á Íslandi – einsleitni og innbyrðis tengsl." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 13, no. 1 (June 15, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.217.13.1.1.
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Iceland has generally been characterized as a nation where social and economic equality are prominent, and where elite structures are relatively unimportant. There are, however, indications that elites exist, and futhermore, that they are becoming more pronounced and that inequality is on the rise. The goal of this paper is to analyze the business and commerce elite in Iceland the years 2014 and 2015, based on its relations with other elite groups and relations within the group. This allows conclusions to be drawn about the openness of the elite, its relations with the populace, and the democratic structures of the group. The analysis utilizes two data sets: Power and Democracy – A Study of Elites, and Gender Equality in Business: Evolution and Influence. Graphical analysis of elite structures was performed using R and igraph. The results indicate various internal relationship structures within the business and commerce elite. Residential homogeneity is prevalent, especially among male and older elites. A top management team member’s participation in politics or organized sports is predictive of greatly increased residential homogeneity in his or her team. The results suggest a layered elite structure and gaps in elite-populace relations. This indicates that it is important to consider the democratic structures of the Icelandic business elite and whether its homogeneity affects decision making within the elite.
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Gerlich, Michael. "Devoid Elites and the Need for a New Elite Configuration: An Analysis of Post-Soviet Societies on the Example of Azerbaijan." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 10, no. 4 (September 19, 2023): 13–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1616.
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This paper provides a comprehensive study of the Azerbaijani ruling elites. This study aims to describe the post-Soviet Azerbaijani elites, their interaction, and their influence to elaborate a basis for studying the impact on the government and the economy. The study focuses on the definition and origin of the Azerbaijani elites after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the analysis of their interactions, and the definition of behavior and hierarchy. The study relies on Higley and Burton’s (2006) elite configurations framework and Wedel’s (2003) concept of clans. It draws on qualitative analysis and applies analytical autoethnographic approaches to analyze and interpret the information received. The study used data from 113 informal dialogue interviews with those who worked closely with the elite and the elite representatives. These data provided detailed descriptions of their life and behavior in Central Asia and the South Caucasus. The total number of respondents was 1,817 people. Not all elites have equal access to power. Some, called “hyperagents,” control most decisions. Others, whom the author defines as “devoid elites”, have very little or no real power, although they have some privileges that the elites are endowed with in society. The researcher proposes a new elite configuration entitled “imposed unity elites”, which better describes the majority of Azerbaijani elites. This elite configuration implies the existence and behavior of devoid elites. It also describes elites that seem to be united in public but lacks any basic ideology or common goals. The research contributes to the further development of Higley and Burton’s (2006) framework of elite configurations and the theory of the influence of elites. The possible application of the obtained research results will allow scientists to better understand the development characteristics of the elite configuration in the post-Soviet space and their impact on the state.
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Amaliyah, Efa Ida, and Agus Nurhadi. "The Concept of Elite (Thoughts of Antonio Gramsci and the Study in Islamic Studies)." FIKRAH 10, no. 2 (December 24, 2022): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/fikrah.v10i2.16962.
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<p><span lang="EN-US">This study attempts to reveal the elite concept from Antonio Gramsci's thought which supports elite studies in an Islamic perspective, by using library research methods. The elite according to Gramsci is a social category that is not related to class but related to hegemony. Hegemony is a winning power that is obtained through a consensus mechanism rather than through violence or oppression of other social classes. The regime spreads hegemonic power of influence because it is supported by related infrastructure organizations, namely in which intellectual obedience is supposed to occur due to cultural and political factors. This is where elites emerge which are categorized into two according to Gramsci, namely organic elites (politicians, bureaucrats, academics) and traditional elites (subject to authorities). Elites in Islam bring consequences or impacts by showing the importance of elite positions in the orderliness of civilization, the urgency of elite cadre formation in order to strengthen faith and belief as well as faith. This is important to do because of the vital role played by the elite for the advancement of society around them. Therefore, the religious elite, the religious elite, now have an obligation to participate in realizing national unity and are responsible for maintaining national resilience in its various aspects (ideological, political, economic, and socio-cultural)</span></p>
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Keister, Lisa A., Sarah Thébaud, and Jill E. Yavorsky. "Gender in the Elite." Annual Review of Sociology 48, no. 1 (July 29, 2022): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-020321-031544.
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Research on elites experienced a resurgence in sociology over a decade ago, but this work was largely gender neutral. Recently, a body of work on elite women and gender dynamics in elite families emerged and is growing rapidly. We propose here that gendered processes are critical for understanding the reproduction of elite privilege and inequality and highlight three subjects that dominate contemporary literature in this area. First, we address who counts as an elite and gender differences in pathways to the elite. Second, we discuss elite family dynamics and the mechanisms that create traditional gender divisions of labor in elite households. Third, we underscore the significant power that elites have and discuss gender differences in the sources of power. We conclude by identifying areas for future directions, including honing empirical and theoretical understandings of the complex relationship between gender and rising class inequality.
