Journal articles: 'Elite (Social sciences) – Egypt – History'

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MURPHY, JANE H. "Locating the sciences in eighteenth-century Egypt." British Journal for the History of Science 43, no. 4 (October 11, 2010): 557–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087410001251.

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AbstractIn the last years of the eighteenth century, Egypt famously witnessed the practice of European sciences as embodied in the members of Bonaparte's Commission des sciences et des arts and the newly founded Institut d'Egypte. Less well known are the activities of local eighteenth-century Cairene religious scholars and military elites who were both patrons and practitioners of scientific expertise and producers of hundreds upon hundreds of manuscripts. Through the writings of the French naturalist Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772–1844) and those of the Cairene scholar and chronicler ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī (1753–1825), I explore Egypt as a site for the practice of the sciences in the late eighteenth century, the palatial urban houses which the French made home to the Institut d'Egypte and their role before the French invasion, and the conception of the relationship between the sciences and social politics that each man sought. Ultimately, I argue that Geoffroy's struggle to create scientific neutrality in the midst of intensely tumultuous political realities came to a surprising head with his fixation on Paris as the site for the practice of natural history, while al-Jabartī’s embrace of this entanglement of knowledge and power led to a vision of scientific expertise that was specifically located in his Cairene society, but which – as Geoffroy himself demonstrated – could be readily adapted almost anywhere.

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Akhavi, Shahrough. "The Dialectic in Contemporary Egyptian Social Thought: The Scripturalist and Modernist Discourses of Sayyid Qutb and Hasan Hanafi." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 3 (August 1997): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064825.

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One of the most important arenas of the ferment in contemporary Arab social thought is Egypt. Egyptian writers have been contributing to a rapidly growing body of literature on state and society. Its themes include methodological issues, the nature of the ideal Islamic society; the elite–mass gap; the state's role in public life; the appropriate model for socioeconomic development; and the social bases of Islamist movements.

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Sherkova, T., and N. Kuzina. "Formation of the Personality - Self-consciousness of the Individual in Pre-dynastic Egypt." Bulletin of Science and Practice 6, no. 3 (March 15, 2020): 505–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/52/61.

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The question of the appropriateness of the use of the term and category of Personality in relation to studies of the model of the world and the model of I in predynastic Egypt is considered. Points of view are given on the scope and application of the concept, both from the point of view of various schools of psychological science, and researchers belonging to a number of humanitarian areas of science who consider the concept of identity in the context of historical development and historical memory. At the same time, it is taken into account that a personality is traditionally defined in psychology as a self-regulating dynamic functional system of continuously interacting properties, relationships and actions that take shape in the process of ontogenesis of a person. A person is considered as a phenomenon of social development, a specific living person with consciousness and self-awareness (capable of self-reflection). It is taken into account that in social sciences a person is considered as a special quality of a person acquired by him in a sociocultural environment in the process of joint activity and communication. The article considers the social role and hierarchy in predynastic Egypt, as well as funeral rituals in the context of individualizing practices or in the context of attributing it to a collective personality. Two of these arguments allow us to talk about the applicability of the concept of Personality to this historical period. The study suggests that in relation to the period under study, the level of formation of self-awareness Personality can be talked about in relation to social leaders (chief / regional kings). The study is based on the study of archaeological sites such as elite necropolis, a ritual center in Hierakonpolis, as well as artifacts originating from the tombs of an elite necropolis in Hierakonpolis, determining the development of a socially hierarchical society with an aristocratic clan to which the social leader (chief) — regional king) belonged. The study of the formation of the category Personality notes the special role of finds of funerary masks, which most likely represent the first ancestors in the developing form of the cult of the ancestors. The leader in the period under study in the history of Egypt is a collective person and he also leaves for the ancestors, who are also the incarnations of a collective person. Thus, for the preliterate period, there is no way to talk about specific personalities (including named personalities). But already at the initial stages of the development of the Early kingdom, when writing occurs, we can talk about the naming of each of the kings, since the name reflects the personality (its qualities that contain the names themselves). Nevertheless, the name of each king was also accompanied by the name of the ancestor — the deified legendary king Horus in Hierokonpolis, and later — in the royal title, his name as a name of the god was added to the names of the ruling pharaohs until the end of the era of ancient Egypt. The work, therefore, is debatable, since in psychological science the emergence of self-consciousness and personality as an entity is usually referred to the New Time. The question of the possibility of using modern psychological concepts (Personality), to a person of antiquity, in particular to representatives of preliterate culture, is investigated. The image of a person for an individual of a given era was reconstructed through the prism of the reflection of a person of a given period over the limitations of social stratification, ritual and death. Specific personality traits are described as an individual who performs various social roles and is buried according to his merit, both in terms of personal ethics and in the hierarchy of society.

