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1
Lengyel, György, and Borbála Göncz. "Symbolic and pragmatic aspects of European identity." Sociologija 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0601001l.
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It seems realistic that one of the long-term preconditions of European integration is the strengthening of European identity. Otherwise, it might happen that a growing split occurs between the elites and the population in the question of integration. In the Western European countries the concepts of Europe and the EU frequently coincide, while in the Eastern European countries Europe has primarily cultural-historical connotations and the EU embodies economic development and welfare. In an international comparison, European identity was stronger in the newly joining countries, but in some of them (i.e. in Hungary and Estonia) the national identity was among the strongest as well. The current study is based on a Hungarian representative survey carried out in 2003 - that is before Hungary joined the European Union. We supposed that class positions, the availability of material, cultural and social resources strongly influence European identity. We examined two aspects of identity, a symbolic and a pragmatic one. The symbolic identity was measured by questions addressing national vs. supra- and sub-national belonging, while pragmatic identity was approached by a question addressing the fair redistribution of taxes among the different levels. We could compare these dimensions and investigate the possible reasons for inconsistencies. .
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT: a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.)." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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Jovanovic, Milos. "Homosexuality and the Serbian orthodox church: Transformations of relations in the last 20 years." Sociologija 64, no. 3 (2022): 428–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2203428j.
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The paper deals with the change of attitudes of the Serbian Orthodox Church towards homosexuality in the period from 2001 to 2021. Since, according to research, the Church ranks high (sometimes the highest) on the scale of trust that Serbian citizens have in institutions, it is reasonable to assume that it has a significant impact on shaping public opinion. The dominant attitude of the church officials about same-sex attraction has varied over time. Before the first attempt at the Pride Parade in Belgrade in 2001, there was absolute silence in the Church on the topic of same-sex affection, that is, a conspicuous disregard of it. After that, the ?politics of silence? gradually gave way to a strong moralistic condemnation, which reached its peak in 2010, when the first successful Pride was held in the Serbian capital. It should be mentioned that, in addition to the condemnation, there were ambivalent attitudes of the church officials and prominent believers towards homosexuality / homosexuals. Ambivalence was expressed through the maxim: ?we hate the sin, we love the sinners.? The views of the Church were particularly visible during the public debate on the adoption of the Law on Prohibition of Discrimination in 2009. The discourse of religious condemnation of homosexuality is usually imbued with pronounced anti-Westernism and disparagement of liberal values and practices, traditionally marked, i.e. branded, as ?European? and ?those that are not in accordance with the tradition of the Serbian people.? The position of the Serbian Orthodox Church, in the most general terms, follows the general dynamics of political changes in Serbia. In the last few years, the political elite in Serbia has been instrumentalizing the rights and freedoms of sexual and gender minorities in order to gain international support (above all, from EU countries) for remaining in power through ?tactical Europeanization.? The state administration proclaims its alleged adherence to the principles of the European Union, without any genuine interest in improving the social position of non-heterosexuals and gender non-conformists. In the context of a ?captured society? (where social actors are caught in a network of corrupt exchanges in order to reproduce the rule of political oligarchies and fabricate the legitimacy of their rule), the Church has agreed to demonstrate a more moderate stance towards homosexuality, as a symbolically and materially more profitable one.
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Gorenko, Oleg. "Social Ethics of European Civilizational Project of Ukraine." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.080.
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The article deals with the problems to conceptualize social ethics of democratic transformation in post-soviet society. Special attention is paid to the role of European social standards in the process of realizing the European civilization choice of Ukraine. It is also stressed here that European social standards remain a key factor making a project of European integration so attractive for the majority of Ukrainians. Special role of a stage by stage solution of a so-called «social approach» on the way to all-rounded humanization of state-forming strategies of European nations and of the system of European international relations in general is being stressed here. The main emphasis is also laid on the historical role of common European values. An attempt is made here to elucidate the above problems in correspondence with the ones expressed in the National report «Civilizational choice of Ukraine — a paradigm of cognition and a strategy to act» (2016), prepared by the leading scholars of Ukrainian Academy of Science. It is also accentuated that decisive factor to achieve success in joining the space of European unity is in integrity of understanding the ideas of Freedom and Justice. Since internal and external components of European freedom and justice are so closely intertwined that their separate interpretation in author’s opinion has no epistemological perspective. In conditions of world economic crisis the configuration, dynamics and content of integrational processes both in Europe and in post-soviet countries are being substantially changed while preserving basic system factors. Stable economic prosperity and social progress are becoming more and more dependent on world economic situation. At the same time, social welfare of citizens in some countries as well as their authority in contemporary world fully depend on moral-ethical maturity of national elites, level of confidence in society, general level of culture and the rate of individual responsibility of citizens for their future. With this view we consider the role of social ethics in general context of forming new theoretical and methodological basis of contemporary historical science. The utter importance of social problems for adequate understanding of crisis phenomena in political, economic and cultural life of the European Union after several stages of substantial expansion is being underlined. Special place of «European social model» in contemporary scientific and political discourse is being emphasized. It is underlined that nowadays we speak not only about rational and pragmatic correction of logic of international interaction but about radical change of all logic of internal social interaction, about formation and application of qualitatively new theory of making decisions. The above problems acquire special meaning in modern conditions of sharpening geopolitical competition concerning Ukraine. Real social result of Ukrainian civilizational choice directly influences the process of this competition, as it directly defines the position of both Ukrainian citizens and citizens of European Union countries. Modern financial and migration crisis of EU only enhances the influence of social factor on collective consciousness of «old» and «new» Europeans, frequently engendering rather dangerous tendencies in European life. The author tries to accentuate the importance of the idea of a serious social optimization strategy of European integration of Ukraine while considering qualitatively new external and internal conditions of National progress.
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Gawel, Aleksandra, and Timo Toikko. "Trust in European Institutions in Explaining the Entrepreneurship in European Union Countries." Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (May 26, 2021): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10060195.