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Ruostetsaari, Ilkka. "Opening the Inner Circle of Power: Circulation among the Finnish Elites in the Context of Major Societal Changes 1991–2011." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 2 (2013): 255–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341263.
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Abstract The present study assessed the extent to which elite circulation has changed in Finland in the context of substantial social changes since the early 1990s. We first analyzed changes in vertical social mobility, i.e., recruitment to the elites, and then, changes in horizontal social mobility, i.e., circulation within the elites. The study was methodologically based on the positional approach, and postal/Internet surveys of members within the elites were conducted in 1991, 2001, and 2011. The hypotheses were derived from major social changes that have occurred in the Finnish society since the early 1990s. Since many of these societal changes focused most profoundly on people of lowest socio-economic position, we first hypothesized, that recruitment from these groups to the elites had decreased, i.e., the openness of the elite structure had been reduced. According to second hypothesis, the retention of elite positions had become less secure due to decreased societal stability and increased scandals implicating the elites. Moreover, since the political decision-makers were responsible for many social changes, and the political elite is the sole elite group whose ascendancy depends mainly on the support of the population, we also hypothesized that societal changes have exerted the most effect on the political elite.
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Tukhtaboev, Khayrullo. "DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL ELITE THEORY AND ITS EVOLUTION." Oriental Journal of Social Sciences 02, no. 02 (April 1, 2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojss-02-02-02.
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The article examines the peculiarities of the recruitment of elites, the study of the theory of political elites by foreign and Uzbek scholars. The fact that the theory of the political elite has been studied by scholars and their different approaches to the problematic situations of the political elite and the specific solutions to their formation have been analyzed and revealed through theories. Within the framework of elite theories, the modern features of the emerging Uzbek elite and some problems and solutions in its formation are analyzed.
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Scott, John. "Transformations in the British Economic Elite." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418735.
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AbstractThe concept of elite must be related to the distribution of authority. Elites are social groups defined by hierarchies of authoritarian power. Such elites can be investigated in the sphere of politics and in the economic sphere. This paper clarifies the general concept of an elite and shows how this can be used to understand the formation of economic elites. This is applied to the British situation, where the restructuring of the British economic elite over the course of the twentieth century is traced. The economic elite is seen as having moved from an entrepreneurial and regional structure to a one whose intercorporate relations embed it, in an increasingly fragmented form, in a global economy.
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Ishiyama, John, and Taekbin Kim. "Authoritarian survival strategies and elite churn: The case of North Korea." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 2 (June 2020): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920920740.
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How do autocrats interact with authoritarian elites? This is a question that has gained increasing scholarly attention over the past decade. In this article, using the case of North Korea we develop a set of theoretical expectations for “elite churn” or changes in the composition of the elite (either in terms of promotions, demotions, or new entrants) resulting from moving around elites from office to office (or “elite shuffle”) and bringing in new elites. We test a number of theoretical expectations derived from the existing literature on elite management in autocracies and then examine these expectations using a panel data set of 351 members of the North Korean elite from 1948–2017. Taking into account leadership characteristics, threats to the regime (both internal and external), external opportunities, and structural factors, we find that the explanation for elite churn in North Korea is very leader specific, and is much more pronounced under Kim Jong Un than his predecessors. This suggests that Kim Jong Un’s position was much more tenuous than his father’s and grandfather’s and likely continues to be so.
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ASNAN, RIYONO. "Analysis of Elite Contestation and Political Base of the GOLKAR Party during the 2014-2016 Joko Widodo Administration." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 6, no. 5 (May 17, 2024): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2024.6.5.11.
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This study aims to examine the elite contestation and political base of the GOLKAR Party during the 2014-2016 Joko Widodo administration. From this analysis, the following novelties are observed. Firstly, elite contestation often evaluates the power struggle only, although it is presently analyzed with its socio-political base. Secondly, the existing study of elite cooperation and competition prioritizes the experience of liberal democracies in the Western tradition, requiring elite autonomy from the state. In this case, the elites in the GOLKAR competition and cooperation are interrelated with the state. Thirdly, elite theory is presently used with contestation in political party organizations despite relevant implementation not being performed after tracing and exploring bibliometrics with the VOSviewer application. These three studies show that only strong party institutions and elite adaptation are required in the new system during a political transition. In the qualitative study, the elites successfully build networks and cooperate with government elites and organizations, which also possess the popularity, leadership, reputation, and capital to succeed in contestation using quantitative data.
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Reyman, Jonathan E. "Academic Elites in Non-Elite Places." Current Anthropology 28, no. 3 (June 1987): 362–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203537.