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Izosimov, Denis. "On the "ethno-classe dominante" in the First Persian Period Egypt." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2022): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080018634-4.

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The following article analyzes P. Briant’s concept of the “dominant ethno-class” in Egypt during the First Persian Domination (526 – 404 BC.). According to P. Briant, the main administrative positions were held by Persian officials, who constituted a closed and culturally isolated from the Egyptians group, while the Egyptian officials were only allowed into religious and financial spheres of administration. Though some ideas of P. Briant were developed by subsequent scholars, the basis of his concept was criticized, especially the thesis of cultural isolation of Persians in Egypt. The article presents a critical evaluation of the concept forwarded by P. Briant as applied to Acaemenid Egypt. Major difficulties with applying P. Briant’s to the Egyptian evidence are due to the insufficiency of historical sources and data on some aspects of social-administrative life in Egypt during the First Persian Domination. The author draws attention to the fact that some cases of Persian acculturation during this period in fact do not reflect the situation in the first decades of the Achaemenid rule in Egypt. Moreover, the definition of the “dominant ethno-class” does not allow including all Persians present in Egypt at the time into this specific strata. While analyzing the issue of the participation of Egyptian elite in Persian administration of Egypt, author points out that the conclusions of P. Briant and D. Agut-Labordère were made on the basis of data acquired from Demotic and Aramaic sources. However, the information from the hieroglyphic inscriptions of this period provides us with data that allows to speak about the inclusion of some of the Egyptian officials into the Persian «dominant ethno-class».

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Mestyan, Adam. "ARABIC THEATER IN EARLY KHEDIVIAL CULTURE, 1868–72: JAMES SANUA REVISITED." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2014): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001311.

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AbstractThis article revisits the official culture of the early khedivate through a microhistory of the first modern Egyptian theater in Arabic. Based on archival research, it aims at a recalibration of recent scholarship by showing khedivial culture as a complex framework of competing patriotisms. It analyzes the discourse about theater in the Arabic press, including the journalist Muhammad Unsi's call for performances in Arabic in 1870. It shows that the realization of this idea was the theater group led by James Sanua between 1871 and 1872, which also performed ʿAbd al-Fattah al-Misri's tragedy. But the troupe was not an expression of subversive nationalism, as has been claimed by scholars. My historical reconstruction and my analysis of the content of Sanua's comedies show loyalism toward the Khedive Ismail. Yet his form of contemporary satire was incompatible with elite cultural patriotism, which employed historicization as its dominant technique. This revision throws new light on a crucial moment of social change in the history of modern Egypt, when the ruler was expected to preside over the plural cultural bodies of the nation.

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Richard and Robert D. Alston. "Urbanism and the Urban Community in Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 83, no. 1 (December 1997): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339708300112.

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Urbanism in the ancient world has been of abiding interest to ancient social and economic historians, but very little is known about the populations of cities. The nature of the papyrological material is such that certain features of communities can be assessed and quantified. We concentrate on the issue of population, considering both the number of people living in the various types of settlements and occupational structures. The results demonstrate essential differences between urban and rural settlements. The final section considers segmentation of the urban community itself. Through analysis of the residence patterns of members of particular social groups, we show that the city displayed a certain amount of social zoning and suggest that the fundamental social division in the city was between the elite and the rest of the population.

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Takenouchi, Keita. "Mortuary Consumption and the Social Function of Stone Vessels in Early Dynastic Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 107, no. 1-2 (June 2021): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03075133211050650.

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This study examines the social functions of stone vessels in Early Dynastic society through a comparison between tomb architecture and the assemblage of stone vessels. The results demonstrated that the more valuable vessels, consisting of special wares and greenish stone vessels, were mostly restricted to high-status tombs in the Memphite and Abydos regions. This hierarchical structure places the king’s and highest officials’ tombs at the top of the hierarchy. Rulers probably distributed stone vessels to elites as part of their political strategy under the administrative institution and system developed since IIIC2. Furthermore, there are formal sets of stone vessels in elite tombs at provincial sites that are close to the vessel assemblage of the ritual list inscribed on funerary slabs during IIID. This suggests that stone vessels were likely brought to provincial areas to promote the offering ritual to local elites in this period. Thus, stone vessels functioned as a political medium for vertical and horizontal integration.