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Entrepreneurship is believed to be shaped by institutions; however, the paper assumes that trust in institutions is a fundamental prerequisite for the impact of institutions on entrepreneurship. The aims of the paper are to determine (i) whether trust in European institutions affects the level of entrepreneurship in European Union countries, and (ii) whether there are any differences in this impact regarding the types of institutions and (iii) a country’s government budget size. Based on yearly panel data for 27 European Union countries in the years 2004–2019 and estimations of panel regression models, the results show that confidence in institutions is a significant factor in explaining entrepreneurship. However, institutional trust has no homogeneous effect on entrepreneurship, as the impact depends on the kind of institutions related to their functions and values as well as on the country’s characteristics in relation to the size of the government’s budget. Practical implications suggest the possibilities of supporting entrepreneurship—especially in countries with a relatively lower public redistribution—by raising the level of confidence in the European Central Bank. The originality of the paper is related to distinguishing institutional trust based on the type of institutions and the country’s characteristics of governmental budget size.
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Murray, Philomena. "An Asia Pacific response to the European Union: Australian elite perceptions." Asia Europe Journal 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s103080200004.
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Morokvasic, Mirjana. "Migrations in Europe: Fears due to the enlargement of the EU to the East." Stanovnistvo 41, no. 1-4 (2003): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0304131m.
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The European Union is confronted with the biggest enlargement in its history: ten states, among them eight middle European - the so called "buffer zone" in the new European migration landscape - will become members in 2004. Other candidates hope to join in the coming years. For all Eastern and Eastern European countries, including those that are not candidates, the end of the bi-polar world meant a hope of "return to Europe". When shifting its borders to the East, the European Union both includes and excludes. The final objective to achieve Europe as "a space of freedom, security and justice", is conditioned by the capacity and necessity to control the migratory flows. The prospect of free circulation for the citizens of the new Union members entails also fears: the EU countries are afraid of the consequences the enlargement would have on migratory flows from the countries of the Central and Eastern Europe and which transit through that area. The perception of migrants as a threat inspired the conditions that the Union imposed on the candidate countries concerning migration policy issues and which mostly focus on the protection of its Eastern borders. For the future Union members however, protecting of the thousand of kilometers of their Eastern border, implies a number of quite different problems. These countries are afraid of the impact the restrictive measures they are obliged to implement would have both on many economic and family ties which have been maintained since the socialist period and on more recently engaged cooperation with the neighbours which are not candidates. The challenge of enlargement is different therefore for the EU members, for the candidate countries and for those who are for the moment excluded from the process. The fears do not seem to be always grounded. Thus, the impact of enlargement which, it was feared, could have been so destabilizing for the Union because of potentially large migration flows, is more likely to be destabilizing for the new candidate countries, especially concerning their relations with their neighbours excluded from the enlargement process.
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Burlacioiu, Cristina. "Online Commerce Pattern in European Union Countries between 2019 and 2020." Societies 13, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13010004.
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The development of information technology, along with the high growth and diversification of consumer needs, has revolutionized the way in which business-to-consumer transactions occur. All this progress was boosted by the COVID-19 pandemic period in a different manner in each EU country, depending on different local aspects. The main goal of this paper is to determine the key characteristics of e-commerce in European Union countries in a pandemic context, based on Eurostat Digital Economy data for 2019–2020. Therefore, for an easier visualization, based on PCA, using 27 analyzed variables, new unique dimensions were revealed: 1. heavy online purchasers, 2. triggers for embracing digital purchasing, 3. perceived barriers against buying online (privacy concerns, security, or not having a card), 4. dynamics of online interaction with public authorities, and 5. enterprise online sharing. Moreover, clustering techniques set four groups of countries with different online commerce patterns that might require attention, according to their specificities, both from a government level and from a business perspective. Special attention is paid to Romania, which has one of the biggest e-commerce industries in Southeastern Europe, but with the share of e-commerce in total retail still quite low, despite this great increase. The models of other countries could be important in helping Romania to catch up with the most successful economies in terms of e-commerce.
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Kovacheva, Siyka, and Darena Hristozova. "Work careers of Bulgarian migrants in the European Union." Sociologija 63, no. 4 (2021): 603–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2104603k.
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After Bulgaria?s accession to the EU in 2007 increasing numbers of mobile workers have chosen emigration to the West as an attractive option for achieving a more satisfactory employment. The public debate in Bulgaria however perceives this mobility as a loss of human capital, while in the receiving countries in Western Europe immigrants are largely seen as a threat to the local labour markets. This paper builds upon 42 qualitative interviews conducted with Bulgarian labour migrants in four EU countries as part of the international project GEMM (2016- 2019). We selected interviewees with diverse education and qualifications achieved in the home and the destination country and explored their work trajectories and career aspirations. The analysis focuses on migrant capital accumulated, mobilized and negotiated in the host country and the subjective meanings attributed to the events in the life course. An important finding of the paper is that the interviewed migrants understand a successful work career to be something more than a rise in income or occupational hierarchy and associate it with a wider range of achievements: autonomy, self-reliance, learning. Often low-prestige jobs are not perceived as a failure, but rather as a new opportunity for development in personal, social and occupational terms. Migrants? work career is an essential part of their wider lived experiences.
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Dudzevičiūtė, Gitana, Agnė Šimelytė, and Aušra Liučvaitienė. "Government expenditure and economic growth in the European Union countries." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 2 (February 12, 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2016-0365.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide more reliable estimates of the relationship between government spending and economic growth in the European Union (EU) during the period of 1995-2015. Design/methodology/approach The methodology consisted of several different stages. In the first stage for an assessment of dynamics of government spending and economic growth indicators over two decades, descriptive statistics analysis was employed. Correlation analysis helped to identify the relationships between government expenditures (GEs) and economic growth. In the third stage, for modeling the relationship and the estimation of causality between GE and economic growth, Granger causality testing was applied. Findings The research indicated that eight EU countries have a significant relationship between government spending and economic growth. Research limitations/implications This study has been bounded by general GE and economic growth only. The breakdowns of general GE on the basis of the activities they support have not been considered in this paper, which is the main limitation of the research. Despite the limitation, it might be maintained that the research highlights key relationships in the EU countries. Originality/value These insights might be useful for policy makers. In countries with unidirectional causality running from GE to economic growth, the government can employ expenditure as a factor for growth. The governments should ensure that resources are properly managed and efficiently allocated to accelerate economic growth in the countries with unidirectional causality from GDP to GE.