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Khlynin, A. P. "The birth and evolution of American elitology in the XX — early XXI century." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 12 (December 2021): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.12-21.112.
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This study analyzed in details the genesis of American school of study of elites in the period from the middle of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. In this case the author makes an attempt to classify the main phases of American elitology from the 40s of the 20th century. Based on an analysis of papers of well-known American sociologists and political scientists who study elites, the author states the main approaches in relation to the study of elites. Thus, in the 1940s, the dominant approach to understanding elites was the liberal-democratic, according to which access to the elites is open for everyone who has extra skills in different spheres of society. At the same time stands a technocratic approach, which define elite as a group of professional managers who form a new class of technocracy. In 50s–60s liberal-democratic approach has been criticized by left-wing approach. From this point, elite was defined as a narrow layer of financiers and persons, who are close to the president, and this layer is closed. In the 60s–70s, the most popular approach of studying elites was pluralism. According to which, elite has no monolithic origin — it is a complex of interconnected independent elites. From the beginning of the 70s, the basic principles of pluralism have been criticized by neoelitism, according to which the most elite representatives included in most elite groups simultaneously. The late 20th — early 21st century can be characterized in two ways: dispute between pluralists and neoelitists and attempts to operationalize the concept of elite.
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Tucha, Victoriia. "Structural transformations of the regional political and state-administrative elite in the processes of ensuring the strategic development of the state." Public administration aspects 8, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/152026.
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In this article has been analyzed the structural transformation of the regional political and state-administrative elite, on the basis of which it has been identified as a set of independent, professionally trained leadership groups whose activities are oriented towards the realization of nationally regulated regional interests, which clearly correlates with the development of the institutional system. public administration of the state; the vertical and horizontal levels of interaction between the regional and national elites are specified, their status differentiation is revealed. To establish links between the regional and national elites, D. Pinto proposed the idea of the feasibility of establishing channels of vertical ties that characterize their structural transformation and effective functional impact on the processes of strategic development of the state, which include scientists: economic, political, personal.The article deals with the concept of E.Eleisen on the need to justify the three levels of the regional elite (won by the regional power elite, regional political elite, regional elite), classification of approaches to structural analysis of D. Bradley's regional elite (socio-genetic, geographical).The purpose of the article is to analyze the structural transformation of regional political and state-administrative elites.The article also specifies the vertical and horizontal levels of interaction between the regional and national elite, reveals their status differentiation, develops a strategic set of tactical methods for establishing interaction between them, sets out the basic conditions that affect the system of relations between the regional and nation-wide etheric-elite multivariate strategic political functions of the regional elite that ensure the establishment of technological vertical interaction region at the center of systematized model of interaction between regional elite center, which provides internal structural adjustment of cooperation between regional elites. The article considers the relevant conditions that affect the system of vertical links between regional and national elites in the strategic development processes of the state, proposed by S. Edelswell and D. Epstein.
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Triyadiansyah, Fikri, and Rahmat Sufajar. "RELATIONSHIPS POWER OF LOCAL ELITE AND VILLAGE HEAD CANDIDATES IN SUKALUYU VILLAGE HEAD ELECTION CONTESTATION SUKAWENING DISTRICT GARUT DISTRICT 2019." Sociae Polites 24, no. 2 (December 15, 2023): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v24i2.5000.
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This research focuses on the power relations of the local elite and the village head candidate, namely Asep Kurniawan, where the local elite plays a role and has a stake in the life of Sukaluyu Village, both physically and politically. This study uses elite theory and the concept of power relations which will explain the form of power relations that occur between local elites and Asep Kurniawan and explain the role of local elites in mobilizing community support for Asep Kurniawan in the 2019 Village Head Election in Sukaluyu. This study uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. The results of the study show that the power relations that occur between the local elite and Asep Kurniawan are used as a strategic game, domination and governance where each local elite has a political agreement during the Head Election. In addition, this study reveals that the role of local elites in mobilizing community support for Asep Kurniawan has worked well because each local elite has a strong influence with power in each area of Sukaluyu Village, making it easier for Asep Kurniawan to be elected as Head of Sukaluyu Village.
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Espinoza, Fran. "Bolivia, élite sectorial chola y élite política: las ambivalencias de su relación." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 11 (December 11, 2017): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-11-2013pp141-160.
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<p>One of the effects of the rise of the new political elite is the visibility of new sectoral elites. These new elites had been absent from the political, economic and social landscape due to the old power dynamics between the “white elite” and the State which resulted to the historical exclusion of the popular sectors. The new sectoral elite which emerged with the revolution of 1952, was favored by the elites´ replacement of 2006. In the current context of the ‘change process’ and of the partial disappearance of the old social stratification, the new elites have initiated their process of wealth accumulation. However, due to the sectoral interests that each elite represents, their relations are marked by continuous ambivalences<em>.</em></p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>
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Kerr, Ron, and Sarah Robinson. "From Symbolic Violence to Economic Violence: The Globalizing of the Scottish Banking Elite." Organization Studies 33, no. 2 (February 2012): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840611430594.