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Földesi, Gyöngyi Szabó. "Social Status and Mobility of Hungarian Elite Athletes." International Journal of the History of Sport 21, no. 5 (November 2004): 710–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952336042000262015.

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Leonards, Chris, and Nico Randeraad. "Transnational Experts in Social Reform, 1840–1880." International Review of Social History 55, no. 2 (August 2010): 215–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000179.

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SummaryWho were the people at the cutting edge of social reform in Europe between 1840 and 1880, and how were they connected? This article proposes a method to locate a transnational community of experts involved in social reform and focuses on the ways in which these experts shared and spread their knowledge across borders. After a discussion of the concepts of social reform, transnationalization, and transfer, we show how we built a database of visitors to social reform congresses in the period 1840–1880, and explain how we extracted a core group of experts from this database. This “congress elite” is the focus of the second part of this article, in which we discuss their travels, congress visits, publications, correspondence, and membership of learned and professional organizations. We argue that individual members of our elite, leaning on the prestige of their international contacts, shaped reform debates in their home countries. We conclude by calling for further research into the influence that the transnational elite were able to exert on concrete social reforms in different national frameworks in order to assess to what extent they can be regarded as an “epistemic community in the making”.

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Rock-Singer, Aaron. "Leading with a Fist: A History of the Salafi Beard in the 20th-Century Middle East." Islamic Law and Society 27, no. 1-2 (February 20, 2020): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00260a06.

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Abstract Salafism is a global religious movement whose male participants often distinguish themselves from their co-religionists by a particular style of facial hair. Historians have focused largely on this movement’s engagement with questions of theology and politics, while anthropologists have assumed that Salafi practice reflects a longer Islamic tradition. In this article, I move beyond both approaches by tracing the gradual formation of a distinctly Salafi beard in the 20th century Middle East. Drawing on Salafi scholarly compendia, leading journals, popular pamphlets, and daily newspapers produced primarily in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, I argue that Salafi elites revived a longer Islamic legal tradition in order to distinguish their flock from secular nationalist projects of communal identity and Islamic activists alike. In doing so, I cast light on Salafism’s interpretative approach, the dynamics that define its development as a social movement, and the broader significance of visual markers in modern projects of Islamic piety.

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Ryan, Rebecca M. "The Sex Right: A Legal History of the Marital Rape Exemption." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 04 (1995): 941–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00697.x.

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How did the American legal elite come to reject the husband's privilege to rape his wife. What is the significance of that rejection. This essay traces theories justifying the marital rape exemption from the 17th century, focusing on the period following World War II. The history illustrates how the postwar legal elite's limited progressivism created inconsistent arguments that left the exemption open for attack, an attack that came from within the 1970s feminist movement. Radical feminist rhetoric about sexuality, rape, and marriage pulled away the last layer of theoretical support for the exemption and denounced the sex right it left exposed underneath. Connections in the 1970s, both literal and conceptual, between radical feminists and the legal elite allowed the feminist movement to discredit the exemption within that elite. To interpret the significance of that rejection, I consider how legal language affects people's senses of self. I argue that legal words like “rape,” “marriage,” and “husband” validate and inform people's, specifically husbands', identities in marriage. By changing the meanings of those legal words, legal reform can eventually change human behavior.

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Abdelkader, Deina. "Democratic Transitions: Are There Recipes for Success?" ICR Journal 9, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v9i4.97.

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In transitioning to democracy, rationalists assume that either the masses or the elites bring about change. This paper hypothesises that there is a causal relationship between the actors involved in social change and the end product the progress of democratic transition and whether revolution from below or from above is more likely to bring about the transition. By examining Pacting Theory as a democratic transition theory, this paper will analyse the role of the military in Egypts democratisation process. The interplay of the military powers and relinquishing those powers to a civilian government will have implications for social movements theory and the approaches to democratic transition theory.