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Kersan-Škabić, Ines. ""Core-Periphery" in the European Union – An Economic Perspective." Periodica Polytechnica Social and Management Sciences 28, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppso.13979.
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The heterogeneity of economic performances in the EU member states is one of the main reasons for the existence of a “core-periphery” relationship. The goal of this research is to examine various economic indicators to reveal possible divisions between the EU members. This issue emphasized the contribution of rich “core” countries to the imbalances in poorer “peripheral” EU members. By applying cluster methodology and considering the most recent data, two groups of countries were identified, the first comprising 11 countries that form the “centre” or the “core”, and the rest of the EU forming the “periphery”. Considering differences between these countries is necessary and justified for discussions about the future development of the EU that will involve differences between member states.
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Casquilho-Martins, Inês, and Soraia Ferreira. "Migrants’ Health Policies and Access to Health Care in Portugal within the European Framework." Societies 12, no. 2 (March 28, 2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12020055.
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Migratory flows have a specific influence in the European and Portuguese demographic context. Societies’ commitment to ensure fundamental rights of all citizens and migrants includes the promotion of health. This study aims to describe migrants’ health policies and access to the health system in Portugal within the European framework. We carried out a mixed methods approach, analyzing health policies in European Union countries and public health key indicators from statistical secondary data collected from Eurostat and Migrant Integration Policy Index. This data was complemented with a survey applied to immigrants living in Portugal. Portugal is a European country known for its favorable immigrant integration policies and has developed access to the health care system. However, our study has shown that greater investment is needed to overcome limitations or social inequalities which inhibit migrants’ access. Additionally, we sought to present a comparative analysis between Portugal and European Union countries, which can contribute to improve health systems within the current crisis.
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Sinitsyn, Fedor. "External Challenges to Soviet Ideology in the Second Half of the 1960s and in the 1970s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017638-0.
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The Soviet Union's foreign policy challenges of the 1960s and 1970s had an ideological aspect to them. Contradictions between Soviet Communism and Eastern European socialist models of development became more pronounced. Eastern European socialist countries began to emphasize the variety of models for “building socialism” and offered their own theories, not sanctioned by Moscow, of the construction of socialism in other European countries. Certain “ideological dangers” for the USSR also came from the Communist parties of capitalist countries. Authority of the Soviet Union and the CPSU among Western communists had declined. The weakening of the influence of Soviet ideology in the world had become evident. As a result, Western communists began to distance themselves from the USSR and the “Socialist Bloc” countries. In the post-war years, the authorities and the elites of the “Capitalist Bloc” countries took additional measures to reduce the popularity of the Communist ideology by promoting the idea of “social compromise instead of social revolution”. One of the most significant challenges to Soviet ideology was also the “convergence theory”. The socio-economic models developed in capitalist countries — especially the concept of the “welfare state” — presented another serious challenge. As a result of these trends and an increase in the standard of living in capitalist countries, there was a “de-ideologization” as well as a decrease in mass revolutionism of the population. The external challenges to Soviet ideology were regarded in Moscow with dismay. New ideological and socio-political concepts in capitalist countries were perceived negatively by the Kremlin. The external challenges had a negative impact on the mass consciousness of Soviet citizens. The article concludes that during the period under review, the challenges posed to Soviet ideology from abroad began to be complex. This article also gives classification of these challenges and reveals main ways of their manifestation.
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Halásková, Martina, and Renata Halásková. "Evaluation Structure of Local Public Expenditures in the European Union Countries." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 66, no. 3 (2018): 755–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201866030755.
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The public sector plays a significant role in securing public needs in a number of countries. The paper aims to evaluate the local public sector by the structure of local public expenditures, emphasizing similarities and differences in EU countries. Attention is paid to the evaluation of local public expenditures by eight functions (general public services, public order and safety, economic affairs, housing and community amenities, recreation and culture, social protection, health, education) in years 2005 and 2015. Local public expenditures by function in the EU are evaluated in connection to lower government levels and fiscal decentralization of expenditures. The evaluation shows that no countries demonstrate similarity of local public expenditures by function, which is associated also with an identical size of fiscal decentralization of expenditures and the number of lower government levels. By contrast, both similarities and differences were proved with respect to the evaluated local public expenditures by the application of multidimensional scaling and cluster analysis. The results have shown that Scandinavian countries represent the most marked differences in the structure of local public expenditures, in comparison to Malta and Cyprus in terms of local public expenditures on social protection, health and education.
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Fanelli, Rosa Maria. "Bridging the Gender Gap in the Agricultural Sector: Evidence from European Union Countries." Social Sciences 11, no. 3 (March 2, 2022): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11030105.
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In European Union countries most farms are operated by smallholders in extensive agriculture and approximately 30% of agricultural farms are operated by woman. Despite the growing importance of the role of women in the agricultural sector, a more complete picture of the gender gap and the differences between female and male-operated farms is still lacking. The principal aim of this paper is to fill this gap by highlighting the differences between female and male-operated farms. The data used comes from the World Bank Open Data repository and Eurostat. The methodology consists of descriptive statistical analysis, principal component analysis, and multivariate regression models. The analysis is used to investigate how a set of indicators affects the gender gap in the agricultural sector. The research questions test how the socio-economic determinants and traditional agricultural land use influence the historical gender division of labour and the evolution and persistence of farm differences. The results from almost all 27 EU countries suggest that women, the same as men, can be considered “productive resources” and play an important role in the agriculture sector in areas such as crop and livestock production. However, their activities are less remunerative.
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Tierney, Gregory J., Karl Denvir, Garreth Farrell, and Ciaran K. Simms. "The effect of technique on tackle gainline success outcomes in elite level rugby union." International Journal of Sports Science & Coaching 13, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1747954117711866.
