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Journal articles on the topic 'Elite (Social sciences) – Europe, Eastern'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Bozóki, András. "Theoretical Interpretations of Elite Change in East Central Europe." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418762.

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AbstractElite theory enjoyed a remarkable revival in Central and Eastern Europe, and also in international social science research, during the 1990s. Many researchers coming from different schools of thought turned to the analysis of rapid political and social changes and ended up doing centered research. Since democratic transition and elite transformation seemed to be parallel processes, it was understandable that sociologists and political scientists of the region started to use elite theory. The idea of "third wave" of democratization advanced a reduced, more synthetic, "exportable" understanding of democracy in the political science literature. The main focus of social sciences shifted from structures to actors, from path dependency to institutional choices. Transitions, roundtable negotiations, institution-building, constitution-making, compromise-seeking, pactmaking, pact-breaking, strategic choices — all of these underlined the importance of elites and research on them. Elite settlements were seen as alternatives of social revolution. According to a widely shared view democratic institutions came into existence through negotiations and compromises among political elites calculating their own interests and desires. The elite settlement approach was then followed by some important contributions in transitology which described the process of regime change largely as "elite games." By offering a systematic overview of the theoretical interpretations of elite change from New Class theory to recent theorizing of elite change (conversion of capital, reproduction, circulation, political capitalism, technocratic continuity, three elites and the like), the paper also gives an account of the state of the arts in elite studies in different new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.

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Zimmerman, Andrew. "Race against Revolution in Central and Eastern Europe." East Central Europe 43, no. 1-2 (September 16, 2016): 14–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302004.

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Racism and racial “science” emerged in Europe as an elite response to a worldwide wave of rural insurgencies that began in the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions and continues, in its own way, to this day. In his dialectic of lord and bondsman, g.w.f. Hegel formulated political, economic, and biopolitical ideas from the uprisings occurring in his world, creating a now long-standing dialogue between dialectical theory, including Marxism, and rural insurgency. Racism was part of a biopolitical counterrevolution that sought to maintain the power of elites over insurgent populations. Here Prussia played a central role, as its struggle against the autonomy of migrant agricultural labors took the form of campaigns against the “Polonization” of Prussia. The social scientist Max Weber theorized this struggle in a series of essays on race and rural labor that produced a racism based on culture rather than biology. This cultural racism, like the insurgent discourses it opposes, persists in many forms in Central Europe and around the world.

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Adam, Frane, Primož Kristan, and Matevž Tomsšič. "Varieties of capitalism in Eastern Europe (with special emphasis on Estonia and Slovenia)." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (February 25, 2009): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.005.

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The authors proceed from the assumption that the institutional and economic efficiency of a particular country (or society) depends on its historic legacy or ‘path-dependence’, strategic interactions of the elite and the impact of the international environment. Estonia and Slovenia are both — not only economically, but also institutionally — perceived as relatively successful and prominent post-communist countries and new members of the EU. Yet they have developed completely different — in some aspects even diametrically opposite — regulative settings and socio-political arrangements. The main emphasis is on the connection between the dynamics and ideological preferences of political actors and the pace of reforms as well as institutional regulations. One can argue that the political elite in Estonia encouraged the shaping of the state in a direction close to the liberal-market model, whereas Slovenia is closer to the corporatist social welfare-state model. In both cases, some dysfunctional effects are evident that represent a new challenge to the elites and, at the same time, a test of their credibility and competence.

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Kristóf, Luca. "From Nomenclature To Elite (Shlapentokh, V., Vanderpool, C. and Doktorov, B. eds.: The New Elite in Post-communist Eastern Europe)." Review of Sociology 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2004): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/revsoc.10.2004.1.9.

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Serguei Alex. Oushakine. "Introduction: Wither the intelligentsia: the end of the moral elite in Eastern Europe." Studies in East European Thought 61, no. 4 (November 2009): 243–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-009-9093-z.

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Tesser, Lynn M. "Identity, Contingency, and Interaction: Historical Research and Social Science Analysis of Nation-State Proliferation." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.33.