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Burke, Peter, David Jary, Keith Tribe, Derek Layder, Diane Perrons, Bryan S. Turner, Richard Scase, et al. "Book Reviews: Modern Italian Social Theory, Philosophy and the Human Sciences, Thinking about Social Thinking — The Philosophy of the Social Sciences, The Nature of Historical Knowledge, Theories of Social Change, The Urbanisation of Capital: Studies in the History and Theory of Capitalist Urbanisation, Islam and the Destiny of Man, Turkey in the World Capitalist System, Women in Nineteenth-Century Egypt, Class, Politics and the Economy, Social Mobility and Social Structure, Research Methods for Elite Studies, Women's Work, Class, and the Urban Household: A Study of Shimla, North India, Unemployment under Capitalism: The Sociology of British and American Labour Markets, Young Adults in the Labour Market, The Experience of Unemployment, The Future of Democracy, Models of Democracy, Democratic Socialism in Jamaica: The Political Movement and Social Transformation in Dependent Capitalism, New Religious Movements and Rapid Social Change, Sport, Leisure and Social Relations, Language and the Nuclear Arms Debate: Nukespeak Today." Sociological Review 35, no. 4 (November 1987): 840–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1987.tb00569.x.

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Moreno García, Juan Carlos. "Clientele, Power and Family Bonds in Ancient Egypt: Building Social Links, Promoting Individual Strategies, Facing Kin Conflicts." Soziale Systeme 25, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 30–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2020-0002.

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Abstract Ancient Egypt provides abundant evidence about family strategies used by the elite to assert their authority, enhance their power in competitive settings such as the royal court and to preserve their resources (economic, symbolic) in face of rivals and newcomers. However, when some individuals obtained particular benefits from their service to the state (land, rewards, high quality goods, prebends), they tried to preserve these gains within their nuclear family and to avoid any claim or interference from other members of their kin. Tensions rapidly erupted so kings made a selective use of rewards and honors to break the solidarity of potentially dangerous noble families, to induce rivalries between them and to keep his central role as mediator between factions and source of legitimate authority. Temples were ideal arenas in which such tensions and strategies manifested themselves, bringing thus the opportunity to analyze the actual construction of power in ancient Egypt beyond ideological expressions and rhetorical claims.

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Ketchley, Neil, and Michael Biggs. "THE EDUCATIONAL CONTEXTS OF ISLAMIST ACTIVISM: ELITE STUDENTS AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN EGYPT*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-1-57.

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The literature on student activism finds that protesters come from prestigious universities and from the social sciences and humanities. Studies of political Islam, however, emphasize the prominence of engineering and medical students from secular institutions. Contributing to both literatures, this paper investigates Islamist students targeted by security forces in Egypt following the coup of 2013. Matching 1,352 arrested students to the population of male undergraduates, it analyzes how the arrest rate varied across 348 university faculties. We find that activists came disproportionately from institutions that provided a religiously inflected education. This contradicts the conventional emphasis on secular institutions. Most importantly, we find that Islamists tended to come from faculties that required higher grades and that admitted students who studied science in secondary school. Controlling for grades, engineering and medicine were not especially prominent. These findings suggest that Islamist students conform to the more general pattern: political activism attracts the academic elite.

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Leinonen, Johanna. "“Money Is Not Everything and That’s the Bottom Line”." Social Science History 36, no. 2 (2012): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011780.

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This article highlights and fills gaps in research on migrant elites, traditionally defined as highly educated or professional migrants. The research on elite migrants has often suffered from methodological individualism: elite migrants are depicted as male professionals who shuttle from one work assignment or country to another, unrestricted by family relationships or national borders. My research shows the important role of marriage and family ties in life decisions of elite migrants, who in migration statistics and scholarly discussions appear merely as professionals, highly educated persons, or students. I also contribute to the recent literature that challenges the common assumption that migration is a unidirectional movement from one place to another initiated by a single motive, work or family. My research shows that in reality, for both women and men, multiple motives and multidirectional movements are often involved. Furthermore, my research highlights how elite migrants’ high social status does not necessarily guarantee privileged treatment by the host society or that elite migrants feel a part of the society in which they live. I use international marriages between Finns and Americans in Finland and the United States as a case study. I base my analysis on the 74 interviews that I conducted with American migrants and their Finnish spouses living in the capital region of Finland, in or near Helsinki, and with Finnish migrants married to US citizens and living in the state of Minnesota. In addition, I use responses to an online survey of American-born people who were living in Finland in 2008. I received 106 responses to the survey.