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Tackling is a major component of rugby union and effective attacking and defensive play are essential for game outcomes. In this study, a number of pre-contact, contact and post-contact tackle characteristics that had an influence on tackle gainline success for the ball carrier and tackler were identified using match video evidence from European Rugby Champions Cup games. A total of 122 front-on tackles and 111 side-on tackles were analysed. For each ball carrier and tackler characteristic, the Odds Ratio and 95% Confidence Interval were calculated based on a gainline success outcome. A Chi-Square and Phi and Cramer’s V calculation was also conducted. A Chi-Square test then identified any statistically significant differences (p < 0.05) for proficiency characteristics between playing position. For both the ball carrier and tackler, tackle characteristics that were indicative of strong and powerful tackle technique such as ‘explosiveness on contact’ and ‘leg drive on contact’ were effective for achieving the desired gainline outcome. Playing position had an influence on only two proficiency characteristics that were statistically significant for gainline success: ‘fending into contact’ for ball carriers and ‘straight back, centre of gravity forward of support base’ for tacklers.
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Posner, Elliot. "Sources of Institutional Change: The Supranational Origins of Europe's New Stock Markets." World Politics 58, no. 1 (October 2005): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0021.
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The article explains a curious turn in European political economies. Between 1995 and 2005 national financial elites in twelve Western European countries created almost twenty competing new stock markets designed to improve financing alternatives for entrepreneurial companies. For a region supposedly averse to risk and U.S.-style capitalism, it is surprising that most of the new markets were modeled on the U.S.-based Nasdaq Stock Market, an iconic American institution. The author's structured comparisons of the new markets to one another, to previous ones, and to proposals that never saw the light of day reveal that the primary causes behind the creation, form, and timing of Europe's new markets lie in the political skills, motivations, and actions of supranational European Union bureaucrats. Challenging leading social science explanations for the cross-border convergence of domestic institutions, these findings show that the accumulated effects of day-to-day action by these supranational bureaucrats are potential causes of institutional innovation. The argument adds to a growing body of detailed empirical research on the domestic and global impact of the European regional polity and contributes to scholarly debates about market formation.
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Zhou, Min. "How Elite Chinese Students View Other Countries: Findings from a Survey in Three Top Beijing Universities." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 47, no. 1 (January 2018): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261804700106.
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This study examines Chinese university students' feelings towards foreign countries, using original high-quality survey data collected in 2014 at three top universities in Beijing. First, elite Chinese students' perceptions of specific countries are revealed. Being from top universities, these individuals will have great influence on China's future politics and international relations. It is thus important to gauge their perceptions of other countries. They generally feel warmly towards the European Union, Russia, and the United States, but harbour cold feelings towards Northeast Asian neighbours (Japan and the two Koreas). Second, this study finds that the effects of the socio-demographic and political factors underlying students' feelings differ greatly from country to country. I construct various social profiles of the students (dis)liking particular countries. Third, this study establishes a connection between nationalism and feelings towards particular countries. Chinese nationalism is not equally targeted at all other countries. While it elevates animosity mainly against Japan and the US, it promotes a closer rapport with North Korea and Russia.
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Flere, Sergej, and Tibor Rutar. "Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972." Sociologija 63, no. 3 (2021): 500–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2103500f.
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The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
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Flere, Sergej, and Tibor Rutar. "Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972." Sociologija 63, no. 3 (2021): 500–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2103500f.
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The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
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Kamerāde, Daiga, Jo Crotty, and Sergej Ljubownikow. "Civil liberties and Volunteering in Six Former Soviet Union Countries." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 45, no. 6 (July 9, 2016): 1150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764016649689.
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To contribute to the debate as to whether volunteering is an outcome of democratization rather than a driver of it, we analyze how divergent democratization pathways in six countries of the former Soviet Union have led to varied levels of volunteering. Using data from the European Values Study, we find that Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia—which followed a Europeanization path—have high and increasing levels of civil liberties and volunteering. In Russia and Belarus, following a pre-emption path, civil liberties have remained low and volunteering has declined. Surprisingly, despite the Orange Revolution and increased civil liberties, volunteering rates in Ukraine have also declined. The case of Ukraine indicates that the freedom to participate is not always taken up by citizens. Our findings suggest it is not volunteering that brings civil liberties, but rather that increased civil liberties lead to higher levels of volunteering.
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Hurduzeu, Gheorghe, Iulia Lupu, Radu Lupu, and Radu Ion Filip. "The Interplay between Digitalization and Competitiveness: Evidence from European Countries." Societies 12, no. 6 (November 7, 2022): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12060157.
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In modern societies, digitalization plays a tremendously important role for people and businesses. Apart from an economic representation, competitiveness characterizes a society from political, cultural, or human points of view. In this article, we aim to highlight the role of digital development from a competitiveness perspective, as there are few studies related to this relationship. The empirical investigation is based on panel data analysis for European Union countries for 2017–2022, considering the digital economy and society index (DESI) and the index developed by International Institute for Management Development (IMD), respectively IMD world competitiveness index. The results obtained are reported both for general indices and for the components of DESI, presented separately for the groups of Central and Eastern European countries and Western European countries. They indicate different influences for the two groups of countries, with only a few common aspects. The most obvious is the case of skilled labor. This aspect demonstrates the link between the various dimensions of digitalization and changes in human capital development strategies, as they appear in the specialized literature.
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Bello, Valeria. "Prejudice and Cuts to Public Health and Education: A Migration Crisis or a Crisis of the European Welfare State and Its Socio-Political Values?" Societies 12, no. 2 (March 16, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12020051.
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The past few years have witnessed the development of prejudiced attitudes in some places in Europe. Biases alike are often considered a consequence of increased migratory movements to the continent and have also been connected to a more general crisis of the European Union political project. However, societies have diversely responded to migration even in countries presenting similar economic performances and immigrant inflows. Akin different reactions have raised some important questions: is prejudice connected to a broader European crisis and what does the latter consist of? This article responds to these research questions through a multilevel analysis of 24 European countries, and shows that the percentages of migrant population alone are not associated to anti-migrant sentiments. Such a situation has instead been the case only in those countries that have concurrently experienced cuts to the two key public sectors of education and health care, which constituted the pillars of the European Welfare State and one of the cores of the European Union’s political project.