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AbstractScholars of nation-building and secession tend to prioritize elite or broader nationalist activism when explaining the proliferation of nation-states. Yet, recent historical research reveals a major finding: the influence of great powers tended to eclipse nationalist mobilization for new states in Latin America, the Balkans, Anatolia, and Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on recent trends in historical research largely unknown in other fields, this article examines context, timing, and event sequencing to provide a new approach to multi-case research on nation-state proliferation. Major power recognition of new states in the Balkans also emerges as transformational for the post-World War I replacement of dynastic empires with nation-states in Europe. These findings suggest a shift of focus to the interplay of nationalist activism and great power policy for explaining the spread of nation-states.

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7

Markowski, Radoslaw. "Political Parties and Ideological Spaces in East Central Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 221–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00006-8.

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This article analyzes the structuring of party systems of four East Central European countries. At the outset an assumption is proposed that the region is by no means homogeneous (as is often treated) but exhibits different levels of ideological articulation and party formation. First, we concentrate on the left-right ideological identities and its' attitudinal-issue correlates as well as the social roots of left-right ideological orientations. The main part deals with socio-political attitudes as predictors of ideological orientations, both on mass and elite level. The results indicate different levels of ideological structuration and political divisions of the party systems in Eastern Europe, which are explained not only by socio-economic factors, but mainly by varying experiences of pre-communist rule, communist governance and pathways to democracy.

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Ágh, Attila. "INCREASING EUPOPULISM AS A MEGATREND IN EAST CENTRAL EUROPE: FROM FACADE DEMOCRACIES TO VELVET DICTATORSHIPS." Baltic Journal of Political Science 5, no. 5 (January 17, 2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10334.

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Brexit and Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 US presidential election has launched a wave of discussions in the international media and political science literature on “authoritarian populism” and a “populist explosion.” Although this paper also reflects on this new wave of populism in the West, it concentrates on the connections between democracy’s decline and the so-called populist explosion in eastern central Europe (ECE) and closely investigates the Hungarian case within the context of ECE. This paper describes populism in ECE as a product of the transition from fading facade democracies to emerging velvet dictatorships. These velvet dictatorships rely on the soft power of media and communication rather on the hard power of state violence. Paradoxically, the ruling anti-elite populist parties have developed a system of populism from above, managed by the new politico-business elite. Populism (social and national) and Euroscepticism are the two most basic, and twin, terms used to describe these new (semi)authoritarian regimes. Populism and Euroscepticism are convertible; they are two sides of the same coin as they express the same divergence from the EU mainstream. Therefore, this paper introduces the term: Eupopulism.

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EASTER, GERALD M. "Politics of Revenue Extraction in Post-communist States: Poland and Russia Compared." Political Theory 30, no. 4 (August 2002): 599–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030004005.

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Since the late 1990s, a consensus has emerged among scholars of the post-communist transitions that an enfeebled state is not an asset but a liability to a transition economy. Moreover, it is now accepted that underdeveloped fiscal capacity is a leading cause of state weakness in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. This article compares the alternative revenue extraction strategies developed by state leaders in post-communist Poland and Russia. It stresses political institutional constraints to explain why Poland opted for a social pact with labor over household incomes, while Russia developed a system of elite bargaining over corporate profits.

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Kirpichnikov, Ivan. "Integration in Muscovy: The Case of Ryazan Elite." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023147-0.

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The integration of previously independent political entities into a single political unit was one of the main challenges facing European Medieval and Early modern rulers. The case analyzed in this study is the Ryazan region located in the southern part of Eastern Europe, which was ultimately annexed by the expanding Muscovite state in 1521. The first part of the article covers the main historiographical approaches to the problem of regionalism in the history of Early Modern Russia. The second part is devoted to a discussion of the methodology and results of the prosopographical study of the Ryazan service elite in the end of the 15th — first third of the 17th century. This case is one of the clearest examples of “soft” (non-violent) integration since the annexation of the Grand Duchy of Ryazan was not accompanied by either property confiscation or forced resettlement. The Muscovite government consistently preserved the local social structure. The members of the local elite were often involved in carrying out administrative and military service in their native region. The Ryazan community was significantly transformed by the Oprichnina confiscations, but the old local elite families preserved their traditional position in the local community. The Ryazan elite had a relatively low social status in the Muscovite ruling class hierarchy. The Time of Troubles opened a new page in the history of the Ryazan elite. Ryazan service people securely settled in Moscow, which led to a deep transformation of their career strategies and lifestyles.