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Svensson, Daniel. "Educating the Elite in an Egalitarian Context: The Emergence of Sport Schools for Elite Talents in Sweden in the 1970s." International Journal of the History of Sport 38, no. 15 (October 8, 2021): 1539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2021.1983543.

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Lachmann, Richard, and Nelson A. Pichardo. "Making History from Above and Below: Elite and Popular Perspectives on Politics." Social Science History 18, no. 4 (1994): 497–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017132.

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The study of social movements from “below” has been a major element in political sociology, and perhaps the dominant tendency in social history, in recent decades. While bringing welcome attention to neglected historical actors and episodes, much of this literature carries a congratulatory air without managing to identify the results of such movements or to specify the mechanisms by which actors effect change from below. The four essays discussed here (three appear in this issue and one, by Mark Traugott, will appear in the next issue) all contribute to understanding the consequences of popular social action by placing it in the context of recurrent elite efforts to assert power. They demonstrate that examining the structure of social relations is a precondition for understanding the possibilities for, and effects of, agency by both elites and popular groups.

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Kiple, Kenneth F. "Future Studies of the Biological Past of the Black." Social Science History 10, no. 4 (1986): 501–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015601.

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The First article in this issue sketched out what has been done in the recent past on various biological aspects of the history of the black in Africa and in the Americas. The articles that followed revealed in splendid fashion the quality and sophistication of studies underway today. In concluding the issue, I could not resist the temptation to discuss briefly what sorts of themes and issues I hope will be pursued tomorrow.Central to future bio-studies of the black will be the growing realization that after stripping away those husks of scholarly posturing and platitudes that in the past have pronounced Afro-Americans and Africans a “biological elite,” the kernel of truth remaining is that they were indeed such an elite, but not necessarily for the reasons offered. Those reasons generally have focused on the shock of capture, the long and deadly march to the sea, the squalor of the baracoons on the coast, the horrors of the middle passage, and the numbing, debilitating “seasoning” procedures on the plantations of the Americas. While there is no question that the whole of this represents a selection process of sorts, it was much too random to create an instant elite, as a bomb dropped on a city does not make an elite of the survivors.

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West, Michael O. "“Equal Rights for all Civilized Men”:." International Review of Social History 37, no. 3 (December 1992): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111344.

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SummaryBetween 1924 and 1961 elite Africans in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) waged a protracted political struggle for the right legally to drink “European” liquor, which had been banned to colonized Africans under the Brussels Treaty of 1890. Refusing to be lumped with the black masses and basing their claim on the notion that there should be “equal rights for all civilized men”, elite Africans argued that they had attained a cultural level comparable to that of the dominant European settlers and should therefore be exempt from the liquor ban. This struggle, which ended successfully in 1961, also highlights other important themes in the history of the emergent African elite in Southern Rhodesia, most notably its political tactics and consciousness. The quest for European liquor helped to hone political skills as well, as a number of individuals who participated in it later became important African nationalist leaders.

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Gürboğa, NurŞen. "Compulsory Mine Work: The Single-Party Regime and the Zonguldak Coalfield as a Site of Contention, 1940–1947." International Review of Social History 54, S17 (December 2009): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990265.

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SummaryThis study examines the forms of state domination over mine labour and the struggles of coalminers at the Zonguldak coalfield during World War II. It is focused on the everyday experiences of compulsory workers as reflected in petitions by those workers and the surveillance materials of the single-party regime at the time. Its aim is to reveal how, under an authoritarian regime, compulsory workers created a political agency. The compulsory labour system was one of the most coercive devices with which the state controlled mine labour between 1940 and 1947, but the compulsory workers negotiated with the political elite for their living and working conditions, and did so within a political sphere which had been devised by the ruling elite as a governmental strategy for managing and shaping the population. By subverting the political discourse of the ruling elite, the miners contributed not just to the development of workers’ rights, but also helped reveal the merits of a democratic society.

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Finn, Gerry P. T. "Trinity Mysteries: University, Elite Schooling and Sport in Ireland." International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 13 (September 2010): 2255–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2010.508874.

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Ling, Zhang, and Fan Hong. "After the Glory: Elite Athletes' Re-Employment in China." International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 6 (February 17, 2014): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2013.878498.

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RAPOPORT, YOSSEF. "Divorce and the elite household in late medieval Cairo." Continuity and Change 16, no. 2 (August 2001): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416001003812.