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Pieterse, Jan Nederveen. "Capitalisms: Asian-European Dialogue after Enron." Asian Journal of Social Science 32, no. 2 (2004): 274–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568531041705130.
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AbstractThis dicussion suggests three steps. One is to retrieve the varieties of capitalism from the propaganda that claims there is no alternative to free market capitalism. Second is to examine the growing influence of American capitalism and the diversity or convergence of capitalisms in light of Enron and related episodes. Third is to probe options for the articulation of alternative capitalisms. Looking forward, one way in which this can happen is through a substantive dialogue between Asian countries and the European Union with regard to the direction of contemporary capitalism and globalization. This line of argument can function at two levels — as a broad-brush policy direction and as opening up thinking about globalization — probing the scope for choice.
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Quaranta, Mario, and Giulia M. Dotti Sani. "The Relationship Between the Civic Engagement of Parents and Children." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 45, no. 6 (July 9, 2016): 1091–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764016628677.
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Although previous research has suggested the existence of a positive association between the political activities of parents and children, little is known about other forms of civic engagement. In particular, the literature lacks an international comparative study on the intergenerational transmission of civic involvement. Using Bayesian multilevel models on data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2006 special module on social participation, this article tests hypotheses on the patterns of civic engagement of parents and children in 18 European countries with different political legacies. Our results show a positive association between the participation in associational activities of parents and children in all the considered countries, above and beyond individual and contextual characteristics. In particular, we do not find an evident East–West gap in the socialization process, suggesting that the Communist past of Eastern and Central European countries has little influence on what can be considered a basic mechanism of civic learning.
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Argirova, Desislava Mladenova. "Good Practices of the European Union Countries Regarding the Integration of Refugees and Migrants." ANNUAL JOURNAL OF TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY OF VARNA, BULGARIA 5, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29114/ajtuv.vol5.iss1.233.
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The countries of the European Union, which are final destinations or transit for refugees and migrants, face many social, humanitarian and financial challenges. They are expected to invest efforts and resources to enable migrant communities and the host society to activate their abilities, qualities and skills to build social cohesion and well-being between them. Local administrations provide many services that directly affect the integration of migrants and there-fore have a greater capacity to support the process of social cohesion, as opposed to governance at national level, which in many cases hinders local government initiatives to address social and economic problems arising from immigration. Integration is an extremely individual process and individual needs must be taken into account by the various institutions involved in this activity. Refugee integration is one of the indicators of democratic society, an indicator of the development and promotion of human rights and freedoms. It is a continuous and dynamic process that requires efforts and readiness on the part of refugees to adapt to their host society without having to give up their cultural identity, and therefore - readiness and understanding on the part of the host community and public institutions to perceive refugees as equal persons of themselves. Integration is a long-term two-way process of mutual adjustment of incoming immigrants and citizens of the host country.
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Moonen, Piet. "The governance of innovation from a European perspective, social articulation and transmission of knowledge." Journal of Organizational Change Management 30, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jocm-01-2017-0012.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to address the key developments concerning innovation at universities at a macro level. It describes the key trends and changes in the governance of universities and the transformation of universities into organizational actors. This also affects the governance on academic research in the sense that it leads to a gradual evolution of the specific public science system in which research is being initiated and executed. Design/methodology/approach Cultural evolution involves social articulation and transmission of knowledge. What makes a culture distinctive is how it distributes interactions in the information-space. Findings The innovation policies of the European Union play a noticeable, but not yet dominant, role in the EU member states, at least not in the large member states. The wide gap between the North of Europe and the South and East of Europe in innovative performance is – despite the innovation policies of the European Union – still difficult to overcome. Originality/value The actual innovative performance of ten European countries has been evaluated. Northern European countries show a higher score on the Innovation Index, whereas countries in Southern Europe score relatively low. Can we relate this difference to cultural factors?
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Krlev, Gorgi, Torbjörn Einarsson, Filip Wijkström, Lea Heyer, and Georg Mildenberger. "The Policies of Social Innovation: A Cross-National Analysis." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 49, no. 3 (August 6, 2019): 457–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764019866505.
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This article deals with the policy discourse on social innovation at the European Union (EU) level as well as across nine European countries. We perform an exploratory analysis of relevant policy documents focusing on articulated policy authority, suggested actors, and key outcomes of social innovation. We also conduct an explanatory testing of the applicability of the varieties of capitalism as a traditional innovation classification system to social innovation. We find that the policy discourse across Europe lacks systemization and that EU agendas are only incompletely replicated at the individual country level. We also find that social innovation policies largely defy the principles governing traditional innovation policy regimes, which necessitates new or revised classification frames.
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Wojsz, Tomasz. "The impact of US peacekeeping activities on the security of European Union Countries." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 10, no. 4 (August 21, 2022): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2022.1044.
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Purpose of the study: This scientific publication aims to analyse military strategy in the context of political and social conditions as a reaction to the events of 11 September 2001.
Methodology: Based on the resources of the Internet and a critical analysis of the literature on the subject, a detailed analysis, dynamics and development of the military strategy of the US and EU services was made against the background of historical events, in the context of peacekeeping missions. Taking into account the effectiveness of the implemented peacekeeping missions concerning the security of EU countries.
Main findings: Cooperation between the US and EU countries affects the sense of security, with appropriate diplomacy, shaping a positive image of the state, concluding international agreements, implementing the assumptions of cooperation, and supporting countries on many levels, including the military.
Application of the study: The presented research relates to the legal sciences with a specific reference to the research field in the field of national security and defence.
Original/Novelty of the study: The research analyzed the effectiveness of the activities carried out and its impact on the population of a given country as part of peacekeeping missions. However, as a result of a critical analysis of the scientific literature, certain conclusions were systematized in relation to the strategies that influenced the shaping of the present reality within the European Union countries.
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Blanco-González, Alicia, Camilo Prado-Román, and Francisco Díez-Martín. "Building a European Legitimacy Index." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217693282.