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Zysiak, Agata. "Modernizing Science: Between a Liberal, Social, and Socialistic University – The Case of Poland and the University of Łódź (1945–1953)." Science in Context 28, no. 2 (May 21, 2015): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889715000083.

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ArgumentThis paper examines the postwar reconstruction of the Polish academic system. It analyzes a debate that took place in the newly established university in the proletarian city of Łódź. The vision of the shape of the university was a bone of contention between the professors. This resulted in two contentious models of a university: “liberal” and “socialized.” Soon, universities were transformed into crucial institutions of the emerging communist state, where national history, ideology, and the future elite were produced and shaped. The social university was transformed into a socialistic university. Analysis of this process of transformation enables me to scrutinize the difficult clashes between the leftist intellectuals and the rising system of power that was not entirely hostile to them. The case of Poland also shows that sovietization did not mean solely a ruthless convergence of Central and Eastern Europe with a universal model most completely implemented in the USSR. Power hitting the ground was redeployed along various local interests, institutional conjunctures, and personal intransigencies. On a more universal level, I present this case in the context of the challenge of modernization and its many respective accommodations.

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Stoica, Cătălin Augustin. "Once upon a Time There Was a Big Party: The Social Bases of the Romanian Communist Party (Part I)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 4 (November 2005): 686–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405281092.

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Employing survey data, this article highlights the following characteristics of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP): With an estimated membership of 33 percent of Romania's employed population, the late RCP was proportionally the largest Leninist party in Eastern Europe. Consistent with the socalled “deproletarianization” thesis, the RCP manifested a marked preference toward recruiting well-educated individuals and professionals among its ranks. The RCP also tended to recruit from among disadvantaged classes (in particular, peasants and their offspring). Despite some prowomen “ affirmative action” policies, women were underrepresented among Party members. Some ethnic minorities had fewer chances of joining the RCP than ethnic Romanians. As compared to other communist parties, the RCP had one of the highest rates of intergenerational political reproduction among its ranks. This article suggests that the amorphous character of the RCP and its closed elite could also explain why Party members did not bother to save their historically obsolete leader.

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KOUDELA, PÁL. "LITERARY SOCIETIES AND MODERNISM: THE SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE KAZINCZY CIRCLE IN KASSA AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY." Hungarian Studies 33, no. 2 (December 2019): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/044.2019.33.2.1.

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Literary societies are in focus both of literary studies and social history.1 In particular, they played an important role in the modernization of Central Europe in the 19th century. Becoming widespread in this era, they helped develop a democratic2 political culture and disseminated literature to a wider audience. Hungarian historiography has depicted this period as one of large-scale social segregation and a fragmented middle class which refused to have any contact with the bourgeoisie,34 while Slovakian historians have emphasized the exclusion of Slovaks from elite society.5 Kassa (today Košice), which was then situated in northern Hungary and is now the largest city in eastern Slovakia, has, however, been recognized as a more complicated example that challenges these assumptions.6 For instance, the importance of local citizenry was preserved in the ﬁrst half of the 19th century, in contrary to other cities in Hungary.7 The purpose of this article is to examine the composition of the most prominent social club of the town to provide fresh insights into the social history of Kassa in this period, and the larger processes shaping urban life in Central Europe in the period before the First World War. In particular, this article argues that a culture of both pluralism and exclusion was evident in the membership of Kassa’s Kazinczy Circle, and that their afﬁliations reveal a more complicated social network in the city, which both preserved communal solidarity during a period of rapid urbanization and encouraged the growth of modern democratic values.

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Stoica, Cătălin Augustin. "Once upon a Time There Was a Big Party: The Social Bases of the Romanian Communist Party (Part II)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 3 (August 2006): 447–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406290179.