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The financial crisis has raised questions about the role of corporate elites in contemporary organizations. This article follows recent work on organizational elites that argues for critical sociological approaches to the study of such elites, using, for example, Bourdieu’s concept of field, and for studies of elites in contexts outside North America. Applying Bourdieusian concepts such as forms of violence, we look at the particular case of the Scottish banking elite, focusing on changing enactments of violence within that field, from symbolic violence to economic violence. We trace the movement of the Scottish banking elite from the national-traditional to the global and modernized and demonstrate how members of an elite field can operate in the field of power within their own organization and at the same time within a transorganizational field of peer competitors, thus illustrating how a specific national elite has been affected by neoliberal globalization and its crisis.
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Ellersgaard, Christoph Houman, Jacob Aagaard Lunding, Lasse Folke Henriksen, and Anton Grau Larsen. "Pathways to the power elite: The organizational landscape of elite careers." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (May 29, 2019): 1170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119852301.
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To capture elites, we must map out the organizational landscape through which they pass during their careers. This organizational landscape moulds the character of elites, tells us about the prestige of organizations that are elite incubators and provides valuable indicators about how different sectoral experiences serve to accumulate capital for the elite. Unpacking the organizational experience challenges theoretical and methodological understandings of the elite character, calling for a renewed focus on the organizational embedding of elites after school. By analysing the occupational history of 416 highly central individuals in a Danish elite network, what we term ‘the power elite’, a very distinct set of career trajectories, running through a subset of large, well-established, interconnected organizations, is mapped and analysed. To understand the different ways in which the members of this power elite accumulate ‘organizational capital’ in different fields, sequence analysis on six distinct channels, sector, subsector, size, level, rhythm and geography, is applied. Through this multi-channel sequence analysis, 10 distinct clusters of career trajectories are identified, distinguishing primarily between four private sector clusters: corporate ambassadors, industrial inner circle, bankers and landed gentry; and six public sector clusters: state nobility, professional politicians, lobbyists, scientists, unionists, and education and local politics. Analysing the careers, private sector careers are shown to be more homogeneous than public sector careers, while careers based on positions with a democratic mandate, mainly politicians and union leaders, are more turbulent and unpredictable. We link pathways to social backgrounds, showing preference for pathways for the natives in the upper class.
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Natow, Rebecca S. "The use of triangulation in qualitative studies employing elite interviews." Qualitative Research 20, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 160–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794119830077.
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Elite interviews provide valuable information from perspectives of power and privilege. However, the information elites provide may be biased or inaccurate, and researchers must be knowledgeable about the elites they interview. Therefore, the use of triangulation in studies using elite interviews is crucial. This article analyzes more than 120 peer-reviewed articles that reported the findings of elite interview research to understand the researchers’ use of triangulation. This analysis found that triangulation was common in studies that involved elite interviews, particularly by combining interviews with document review. This analysis also found that the purpose and value of triangulation in these studies varied based on the researchers’ interpretive frameworks.
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Pokharel, Tej Raj. "Power Approaches to Policy-Making." NCC Journal 4, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/nccj.v4i1.24751.
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Society is the mixture of mass and elite group. Elite group of society remains in apex and forcefully take the space in decision making process, direct and instruct the mass as well as administrators and drag the power in their own hands. Elites manipulate mass opinion and sentiments. They rule masses of people. Elite theories introduce not only elites, but also new important subjects like power, and raise questions for example on oligarchic tendencies in democracy.
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Dogan, Mattei. "Is there a Ruling Class in France?" Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 17–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418708.
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AbstractThe thesis of a ruling class in France, today or yesterday, is not validated by the empirical evidence. The arguments against such a thesis are the following: the overwhelming proportion of elite positions are not transmitted hereditarily; the elite circulation at the highest level is considerable; the professionalization of political careers, which is widespread, is incompatible with the concept of a ruling class; the recruitment of elites is marked by a shift from notables to a meritocracy; the elite configuration consists in multiple spheres and sector partitioning; the selective schools, based on academic competition, generate new elites at each generation; there is fault line between capitalists and the other elite categories; the number of entrepreneurs who have built themselves their company is enormous; the isolation of the cultural elite is astonishing; the subordination of the military elites is an historical fact; the periodical beheading of the ruling elites marks French history. Nonetheless, at the apex of power, a triad, composed of outstanding polictical leaders, of corporate managers and of highers State administrators — called "mandarins" — operates the wheelwork of the heterogeneous and complex French society and State
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Chernyshov, M. M. "The influence of elites on the choice of the vector of development of the region." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (July 8, 2022): 224–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-2(4)-224-237.