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This article outlines an approach to building a country-level legitimacy index designed specifically for European Union member states. The index allows intercountry as well as longitudinal comparisons. Changes over time reflect varying levels of confidence in the political system and may serve as leading indicators for differences in the economic, social, and political stability of member states. Source data for the index are derived from the European Social Survey, taken between 2002 and 2012 in 35 countries. The index is built around three dimensions (legality, justification, and consent). Results from the index vary among member states but, overall, show a tendency toward diminishing legitimacy. Citizens trust their police forces and laws, but are dissatisfied with institutions and the economy. Moreover, they feel increasing distance from their leaders, their representative bodies, and the effectiveness of political institutions. These trends highlight the need for public–private efforts to increase the legitimacy of European Union member states.
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Vratusa-Zunjic, Vera. "Innovation and social interests." Sociologija 52, no. 3 (2010): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1003253v.
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The paper focuses on socially and historically structured circumstances surrounding and moral problems involved in the pragmatic definition of innovation as 'novelty proven useful by its users'. Contending conceptions and strategies of innovation of the organization of social relations in dialectical social systems are compared and socially and historically contextualized in the so-called 'transition countries' on the new Eastern border of the European Union. The conclusion is that the cited pragmatic definition of innovation may be misused for an apology of morally dubious new ends and means in the narrow interest of particular groups of users, often at the expense and against the interest of a majority of other individuals and social groups.
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Ripollés, Jordi, and Lidia Vidal Meliá. "Environmental Tax Convergence and Interdependence in the European Union." Revista de Economía Mundial, no. 61 (June 16, 2022): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/rem.v0i61.5351.
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This paper empirically analyzes the convergence and interdependence of environmental taxes in Europe from 1998 to 2018. Our results evidence a lack of European integration and reveal a group of converging countries characterized by a lowering tax burden. Moreover, a subsequent spatial regression analysis supports that the converging countries exhibit a significantly greater sensibility to the neighboring environmental tax policies, compatible with some degree of cross-country tax competition.
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Pontarollo, Nicola, and Carolina Serpieri. "Challenges and Opportunities to Regional Renewal in the European Union." International Regional Science Review 44, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 142–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160017620931591.
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The strength of the 2008 financial and economic crisis and the resulting degree of resilience were heterogeneous among and within the European Union countries. Challenges and opportunities driven by regional-specific differences determined the ability to overshoot the precrisis levels of growth. Focusing upon Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics 2 (NUTS 2) European regions, we explore a novel conceptual framework related to regional economic resilience, namely the renewal capacity. Precisely, we concentrate on the capacity of regional economies to “renew” their growth paths in the labor market in the aftermath of the recent global crisis. We find some well-identified spatial patterns of regional employment renewal and we identify a set of territorial assets that allow regions to bounce back faster and more comprehensively than others to the economic downturn. Furthermore, there are significant differences between the drivers of the regional renewal of Old and New Member States. Our findings suggest potential policy directions at all levels for enhancing regional resilience.
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Masyk, Yu. "Analysis of the European integration process Baltic countries: experience for Ukraine." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(46) (December 14, 2020): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.2(46).226606.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the integration of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia into the European Union. The stages are highlighted, the principles and mechanisms of the European integration policy of the Baltic States are clarified. The problems of Ukraine's adaptation to the requirements of the European Union, in particular the conditions of the Copenhagen criteria, ways to use the relevant experience of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia are revealed. Recommendations for further rapprochement of Ukraine with the EU are considered.
The accession of dozens of new countries to the EU in May 2004 marked a qualitatively new stage in the integration process both in Europe and in the world. As a result of the largest enlargement of the European Union, the state of the economy in the old member states has changed significantly, but rather it has had decisive consequences in all areas of the economy for the new member states. Analysis of the positive and negative phenomena that accompanied the enlargement of the EU is important for countries that have or are considering joining the EU in the future, in the formation of long-term economic policy and deciding on the directions of their integration. The closest to Ukraine in terms of development in the EU are the countries of Central Europe and the Baltics, so their experience will be useful for our country.
Integration with the European Union was less difficult for the three Baltic states than for many other accessing countries, due to their strong social impetus to join Western political, economic and legal culture after they regained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the accession of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania had several distinctive features related to constitutional origin and institutions, which had a strong impact on the resolution of problems between the government and the EU institutions. The path taken by the Baltic countries upon accession to the EU was difficult and their role in the EU was not easy. Today, the EU-related agenda requires more skills than ever before in finding allies and choosing partners.
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Keil, Soeren. "The Business of State Capture and the Rise of Authoritarianism in Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201004.
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This paper will discuss the rise of authoritarian tendencies in the political systems of Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. In all four countries, certain parties and political elites have become entrenched in the political system, and have been able to enhance their grip on power, often beyond, and in some cases through, constitutional frameworks. It will discuss how forms of state capture have enabled political elites to position themselves in a situation in which they not only control the political decision-making institutions, but also exercise excessive influence on the economic and social systems of these systems in transitional states. By extending their networks of patronage, limiting political access for opponents, and holding strong control over media and the judiciary, these elites have been able to develop semi-authoritarian systems, which utilise democratic elections to confirm their long-term dominance, veiling them in a veneer of legitimacy. This rise of electoral authoritarianism – and in turn illiberal democracy – is not only linked to the political actions of certain parties and elites, but also results from the political, social and economic changes that the countries under investigation have faced in recent years. What is more, the so-called transformative power of eu integration has failed to hinder or deter the rise of these new authoritarian regimes. The paper will progress in three main steps: In the first part, a theoretical framework will be introduced, by focusing on theories of democratization and authoritarian back-sliding. In the second part, the four countries under investigation will be discussed in more detail, to highlight why there has been an increase in authoritarian practices across these four countries. This section will also discuss how these authoritarian tendencies play out in practice and how they have been undermining the consolidation of liberal democracy. Finally, in the conclusion it will be discussed what the European Union (eu) and other actors could do in order to support those forces that focus on democratic governance in these countries, and make the accession process truly transformative.
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Milutinovic, Irina. "Media pluralism in competitive authoritarian regimes - a comparative study: Serbia and Hungary." Sociologija 64, no. 2 (2022): 272–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2202272m.