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Employing survey data, this study highlights the following characteristics of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP): with an estimated membership of 33 percent of Romania’s employed population, the late RCP was proportionally the largest Leninist party in Eastern Europe. Consistent with the so-called “deproletarianization” thesis, the RCP manifested a marked preference toward recruiting well-educated individuals and professionals among its ranks. The RCP also tended to recruit from among disadvantaged classes (in particular, peasants and their offspring). Despite some prowomen “affirmative action” policies, women were underrepresented among Party members. Some ethnic minorities had fewer chances of joining the RCP than ethnic Romanians. As compared to other communist parties, the RCP had one of the highest rates of intergenerational political reproduction among its ranks. This article suggests that the amorphous character of the RCP and its closed elite could also explain why Party members did not bother to save their historically obsolete leader.

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Lengyel, György, and Borbála Göncz. "Symbolic and pragmatic aspects of European identity." Sociologija 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0601001l.

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It seems realistic that one of the long-term preconditions of European integration is the strengthening of European identity. Otherwise, it might happen that a growing split occurs between the elites and the population in the question of integration. In the Western European countries the concepts of Europe and the EU frequently coincide, while in the Eastern European countries Europe has primarily cultural-historical connotations and the EU embodies economic development and welfare. In an international comparison, European identity was stronger in the newly joining countries, but in some of them (i.e. in Hungary and Estonia) the national identity was among the strongest as well. The current study is based on a Hungarian representative survey carried out in 2003 - that is before Hungary joined the European Union. We supposed that class positions, the availability of material, cultural and social resources strongly influence European identity. We examined two aspects of identity, a symbolic and a pragmatic one. The symbolic identity was measured by questions addressing national vs. supra- and sub-national belonging, while pragmatic identity was approached by a question addressing the fair redistribution of taxes among the different levels. We could compare these dimensions and investigate the possible reasons for inconsistencies. .

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Aslam, Shahbaz, Arshad Ali, and Muhammad Farooq. "Framing of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in Elite Press of India and Afghanistan (2015-2017)." Asian Social Science 16, no. 7 (June 17, 2020): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n7p57.

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$1 trillion Belt Road Initiative (BRI)’s China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) component is a dimensional shift in Sino-Pak relations and a conception of shared future being heralded as the game changer for Pakistan as well as for the whole region. As a nodal part of the China’s ambitious Belt & Road Initiative that envisage to improve connectivity on transcontinental scale by connecting China to Central and Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Africa, the CPEC has come under attention of international media, policy makers, economists and academicians. This study discusses the framing of CPEC in press of India and China. India being territorial neighbors and China being the investor shares certain interests, reservations and apprehensions related to CPEC. Two English newspapers from China (China Daily & Global Times) and India (Indian Express & The Hindu) were selected and all the news and editorials related to CPEC were analyzed for the period of 2015-2017. Finding reveals that India’s press is covering CPEC more in terms of strategic and conflict perspective rather than infrastructure and connectivity aspects. However, the Chinese press covers CPEC in broader context of BRI and globalization hence connectivity, development, strategic value and economic paybacks are the dominant frames. Moreover, framing of CPEC varies over the time in the press of India and China. Study suggests that policy making is needed to reduce the negative stance and communication differences of international press towards CPEC. Findings imply that Pakistan should made efforts to develop better relations with neighboring countries by engaging them with CPEC as a project of development, mutual benefit and regional integration.

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Garai, Imre, and András Németh. "Construction of the national state and the institutionalization processes of the modern Hungarian secondary school teacher training system." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.121.

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In our paper we intend to analyse the development process of the secondary teachers’ professionalization. By examining archival and secondary sources, we found that the professionalization process of the secondary teachers in Central-Eastern Europe (Austro-Hungarian Monarchy) followed the French and the German patterns. Furthermore, the political elite used different elements of these patterns in order to be able to implement the European reforms into the national level. Therefore, we would say that the implementation process in this area was a kind of «reflexion» which was necessary to adjust the modernisation influences to their social and economic conditions. However, the study also concerns developing processes of the modern science of education and pedagogy and the forming processes of modern national states. After analysing our sources, we were convinced of the need to direct our focus to these questions. Both of them played decisive role in the professionalization process. Different steps of the formation of the modern national state boosted the development of teacher professions by adopting new regulations or laws. Changes of the state and the society also facilitated the transformation of universities and teacher training institutes. These aspects clearly could be seen in the development of the Hungarian secondary teacher profession in the second half of the 19th century.