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The article deals with the issues of typology of regional elites in connection with their influence on the choice of models of political, state and socio-economic development of regions. The author singles out and describes the types of the regional elite (conservative, radical, progressive and colonial), proposes a methodical approach to classify representatives of the regional elite as a certain type based on their financial and property characteristics. For groups of regional elites, behavioral vectors (matrix of vectors) and targets (matrix of goals) are systematized, a scheme for the correlation of the «matrix of goals» (the goal of the elite in the region, an attractive system of power, attitude to the center, the landmark of the concept of change) and the «matrix of vectors» ( planning horizon, migration mobility, negotiability, escalation of violence) in the format of a “compass of elite behavior” (shows guidelines for socio-political development under the dominance of certain types of regional elite). The idea of developing «maps of spheres of influence and interests» of various elite groups has been put forward (it allows for the formalization of resources, motives and intentions, the creation of logical and mathematical models of the behavior of elite groups, monitoring and forecasting systems). The necessity of creating platforms for dialogue between groups of regional elites on the main guidelines for spatial development is substantiated.
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Flere, Sergej, and Tibor Rutar. "Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972." Sociologija 63, no. 3 (2021): 500–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2103500f.
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The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
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Flere, Sergej, and Tibor Rutar. "Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972." Sociologija 63, no. 3 (2021): 500–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2103500f.
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The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
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Henning, April D. "“(Self-)Surveillance, Anti-Doping, and Health in Non-Elite Road Running”." Surveillance & Society 11, no. 4 (December 10, 2013): 494–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v11i4.4624.
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This article explores disciplining effects of current anti-doping surveillance systems on the health consequences of non-elites’ daily behaviors and habits. As they are left out of direct anti-doping testing and enforcement, it is tempting to argue non-elites are unaffected by anti-doping efforts focused on the elite level of their sport. However, it is because they are not subject to anti-doping surveillance systems nor forced to comply with anti-doping regulations that non-elites are implicated within the wider arena of disciplinary power that envelops both elite and non-elite athletes and anti-doping agencies (Foucault 1979). Drawing on data from 28 interviews with non-elite runners I argue these runners do conform to the rules and norms of their sport as far as they understand them, but their knowledge of banned substances is inadequate and many non-elite runners have only a superficial and sometimes incorrect understanding of doping. Many view doping and its associated health risks as a problem only of elite running, as well as a problem limited to only a handful of widely publicized performance enhancing drugs or doping methods. As a result of these misunderstandings non-elite runners are vulnerable to negative health effects of over the counter (OTC) medications and nutritional supplements, which they view as “safe” and part of normal training as a result of the current elite surveillance model of anti-doping. The recent death of a non-elite marathon runner linked to use of the unregulated energy supplement DMAA demonstrates, questionable products are used by runners who may not be fully aware of the risks of use.
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Osasona, Bukola Abigail, and Bamidele Julius Amujoyegbe. "Evaluation of agronomic and grain yield of elite hybrids maize in south-western Nigeria." International Journal of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine 11, no. 2 (April 15, 2023): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25303/1102ijasvm023027.
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The poor grain yield of maize obtained among Nigeria small holder farmers has been an issue leading to the continuous development of maize genotypes with the aim of improving yield in the farmers’ in order to improve the household income. Evaluation of the agronomic and grain yield of some of th4 elite hybrids maize was conducted with the aim to determine their performance in order to ascertain their suitability for the south-western agro-ecology of Nigeria. Three elites hybrid maize genotypes groups made up of 30 entries of early white and yellow maize (Elite 1), 36 entries of early white maize, 36 entries of late/intermediate maturing (Elite 3) and 24 entries of open pollinated (OPV) were evaluated at the teaching and research farm of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria in two late cropping seasons of 2019 to 2020. The treatments were laid out in a randomized incomplete block design (lattice design) with three replications in each season. Data were obtained on agronomic (plant height, ear height, stem lodge, root lodge plant aspect, ear aspect and husk cover), grain yield and yield components (ear length, ear girth, number of kernel rows per ear and number of kernels per row). It was noted that 6 entries from early maturing white and yellow elites (Elite 1), two from early maturing white elites (Elite 2), one from late/ intermediate elites (Elite 3) and one from the open pollinated varieties (OPV) genotypes showed superior agronomic character while one of Elite 1 and 9 of Elite 2 genotypes showed most superior yield character across seasons. Genotypes EWH114(E1), EWH110(E1), EYTWH-9(E2) were observed to be stable and showed superior performance in agronomic character and grain yield. These genotypes are to be advocated for growth and grain yield.
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Hicks, Jacqueline, Vincent Traag, and Ridho Reinanda. "Old Questions, New Techniques: A Research Note on the Computational Identification of Political Elites." Comparative Sociology 14, no. 3 (August 11, 2015): 386–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341347.