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This paper explores media pluralism in two European former communist countries, which have regressed to electoral authoritarianism in recent years, after a period of democratic transition and partial consolidation - the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Serbia. The aim of the study is to describe similarities and differences in the media policies of these countries regarding media pluralism, and to explain social and political context that generates the growing risk for media pluralism. Descriptive comparative methods were used, based on the original set of data quantified within the annual national MPM reports. The reference time frame covers 2020 and 2017. The risk assessment indicators for media pluralism were compared in three areas: normative protection, political independence and media market plurality. The research finds that competitive authoritarian regimes? methods for free, independent and pluralistic media suppression have been intensively used in both countries regardless of membership status in the European Union.
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Lyons, Karen. "Women, Migration and Social Work." Affilia 32, no. 2 (April 18, 2017): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109917702086.
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Recent events in the United Kingdom have implications for the migration of women. Migrant women feature significantly in the staffing of the National Health Service and the social care sector, both currently under economic and political pressure. International labor mobility is also evident in the social work profession, though transnational social workers constitute only a very small proportion of the workforce. The recent vote to leave the European Union (EU) raises questions about the trend from recruitment of social workers from English-speaking countries to those from the EU. The role of social workers in relation to migrants is considered.
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Fendel, Ralf, and Michael Frenkel. "Putting European Monetary Integration into a Historical Perspective: Two Decades of the European Monetary System versus Two Decades of the European Monetary Union." Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik 239, no. 5-6 (September 25, 2019): 769–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbnst-2018-0097.
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AbstractThis comparative study looks at broad economic developments during the 20 years of the European Monetary Union (EMU) and 20 years of the European Monetary System (EMS). We analyze the economic performance by looking at a set of macroeconomic variables. The analysis of macroeconomic performance includes two perspectives: one is internal, i. e. how did the countries perform relative to each other; the other is external, i. e. how did the group of member countries perform vis-à-vis other countries. Overall, the analysis of the two periods suggest that the EMU does not display a macroeconomic development inferior to the EMS period. On the contrary, some crucial macroeconomic indicators point to a greater stability during the EMU period compared to the EMS period.
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Horridge, Mark, and Bartlomiej Rokicki. "The impact of European Union accession on regional income convergence within the Visegrad countries." Regional Studies 52, no. 4 (July 3, 2017): 503–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2017.1333593.
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Christl, Michael, Silvia De Poli, and Viginta Ivaškaitė-Tamošiūnė. "The Lock-in Effect of Marriage: Work Incentives after Saying “I Do”." Social Sciences 11, no. 11 (October 24, 2022): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11110493.
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In this paper, we use EUROMOD, the tax-benefit microsimulation model of the European Union, to investigate the impact of marriage-related tax-benefit instruments on the financial incentives to work of married couples. For each spouse, we estimate their individual marginal effective tax rate and net replacement rate before and after marriage. We show that the marriage bonus, which is economically significant in eight European countries, decreases the work incentives for women, particularly on the intensive margin. In contrast, for men the incentives on the intensive margin increase once they are married, pointing to the marriage-biased and gender-biased tax-benefit structures in the analysed countries. Our results suggest that marriage bonuses contribute to a lock-in effect, where second earners, typically women, are incentivised to work less, with negative economic consequences.
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Bojadjieva, Daniela Mamucevska, Marijana Cvetanoska, Kristijan Kozheski, Alen Mujčinović, and Slaven Gašparović. "The Impact of Education on Youth Employability: The Case of Selected Southeastern European Countries." Youth & Society 54, no. 2_suppl (January 6, 2022): 29S—51S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x211069403.
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This paper focuses on the processes of school-to-work transitions in a selected group of countries from South-eastern Europe (SEE), namely: Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatia; Montenegro; North Macedonia; Serbia; and, Slovenia. Each of these countries display the same roots of development in their educational systems: however, due to their transition and integration processes within the European Union, they implemented different concepts of reforms within their educational systems. In addition, the challenges of youth employability are a common problem for each of the selected countries, and the effectiveness of the processes of school-to-work-transition varies across the countries. By using panel data and multiple linear regression models, this paper estimates the impact of different educational levels on youth employability and changes in the rates of NEET population (aged 15–24) in the selected group of countries over the period 2009 to 2019. The results suggest that the impact of the attained level of education has an ambiguous effect on the rates of youth employment; moreover, the relationship with changes in NEET rates are statistically significant and negative in most of the selected group of countries.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.51-59.
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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.51-59.
Full textAbstract:
Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Bartol, Tomaz, and Marjan Hocevar. "The capital cities of the ten new European Union countries in selected bibliographic databases." Scientometrics 65, no. 2 (November 2005): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11192-005-0266-3.
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is it possible to install social capitalism in post socialist transition?" Sociologija 49, no. 2 (2007): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0702097l.
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Recently Claus Offe has raised the question concerning the fate of the European model of social capitalism. Can the model of social capitalism survive European integration amongst current tendencies? Offe assumes that this model has been challenged by the processes of globalisation and by the integration of postsocialist countries into the European Union. The working hypotheses of this article is that a relatively coherent answer to this question may be offered. The article is divided into three parts. The first part starts with Polanji?s socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for analyzing tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in post-socialist countries. The author argues that Polanyi?s theory enables us to explain the forms of embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945, as well as the orientation of non-embedded neoliberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. The central element of social capitalism, namely, the welfare-state, despite globalizing tendencies projected by neoliberalism, still has dimensions of continuity. In the second section it is argued that an asymmetrical structure has arisen between Western Europe and the non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialisation of capitalism. Neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of transferring ideal-type capitalism is much more strongly implemented in transition countries. In the third part the author pleads for a broadening of the meaning of welfare to take into account the ecological aspect of welfare in countries in transition. The author insists that embeddedness must also include socio-ecological aspects of transition processes in postsocialist countries. Moreover, this theoretical approach provides an opportunity to explain the failures in implementing neoliberalism in postsocialist countries. If we introduce socio-ecological aspects we are in a much better position to answer Offe?s question.
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Kheyfets, B. A., and V. Yu Chernova. "Consumer Involvement in the Globalisation of Trade: Case of the European Union." Economy of Region 18, no. 2 (2022): 413–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/ekon.reg.2022-2-8.