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Török, Borbála Zsuzsanna. "Learned Societies and Academic Sociability in Nineteenth-Century Transylvania." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 200–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411476.

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AbstractProceeding on sub-state and transnational scales, the study inquires into the cultural contextualization of those marginal territories of Europe whose participation in the larger circulation of knowledge and goods had faced prolonged infrastructural, economic, and political hindrances. The author seeks an answer to the question whether such regions with unusual social fragmentation, economic backwardness, and exotic external image do still belong to the “European” realm. Comparing the divergent trajectories of local learned societies in the eastern province of the Habsburg monarchy, Transylvania, she inquires into the correlation of scholarly practice and the formation of collective identities with regard to internal and external constitutive factors, and patronage and political support from the state (or the lack of it). The essay ends with a mixed result; local practices carried the peculiarities of the immediate environment, and also the impact of a Central-European, that is, Austrian, and German academic tradition. This locality could, and indeed, did occasionally look outlandish to native critics and foreign travelers. However, at least at the level of elite culture and scholarship, this province also shared the general traits of the “Western” practice.

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Novoseltseva, Liudmila. "The Making of the Serbian Academic Community in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century." Historical Studies on Central Europe 2, no. 2 (December 22, 2022): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47074/hsce.2022-2.08.

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Prosopography, a methodological approach to understanding the biographical regularities and irregularities of a particular social stratum, provides new opportunities for studying national elites and professional groups in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The present study suggests a reconstruction of the process of the making of the scientific and wider intellectual community of the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Using biographical data about the members of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, one can compile a database of use in examining (inter-)generational changes in the Serbian academic community. Furthermore, one can detect which Serb-populated historical areas outside Serbia that scholars, scientists, and cultural figures of the ‘Balkan Piemonté’ who ushered in the process of modernization came from. Scrutinizing the information on their background and qualifications, one can draw some conclusions concerning the character and peculiarities of Serbia’s scientific, cultural, and social development, the needs of the state, and the tasks and functions it defined for its academic community. One can also make assumptions about the interactions of Serbian academics with the intellectual elites of other states. Last but not least, comparative analysis of the academics’ biographies highlights the role played by the Serbian state, which successfully consolidated its marginal community of intellectuals and turned it into a unified, state-controlled professional structure.

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Bottoni, Stefano. "Talking to the System: Imre Mikó, 1911–1977." East Central Europe 44, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04401002.

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Taking a cue from an intelligence file produced by the Romanian political police on Transylvanian Hungarian intellectual Imre Mikó (Cluj, 1911–1977), the article analyzes the various patterns of accomodation with the political system, which represents a key to the understanding of how social legitimacy was built and maintained by the communist regimes of Eastern Europe. The framework in which this story takes place is especially interesting due to the Romanian context. On the one hand, the analysis of an unconventional collaboration established during the 1970s between the security organs of a national communist system and a prominent conservative intellectual stimulates us to rethink the state-society relationship in Ceaușescu’s Romania in more dynamic terms. Among the multiple reasons that led Mikó to accept the role of informer, one finds the communitarian ideology of “serving the people”, but also his belief that cooperation with the state security on relevant issues to the Transylvanian Hungarian community did not represent a betrayal of national ideals but the only way to achieve certain political goals, such as informing the Western public opinion on the worsening condition of the Hungarian minority. The case of Mikó can be compared with other files unveiled in Romania during the last years, and shows that often uncritically accepted definition of “collaboration” require serious conceptual reshaping. During the last decades of the communist regimes, significant parts of the formerly persecuted elite came to work together with the state security organs. They did not “talk to the system” with the purpose of spying on fellow citizens, but seeked to push forward their own cause with the infrastructural support of the state security, in a context where non-party members had been denied any access to the political sphere, and they regarded personal contact with a high-raking state security officer as a counterbalance of their marginality.