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This paper presents a new method of identifying a nation’s political elite using computational techniques on digitised newspaper articles. It begins by describing the three most widely used methods of identifying political elites: positional, decisional and reputational. It then introduces the “reported elite method”, exploring the kinds of elites it detects and how well it reflects the composition of political elites in our case study of Indonesia. Compared to the other existing methods, we find that our method casts a much wider net when searching for political elites, resulting in many more people from civil society, far fewer formal politicians, and challenging conventional notions of who is a political elite. The method has two major underlying assumptions: (1) the newspapers from which the texts are drawn are free and fairly representative and (2) political power can be inferred from frequent appearance in newspapers alongside other frequently appearing individuals in computational “communities” of political elite.
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Sologuren, Ximena Soruco, and Ton Salman. "Anti-Elites as New Elites: Complexities of Elite Performance in Baffled Bolivia." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 4 (2011): 614–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913311x590655.
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AbstractThis article argues that recent political changes in Bolivia, leading to the first indigenous president in the country’s history being inaugurated in 2006, unsettled the traditional schemes of societal stratification, as well as the traditionally accepted markers of elite-hood. As a consequence, not only have new elites come to the fore, but they also modified the material, symbolic and political parameters with which elites demonstrate and affirm their position, leading to new searches for self-positioning as elites. Some sectors of the old elites developed an egoistic, revengeful subjectivity bringing bloodshed to the country. The new elite, on the contrary, is fragmented, confused and in part reluctant to perform as elite.
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Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. "Pakistan: State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration." Pakistan Development Review 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.
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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State
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Bozóki, András. "Theoretical Interpretations of Elite Change in East Central Europe." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418762.
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AbstractElite theory enjoyed a remarkable revival in Central and Eastern Europe, and also in international social science research, during the 1990s. Many researchers coming from different schools of thought turned to the analysis of rapid political and social changes and ended up doing centered research. Since democratic transition and elite transformation seemed to be parallel processes, it was understandable that sociologists and political scientists of the region started to use elite theory. The idea of "third wave" of democratization advanced a reduced, more synthetic, "exportable" understanding of democracy in the political science literature. The main focus of social sciences shifted from structures to actors, from path dependency to institutional choices. Transitions, roundtable negotiations, institution-building, constitution-making, compromise-seeking, pactmaking, pact-breaking, strategic choices — all of these underlined the importance of elites and research on them. Elite settlements were seen as alternatives of social revolution. According to a widely shared view democratic institutions came into existence through negotiations and compromises among political elites calculating their own interests and desires. The elite settlement approach was then followed by some important contributions in transitology which described the process of regime change largely as "elite games." By offering a systematic overview of the theoretical interpretations of elite change from New Class theory to recent theorizing of elite change (conversion of capital, reproduction, circulation, political capitalism, technocratic continuity, three elites and the like), the paper also gives an account of the state of the arts in elite studies in different new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Pokatov, Dmitry V. "The dynamics and features of the transformation process of political elite composition in the region of the transitive type." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 23, no. 4 (November 22, 2023): 407–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2023-23-4-407-411.
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The article considers the basic features of the transformation process of the political elite in relation to the region of a transitive, agrarianindustrial type, like Saratov region. The differences between the transformation process and the change of the elite and the so-called "change of elites" are revealed. The characteristics of the structural-institutional, group and generational aspects of the dynamics of elites in the region are given. It is noted that the process of elite transformation affects, first of all, such group indicators as socio-demographic parameters, social origin, educational characteristics of the elite, its length of service and experience in management activities. The analysis of the biographies of 67 politicians representing the elite of the transitive-type region allowed to conclude that the leading feature of the transformation of the composition of the political elite of the Saratov region is not a change in its external parameters, but the preservation of deep internal (structural-functional) characteristics. As a result, the parameters of the consolidation elite are approved, which is intended to largely consolidate the tendency to stabilize public-political life for a longer period.
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Tukhtaboev, Khayrullo. "SOME CONCEPTS AND RECRUITMENT PARADIGMS OF THE POLITICAL ELITE." Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 02, no. 04 (April 1, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-02-04-01.
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The article deals with priority issues and analytical issues of the theory of elites in the studies of the political elite by foreign and Uzbek scientists. Also, within the framework of elite theories, the modern character of the emerging Uzbek elite and some problems and ways to solve it are analyzed.
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Jalal, Asran. "Dinamika Politik Proses Keputusan Impor Beras Tahun 2018 dan Tahun 2021." Populis : Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 7, no. 2 (December 5, 2022): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.47313/pjsh.v7i2.1857.