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This article examines the rate and causes of divorce among the elite households of late fifteenth-century Cairo. By using a unique contemporary chronicle, it is possible to estimate that a third of all marriages ended in divorce. Wives initiated divorces at least as often as their husbands. They did so by reaching a divorce settlement with their husbands for a financial compensation, or, in the case of desertion, by using the courts to impose a judicial divorce. In the vast majority of the cases, the causes for the divorce were grounded in marital relations. In spite of the importance of marriage alliances for the elite household, these marriages did eventually hinge on the mutual consent of the two individuals concerned.

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Lachmann, Richard, and Nelson A. Pichardo. "Making History from above and below: Elite and Popular Perspectives on Politics." Social Science History 18, no. 4 (1994): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171252.

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GRAVELA, MARTA. "The primacy of patrimony: kinship strategies of the political elite of Turin in the late Middle Ages (1340–1490)." Continuity and Change 32, no. 3 (November 13, 2017): 293–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416017000303.

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ABSTRACTCombining family history and the analysis of political elites, this article explores the development of the urban elite of Turin (Piedmont) in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, through an analysis of the transformations in the kinships forming the ruling class, with particular regard to their structures and strategies for social and economic reproduction. The deep changes that affected this group and eventually led to its extinction and replacement by a new elite are addressed. It is argued that, alongside institutional rearrangements determined by the Dukes of Savoy, the inheritance strategies pursued by the kinships in order to preserve their economic and political role played a crucial part in their demise.

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Giske, Rune, Beate Benestad, Kristin Haraldstad, and Rune Høigaard. "Decision-Making Styles among Norwegian Soccer Coaches: An Analysis of Decision-Making Style in Relation to Elite and Non-Elite Coaching and Level of Playing History." International Journal of Sports Science & Coaching 8, no. 4 (December 2013): 689–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/1747-9541.8.4.689.

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Wickham-Crowley, Timothy P. "Elites, Elite Settlements, and Revolutionary Movements in Latin America, 1950-1980." Social Science History 18, no. 4 (1994): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171254.

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Houlihan, Barrie, and Jinming Zheng. "The Olympics and Elite Sport Policy: Where Will It All End?" International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 4 (February 2013): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2013.765726.

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Imber, Colin. "The environment in the history of Ottoman Egypt." Metascience 27, no. 1 (October 20, 2017): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-017-0271-1.

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Wickham-Crowley, Timothy P. "Elites, Elite Settlements, and Revolutionary Movements in Latin America, 1950–1980: Introduction." Social Science History 18, no. 4 (1994): 543–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017156.

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Social revolutions as well as revolutionary movements have recently held great interest for both sociopolitical theorists and scholars of Latin American politics. Before we can proceed with any useful analysis, however, we must distinguish between these two related but not identical phenomena. Adapting Theda Skocpol’s approach, we can define social revolutions as “rapid, basic transformations of a society’s state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by” mass-based revolts from below, sometimes in cross-class coalitions (Skocpol 1979: 4; Wickham-Crowley 1991:152). In the absence of such basic sociopolitical transformations, I will not speak of (social) revolution or of a revolutionary outcome, only about revolutionary movements, exertions, projects, and so forth. Studies of the failures and successes of twentieth-century Latin American revolutions have now joined the ongoing theoretical debate as to whether such outcomes occur due to society- or movement-centered processes or instead due to state- or regime-centered events (Wickham-Crowley 1992).

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Hiers, Wesley. "Party Matters." Social Science History 37, no. 2 (2013): 255–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010658.

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For nearly two centuries the United States was a democracy that institutionalized in law inequality between racially defined segments of the population. This article shows that such racial closure was causally linked to the workings of a party system in which one party was organized as an interregional alliance for the principles and practices of white supremacy. It does so through a detailed analysis of three historical outcomes: (1) variation in the establishment of racial closure laws across the North during the antebellum period, (2) the elimination of racial closure laws in the North after the Civil War, and (3) the failed attempt in the postbellum South to overcome racial closure in voting. Throughout the analysis of these three outcomes, the article shows that the party model conforms to the empirical record better than three major alternatives that emphasize the causal power of public opinion (electorate model), elite bargaining and consensus (elite model), and the racial preferences of the white working class (class model).