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O'Neil, Patrick H. "Revolution from Within: Institutional Analysis, Transitions from Authoritarianism, and the Case of Hungary." World Politics 48, no. 4 (July 1996): 579–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0017.

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The Hungarian transition from socialism stands out from other examples of political change in the region, in that the ruling Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) suffered an erosion of political power generated largely from within the party itself. The study shows how the Communist Party, after its destruction in the revolution of 1956, sought to institutionalize its rule through a course of limited liberalization and the broad co-optation of the populace. This policy helped create a tacit social compact with society, particularly in co-opting younger intellectuals who identified with the goals of reform socialism. However, the party eventually marginalized this group, creating an internal party opposition that supported socialism but opposed the MSZMP. Consequently, when the limits of Hungarian reform socialism became evident in the mid-1980s, rank-and-file intellectuals within the party began to mobilize against the party hierarchy, seeking to transform the MSZMP into a democratic socialist party. These “reform circles,” drawing their strength primarily from the countryside, spread to all parts of the party and helped undermine central party power and expand the political space for opposition groups to organize. Eventually, the reform circles were able to force an early party congress in which the MSZMP was transformed into a Western-style socialist party prior to open elections in 1990.The case is significant in that it indicates that the forms of transition in Eastern Europe were not simply the specific outcome of elite interaction. Rather, they were shaped in large part by the patterns of socialist institutionalization found in each country. Therefore, studies of political transition can be enriched with an explicit focus on the institutional characteristics of each case, linking the forms of transitions and their posttransition legacies to the institutional matrix from which they emerged. In short, the study argues that the way in which an autocratic order perpetuates itself affects the manner in which that system declines and the shape of the new system that takes its place.

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Vaišnys, Andrius. "Transformation of Communist Media Content and Public Space According to the Discourse ‘39Pact: Exiting the “Labyrinth” as an Act of Communication." Informacijos mokslai 90 (December 28, 2020): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2020.90.50.

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This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments.Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of environmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). During this period in the previously mentioned region the control of public space was on the decline.This view will be based on a single thematic discourse: the provision of consequences of the 1939 Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and criticism in communist model media of Lithuania and neighbouring countries. It may be called D’39Pact.D‘39Pact in general has several narratives (it may also be seen from the EP Resolution), but taking into consideration the interpretation of Jurgen Habermas’s Communicative Action, the analysis of transformation of 1988-1989 two of them would suffice, one of which is that of the authorities of the USSR and the other one – that of its opponents. Let’s call opponents USSR dissidents, protestors, underground press (samizdat) and press of public movements which was published legally.Narrative of the USSR authorities: the treaty was the inevitable and no annexes (secret protocols) exist.Narrative of the opponents: based on secret protocols of the treaty, the USSR and Nazi Germany divided the countries and destroyed their political, military, cultural elite and finally – their population of various social layers.Medias, as the main participant of the public space, most clearly disclose the collision of such narratives and transformation in D‘39Pact. The purpose of the article is to discuss the circumstances of transformation of MMPT from the historical perspective and of the public space and come across the factors, which influenced the strongest role of MMPT interpretative accomplishments. Considering the way out of the “labyrinth” regarding the D’39 Pact, we see some similarities with the situation that now exists in Russia.

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Saád, József. "Sorokin's Journey: From Eastern Europe to Eastern Europe." Review of Sociology 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2004): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/revsoc.10.2004.1.6.

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Ronge, Volker. "Social Change in Eastern Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 1, no. 1 (February 1991): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879100100105.

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Deacon, Bob, and Guy Standing. "Social Policy in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 3, no. 3 (August 1993): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879300300301.

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Petras, James. "Eastern Europe: Restoration and crises." Journal of Contemporary Asia 21, no. 3 (January 1991): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339180000221.

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27

Kazanski, Michel. "Sacrifices of Horses in “Princely” Tombs During the Late Phase of the Great Migration Period." Stratum plus. Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology, no. 4 (August 30, 2021): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.55086/sp21495108.