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<p><em>The rice import decision process in 2018 and 2021, creates different view on government elites and government elites with non-government elites. The government elites are Presiden Jokowi, the </em><em>C</em><em>oordinating </em><em>M</em><em>inister for the </em><em>E</em><em>conomy, the </em><em>T</em><em>rade </em><em>M</em><em>inister, the </em><em>A</em><em>gricu</em><em>l</em><em>ture </em><em>M</em><em>inister, the </em><em>Di</em><em>rector </em><em>B</em><em>ulog, and DPR. Non-government elites are political parties, observers, civil society</em><em>.</em><em> The focus this article is firs</em><em>t</em><em>, to discuss the differences in the views of the </em><em>M</em><em>inister of </em><em>T</em><em>rade against the </em><em>D</em><em>irector of </em><em>B</em><em>ulog and the </em><em>M</em><em>inister of </em><em>A</em><em>griculture regarding the rice impor decision process in 2018 and 2021. Second, to discuss President Jokowi’s decision to continue rice imports in 2018 and his decision to cancel rice imports in 2021.</em><em> </em><em>The argument of this paper is that the different views of government elites on the rice impor process in 2018 and 2021 are base on political-pragmatic interests v</em><em>er</em><em>s</em><em>us</em><em> ideolocal-stategic interests an</em><em>d</em><em> interest of institution-organization. President Jokowi’s decision to cancel the to import rice in 2021, because the reject</em><em>ion</em><em> of the plan did not only c</em><em>o</em><em>me </em><em>from </em><em>the DPR as government elites, the refusal </em><em>a</em><em>lso came from the political party elite as non-government elite.</em></p><p class="Default">Proses keputusan impor beras pada tahun 2018 dan tahun 2021, menimbulkan perbedaan pandangan pada elite-elite pemerintah dan elite-elite pemerintah dengan elite-elite non-pemerintah. Elite-elite pemerintah dimaksud yaitu Presiden Jokowi, Menko Ekonomi, Menteri Perdagangan, Menteri Pertanian, Direktur Bulog, dan DPR. Elite-elite non-pemerintah yaitu partai politik, pemerhati, dan masyarakat sipil. Fokus artikel ini adalah: pertama, mendiskusikan perbedaan pandangan Menteri Perdagangan berhadapan Direktur Bulog dan Menteri Pertanian tentang proses keputusan impor beras tahun 2018 dan tahun 2021. Kedua, mendikusikan keputusan Presiden Jokowi melanjutkan impor beras tahun 2018 dan keputusannya membatalkan impor beras tahun 2021. Argumen tulisan ini adalah perbedaan pandangan elite-elite pemerintah dalam proses impor beras tahun 2018 dan 2021 dilandasi kepentingan politis-pragmatis versus kepentingan ideologis-strategis dan kepentingan organisasi-institusi. Keputusan Presiden Jokowi membatalkan rencana impor beras tahun 2021, karena penolakan rencana tersebut bukan hanya berasal dari DPR sebagai elite-elite pemerintah, penolakan juga datang dari elite partai politik sebagai elite non-pemerintah.<strong></strong></p>
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Steger, Wayne P. "Party Elites in the 2008 Presidential Nomination Campaigns." American Review of Politics 28 (January 1, 2008): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.28.0.293-318.
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Recent studies find that candidate endorsements by party elites play significant role in presidential nomination campaigns. This study analyzes patterns of endorsements by elite office holders to address questions of when and why elites converge on a preferred candidate. The interaction of candidate-, campaign-, and party-centric factors affect the extent to which party elites coalesce around a single front-runner prior to the Iowa caucus. Elite officeholders tend to refrain from pre-Iowa endorsements when there is uncertainty about which candidate will emerge as the front-runner. Elite officeholders are more likely to endorse candidates located near the ideological center of their political party. Elite Republican officeholders appear to have refrained from making an early endorsement in 2007 compared to early nomination campaigns because the Republican nomination campaign has been highly competitive without a clear front runner and none of the candidates are near the ideological center of the party.
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Cárdenas, Julián. "Exploring the Relationship between Business Elite Networks and Redistributive Social Policies in Latin American Countries." Sustainability 12, no. 1 (December 18, 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12010013.
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Although the cohesion of business elites has been associated with income concentration and regressive policies, few studies have investigated in depth the role of business elite networks in macrosocial issues such as redistributive social policies. This research explores the relationship between business elite networks and redistributive social policies in several Latin American countries. To do so, this paper (1) examines business elite networks applying a network analysis of interlocking directorates, and (2) performs a cross-national comparative analysis of the cohesiveness of business elite networks, coverage and incidence of social protection and labor programs, and other variables. Results show that where business elites formed cohesive networks, social protection and labor programs were more inclusive. In conjunction with other factors, business cohesion plays a crucial role in business elites’ acceptance of redistributive social policies because it enables long-term cost-sharing agreements, reduces uncertainty and internal divergent interests, and facilitates inducement.
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Hogan, John, Sharon Feeney, and Brendan K. O’Rourke. "Quantitatively comparing elite formation over a century: ministers and judges." Administration 71, no. 2 (April 22, 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2023-0009.