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Consumer globalisation is a fundamentally new stage in modern economic development. The Internet and digital technologies are becoming key drivers of consumer globalisation. To assess these processes, a quantitative evaluation method was developed that distinguishes consumer globalisation twofold — actual and potential. The example of the EU countries was analysed for consumer globalisation. The results obtained allow concluding that consumers in countries with high per capita income and higher prevalence and availability of Internet technologies are more globalised. The highest growth rates of globalisation were noted in countries with basically low globalisation indicators — among consumers in Cyprus, Bulgaria, Greece, Slovenia and Romania. There are differences between the EU countries in the intensity of globalisation processes due to different levels of economic development, different provision of infrastructure and information and communication technologies. The assessment of consumer globalisation showed that consumers of all EU countries in 2018 became more globalised in comparison with 2014. The results obtained make it possible to speak with confidence about the beginning of a new stage of economic globalisation, which will be determined by new technologies and consumer networks. The research findings contribute to the better understanding of the ongoing globalisation processes. The consumer globalisation index can serve as a tool for studying the involvement of consumers in international relations, exploring the potential for these relations’ development, as well as the differences in consumer globalisation between different countries, particular regions within the same country and between various social groups of population.
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Chojan, Adrian. "EUROPEAN UNION AND BREXIT: ANALYSIS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP COUNTRIES." Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 7, no. 2 (2021): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia21720141c.
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Bobic, Mirjana. "Reorganization of marriage, relationships and family in contemporary society." Stanovnistvo 41, no. 1-4 (2003): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0304065b.
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This paper describes contemporary changes in marriage, relationships and family in European populations, and then their evolution from the last decade of the twentieth century till present day, as well as various forms and types, in which plurality of contemporary partnership unions is revealed. The other goal of this supplement was to provide a wider theoretical-hypothetical, explanatory framework for understanding what is happening in population (on appearance level) but now in the context of contemporary societies. Three variables are introduced: macro (paradigm of modernization, namely social, i.e. structural and cultural changes), micro (paradigm: resources-limitations-behavior) and mezzo (differences in social and demographic development of countries of North, Western, South and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries in transition). Cautious predictions on what could be expected in future concerning: empirical documented differences of living arrangements of European populations of the West, but also of the East, as well as relative demographic consequences. On the macro level (paradigm structure/culture) the responses depend on the rate the two main social processes will develop: 1) development of "European society", and 2) the birth of "world" (global) society. Most of the authors conclude on the convergence of social and demographic development on the territory of Western, but not Eastern Europe (and especially the Balkans). This conclusion concerns even the countries of the South European region, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of existing secular tendencies may be expected in future as well, even on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that it will become a general model. For now it is evident that convergence of social and demographic development may be demonstrated on the territory of Western but not Eastern Europe as well (and especially of the Balkans). The later is also valid when the Southern European region is in question, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and at what speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of tendencies may be expected in future as well, on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that in most cases parents will satisfy their needs with only one child. On the contrary, family forms and life styles will probably reflect differences between countries of the North and Western Europe in future as well on the one hand, and Southern on the other hand, and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries) on the third hand. Readiness for marriage, partnership styles, as well as aspirations to forming families will depend on individual decisions, which will result from personal resources and limiting factors (macro, mezzo and micro). On the aggregate level of population, the result will be polarization between non-family and family households. Social conditions of foregoing modernization (increase of risks, job uncertainty, country prosperity crisis) as well as globalization will probably contribute to increasing the polarization process. The same conclusion may be derived for the group of former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (and the Balkans) as well, whose key problem now is finishing the process of transformation towards market economy.
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Chzhen, Yekaterina. "Unemployment, social protection spending and child poverty in the European Union during the Great Recession." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 2 (December 23, 2016): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716676549.
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The 2008 financial crisis triggered the first contraction of the world economy in the post-war era. This article investigates the effect of the Great Recession on child poverty across the EU-27 plus Iceland, Norway and Switzerland and studies the extent to which social protection spending may have softened the negative impact of the economic crisis on children. While the risks of child poverty are substantially higher in countries with higher rates of working-age unemployment, suggesting a significant impact of the Great Recession on household incomes via the labour market, the study finds evidence for social protection spending cushioning the blow of the crisis at least to some extent. Children were significantly less likely to be poor in countries with higher levels of social protection spending in 2008–2013, even after controlling for the socio-demographic structure of the population, per capita gross domestic product (GDP) and the working-age unemployment rate. The poverty-dampening contextual effect of social spending was greater for the poverty risks of children in very low work intensity families and large families. The study uses two complementary thresholds of income poverty, both based on 60 percent of the national median: a relative poverty line and a threshold anchored in 2008. Although the choice of a poverty line makes a difference to aggregate child poverty rates, individual-level risks of a child being poor associated with a range of household-level characteristics are similar for the two poverty lines.
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Mirkov, Andjelka, and Zeljka Manic. "Perceptions of the fairness of income distribution in Serbia: A comparative perspective." Sociologija 63, no. 2 (2021): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2102203m.
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The paper examines perceptions of the fairness of income distribution in Serbia from a comparative perspective. The analysis is based on data collected under Round 9 of the European Social Survey in 2018/2019. Perceptions of the fairness of personal income in Serbia are compared with those from three post- Yugoslav countries (Montenegro, Croatia and Slovenia) and three developed capitalist countries (Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom). The research findings indicate that the vast majority of Serbian citizens perceive their personal income (gross and net pay, pensions and social benefits) as being unfairly low. From a comparative perspective, it is noticeable that the perceived fairness of income distribution is influenced by a contextual variable that combines the effects of economic development, degree of income inequality and path dependency. Income from work (gross and net pay) is more often perceived as unfairly low in the post-Yugoslav countries of the Western Balkans (Serbia and Montenegro) than in the post-Yugoslav countries that are members of the European Union (Croatia and Slovenia). When it comes to perceptions of the fairness of pensions and social benefits, the two groups of the post-Yugoslav countries do not differ from each other. All types of income are more likely to be perceived as unfairly low in the Western Balkan states than in the developed capitalist countries.