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The article considers a few graves of the elite of the Great Migration Period, containing several burials of horses. In the German context, this is a “royal” burial in Tournai on the territory of modern Belgium, owned by King Childeric (died 481/482) and burials in a barrow in Žuráň, in South Moravia, probably belonging to the Lombard royal family. Their parallels in Eastern Europe are finds in the necropolis of Sirenevaya Buhta in the Eastern Crimea and Malai in the region of Eastern Azov Sea. Horse burials in Western and Central Europe can be associated with the influence of the Huns on aristocratic civilization, and reflect the high social status of the buried.

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28

Hanley, Eric, and Donald J. Treiman. "Recruitment into the Eastern European Communist Elite: Dual Career Paths." Research in Social Stratification and Mobility 23 (January 2005): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0276-5624(05)23002-0.

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29

Wong, Raymond Sin-Kwok. "Occupational attainment in Eastern Europe under socialism." Research in Social Stratification and Mobility 19 (January 2002): 191–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0276-5624(02)80042-7.

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30

Tar, Zolt�n. "A political theorist from Eastern Europe." Studies in Soviet Thought 29, no. 4 (May 1985): 311–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01121337.

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31

Hanak, Tibor. "Neo-Marxism in Eastern Central Europe." Studies in Soviet Thought 30, no. 4 (November 1985): 379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01043749.

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32

Spieker, Manfred. "Crises in Eastern Europe since 1956." Studies in Soviet Thought 32, no. 3 (October 1986): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00837415.

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33

Petrunov, Georgi. "Human Trafficking in Eastern Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 653, no. 1 (March 28, 2014): 162–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214521556.

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Eastern Europe is among the major sources of migrants who travel for work to other European nations. In this research, in-depth interviews and analysis of legal cases of migration in Bulgaria reveal that the typical kinds of human trafficking in the region are sexual exploitation, labor exploitation, forced servitude, and trafficking of pregnant women for the sale of their babies. For each type, I examine victim profiles, recruitment strategies, transportation, and the types of control and exploitation that traffickers use. Comparisons are drawn between the Bulgarian findings and patterns in other Eastern European nations.

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34

Greeley, Andrew M. "Religious revivals in Eastern Europe." Society 39, no. 2 (January 2002): 76–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02717532.

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35

Parks, Jenifer, and Stefan Zwicker. "‘Revising’ the Sporting Map of Eastern Europe." International Journal of the History of Sport 37, no. 15 (December 11, 2020): 1501–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2020.1879546.

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36

Girginov, Vassil, and Mike Collins. "Prologue: Why is There an Eastern Europe?" International Journal of the History of Sport 21, no. 5 (November 2004): 681–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952336042000261999.

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37

Clark, Barry S. "Political Economy, Democracy and Eastern Europe." International Journal of Social Economics 19, no. 7/8/9 (July 1992): 259–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000000498.

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38

Filipovic Hrast, Masa, Anja Kopac Mrak, and Tatjana Rakar. "Social exclusion of elderly in Central and Eastern Europe." International Journal of Social Economics 40, no. 11 (October 14, 2013): 971–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2012-0082.

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39

Formisano, Ron. "Interpreting Right-Wing or Reactionary Neo-Populism: A Critique." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (April 2005): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0010.

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During the 1980s and 1990s in countries across the globe, new populist protest movements and radical political organizations emerged to challenge traditional parties, ruling elites, and professional politicians, and even long-standing social norms. The revolts against politics-as-usual have arisen from many kinds of social groupings and from diverse points on the political spectrum. Through the 1980s, in Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and North America, populist discontent erupted intermittently. But the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe, unleashed a torrent of popular movements and political parties opposed to what the discontented perceived as the corruption and deceitfulness of the political classes and their corporate patrons. Some protest movements promoted more democracy, pluralism, and economic opportunity; some expressed intolerance, bigotry, and xenophobic nationalism.

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40

Vučetić, Radina, and Olga Manojlović Pintar. "Social History in Serbia: The Association for Social History." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102023.