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Abstract This paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare the role of the Irish secondary school system in the formation of Ireland’s political and judicial elites, over its history as an independent country (1922–2022). Whereas other elite studies have tended to compare either the same elite formation systems or the same elites, across countries, we examine the eliteness, influence and exclusiveness of one formation system in the creation of two very different societal elites. Our results suggest that the secondary schools that educated Ireland’s superior court judges were significantly more elite and influential than those that educated its cabinet ministers. Additionally, the vast majority of the secondary schools that educated superior court judges, and about 30 per cent of those that educated cabinet ministers, were fee-paying schools, a category of school that constitutes only a tiny fraction of the secondary schools in the country.
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Etzioni-Halevy, Eva. "The Religious Elite Connection and Some Problems of Israeli Democracy." Government and Opposition 29, no. 4 (October 1, 1994): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01238.x.
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This Article is Addressed to the Qufstion Which Has recently caught the attention of scholars of the role of elites in promoting, or conversely impairing, democracy. It is based on the thesis that when elites are separate and relatively autonomous from the political elite which is in government, this promotes democracy. Conversely, when elites are closely connected, this impairs proper democratidelectoral procedures. The paper marshals illustrative-empirical support for this thesis from the relations between two elites in one Westem-style democracy: the religious elite and the political elite of government parties in Israel. It traces the intricate connections between religious leaders and the leaders of the government. It shows that these damage the freedom of elections, and enfeeble Israeli democracy.
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Mangset, Marte. "What Does it Mean to be Part of the Elite?" Comparative Sociology 14, no. 2 (June 10, 2015): 274–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341343.
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Whether top bureaucrats are part of the elite or not, and to what degree their possible elite status is legitimate, will depend on how the elite concept is defined. Analyzing 81 British, French and Norwegian top bureaucrats’ arguments for belonging to the elite or not, this paper unpacks the elite concept and explores its meaning along a range of dimensions (organizational, prestige, education, social status, power, wage). These dimensions can be analyzed as indicating either an elite status delimited to the profession or exceeding it, as a societal elite. Rather than what might be expected, a clear contrast between anti-elitist Norwegian and elitist British and French bureaucrats, the comparative analysis of the interviews shows a variation between two different understandings of the elite concept: Norwegians interpret their elite status as delimited to the profession, and British and French bureaucrats define themselves as societal elites.
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Cviklová, Lucie. "THE IMPACT OF THE POLITICAL REGIMES ON THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTO-CZECHS, THE OLDEST GENERATION OF THE CZECH ELITES AND THE INTERWAR CZECHOSLOVAK ELITES." SWS Journal of SOCIAL SCIENCES AND ART 2, no. 3 (February 22, 2021): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/ssa2020/issue3.02.
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The role of the Proto-Czechs, the oldest generation of the elites and the interwar elites in the national memory can be advanced by showing the examples of the impact of the political regimes on the interpretation of the symbolic role of the individual elite members. The contribution draws on those concepts and methodological approaches that have been employed by the number of historians and historical sociologists such as historical consciousness, collective (social) memory and national memory; a major incentive for choice of the individual elite members were several sociological researchers on the Czech elites. The pluralist debates about the impact of the Czech elites and their contributions were launched in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and developed by the several generations of the Czech and the foreign historians. This thesis about the impact of the political regimes on the interpretation of the contributions of the Czech elites can be illustrated by (1)the current importance of the Proto‒Czech elites such as Saint Wenceslaus I. [Svatý Václav], (Saints) Cyril and Methodius, Božena Němcová and Karel Havlíček Borovský, (2)the popularity of the members of the interwar political elite such as the economist Alois Rašín, the journalist Milena Jesenská, the politician Františka Plamínková and the diplomat Zdeněk Fierlinger, (3)the positive and negative reponse to the actions of the communist elites such as Rudolf Slánský, Klement Gottwald, Alexander Dubček and Gustav Husák and (4)the evaluation of the members of the communist counter-elite and later democratic elite such as Václav Havel and Petr Pithart.
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Svanikier, Johanna Odonkor. "Political Elite Circulation: Implications for Leadership Diversity and Democratic Regime Stability in Ghana." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187423.
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AbstractThis article proposes that elite theory is at the heart of understanding political conflict in Africa. A case study of Ghana analyses the historical origins of elite conflict in Ghana before and after independence. The article links high levels of political elite circulation resulting from the transformation of traditional social structures with high levels of political elite differentiation and instability in the post-colonial era. Since 1992 Ghana's new liberal democratic regime has flourished. There are indications that there is a gradual increase in unity amongst competing political elites. Diversity amongst political elites has resulted in greater representation at the leadership level. These factors may explain the sustained period of political stability and the gradual deepening of liberal democracy in Ghana.