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This review essay provides a brief overview of the research and publication activity of the Udruženje za društvenu istoriju/Association for Social History, an innovative scholarly organization established in 1998 in Belgrade, Serbia. The association promotes research on social history in modern South-Eastern Europe, with a focus on former Yugoslavia, and publishes scientific works and historical documents. The driving force behind the activity of the association is a group of young social historians gathered around Professor Andrej Mitrović, at the University of Belgrade. Prof. Mitrović’s work on the “social history of culture” has provided a scholarly framework for a variety of new works dealing with issues of modernization, history of elites, history of ideas, and the diffuse relationship between history and memory. Special attention is given to the Association’s journal, Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju/Annual for Social History, which published studies on economic history, social groups, gender issue, cultural history, modernization, and the history of everyday life in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. Methodologically routed in social history, these research projects are interdisciplinary, being a joint endeavor of sociologists, art historians, and scholars of visual culture.

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41

Domanski, H. "Distribution of Incomes in Eastern Europe." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 38, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1997): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071529703800304.

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42

Hollander, Paul. "Why communism collapsed in Eastern Europe." Society 30, no. 2 (January 1993): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695807.

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43

Terret, Thierry. "Sport in Eastern Europe during the Cold War." International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 4 (February 23, 2009): 465–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360802658069.

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44

Leonards, Chris, and Nico Randeraad. "Transnational Experts in Social Reform, 1840–1880." International Review of Social History 55, no. 2 (August 2010): 215–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000179.

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SummaryWho were the people at the cutting edge of social reform in Europe between 1840 and 1880, and how were they connected? This article proposes a method to locate a transnational community of experts involved in social reform and focuses on the ways in which these experts shared and spread their knowledge across borders. After a discussion of the concepts of social reform, transnationalization, and transfer, we show how we built a database of visitors to social reform congresses in the period 1840–1880, and explain how we extracted a core group of experts from this database. This “congress elite” is the focus of the second part of this article, in which we discuss their travels, congress visits, publications, correspondence, and membership of learned and professional organizations. We argue that individual members of our elite, leaning on the prestige of their international contacts, shaped reform debates in their home countries. We conclude by calling for further research into the influence that the transnational elite were able to exert on concrete social reforms in different national frameworks in order to assess to what extent they can be regarded as an “epistemic community in the making”.

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45

Ingham, Mike, and Keith Grime. "Regional Unemployment in Central and Eastern Europe." Regional Studies 28, no. 8 (December 1994): 811–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343409412331348706.

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46

Konrad, Edvard. "Implicit leadership theories in Eastern and Western Europe." Social Science Information 39, no. 2 (June 2000): 335–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901800039002010.

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Modern theories of leadership emphasize cognitive interaction between leaders and followers. Experience shows that the right personality, the correct behaviour or an appropriate situation for leading are not enough; successful leader performance depends to a large extent on how the leader is accepted by his or her followers. That is why the study of implicit leadership theories that determine these perceptions is important. Implicit leadership theories can be considered as cognitive schemata or prototypes that enable a person to categorize the behaviour of the leader. In the present study, the implicit theories of Eastern and Western middle managers are compared. Results show similarities and differences in the prototypicality rating of 21 leadership behaviours perceived by Eastern and Western managers. Possible influences of cultural differences due to the different historical development of these regions are indicated. The implications of the results for selection and development of leaders are discussed.

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47

Bönker, Frank. "Democratic and Capitalist Transitions in Eastern Europe: Lessons for the Social Sciences." Economic Systems 26, no. 3 (September 2002): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0939-3625(02)00049-3.

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48

Czaban, Laszlo, and Jeffrey Henderson. "Commodity chains, foreign investment and labour issues in Eastern Europe." Global Networks 3, no. 2 (April 2003): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-0374.00055.

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49

WALLACE, CLAIRE, and SIJKA KOVACHEVA. "Youth Cultures and Consumption in Eastern and Western Europe." Youth & Society 28, no. 2 (December 1996): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x96028002003.

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50

GOLDSTONE, JACK A., and KARL-DIETER OPP. "Rationality, Revolution, and 1989 in Eastern Europe." Rationality and Society 6, no. 1 (January 1994): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463194006001002.

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