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Ehrick, Christine. "To Serve the Nation." Social Science History 29, no. 3 (2005): 489–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001302x.

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This article looks at the construction and evolution of Latin America’s first “welfare state” through the lens of social assistance. What one sees in Uruguay during these years is a modernization of paternalism, whereby the state assumed some of the roles previously played by the elite and, to a lesser extent, the Catholic Church, protecting and assisting society’s “weak” without fundamentally challenging or altering class or gender inequalities or hierarchies. The article focuses on the Asociación La Bonne Garde, a state-subsidized, ostensibly private organization that housed pregnant juveniles and placed them as domestic servants in the homes of the more well-to-do. Exploring the relationships between the elite women who ran this organization, their poor juvenile wards, and state bureaucrats and other reformers illustrates the establishment and evolution of this state-sponsored paternalism as well as the ways in which the young female wards attempted to manipulate this system to their own ends.

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Sandiford, Keith A. P., and Brian Stoddart. "The elite schools and cricket in barbados: a study in colonial continuity." International Journal of the History of Sport 4, no. 3 (December 1987): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523368708713636.

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Bahro, Berno. "Can Sport Form a National-Socialist Elite? The Example of SS Sports." International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 12 (June 4, 2014): 1462–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2014.922546.

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Ilyushina, Milana Yu. "Viziers in the Administrative System of Egypt under the Burji Mamluks." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 3 (2022): 272–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.3.058.

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Among the least studied issues in the history of the Sultanate of the Mamluks, there are the principles and dynamics of the Mamluks’ interaction with the administrative system represented by the local elite. The article considers issues connected with the transformation of the Mamluk administrative system which took place during the Burji period (1382–1517). As early as the thirteenth — fourteenth centuries, a gradual displacement of representatives of the civilian population from various administrative positions and their replacement with Mamluk emirs began. This process acquired particular importance in connection with the position of the vizier, since the last Mamluk sultans occupied this position before assuming the throne. In the twentieth century, D. Ayalon (1914–1998) raised some questions related to the evolution of the military-administrative system in Egypt between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, but a comprehensive and systematic study of the problems outlined by this pioneer and one of the founders of modern Mamluk studies has not yet been carried out. Based on several Arabic chronicles and biographical dictionaries of the fifteenth century, the author traces changes in the position and functions of the vizier in the Mamluk administrative system, highlighting the reasons for these changes, their significance for the evolution of political and social relations in the Mamluk Sultanate in the final period of its history. Referring to the vizierate, the author considers a significant transformation of the Egyptian state-administrative system under the Burji sultans, which is most closely associated with the destruction of the social boundaries and stereotypes that prevailed in the previous period, the acquisition of new forms and functions by political groups, and the reconfiguration of the central government.

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Borchert, James, and Susan Borchert. "Downtown, Uptown, Out of Town." Social Science History 26, no. 2 (2002): 311–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012372.

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In a recent New York Times article, Robert Sharoff reported on “a throwback to the early years of the 20th century when wealthy Chicago families tended to live in such close-in neighborhoods as Prairie Avenue and theGold Coast.” For the past five years, wealthy Chicagoans have been constructing “palatial residences of at least 6,000 square feet” in the Lincoln Park neighborhood a mile and one-half north of the Loop (Sharoff 2000: 36). This “return” of the well-to-do to the city contradicts traditional urban theories on elite residential patterns; the preponderance of these theories projects the upper class universally and continuously seeking the metropolitan fringe for new homes, more and open land, and/or lower density (Burgess 1925; Hoyt 1939; Alonso 1964; Adams 1987; Downs 1981; Luger 1996; Lowry 1960; Hartshorn and Muller 1989; and Knox 1994).These theories, as well as the notion of the recent return of the upper class to the city, mask a long history of continuing elite residence within some cities as well as considerable diversity in upper-class residence patterns and landscapes among cities.

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SEAL, ANDREW. "Making Blanket Statements: Rethinking the History and Politics of American Social Class." Journal of American Studies 53, no. 1 (February 2019): 280–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818001524.

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In Joan C. Williams's White Working Class: Overcoming Class Cluelessness in America and Nancy Isenberg's White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America, the reader will find a nation riven by abiding class prejudice. Both have written explicitly with the goal of forcing readers to confront the deep, ugly, and ultimately destructive effects of elite snobbery towards working-class or impoverished white people. They both believe that educated readers tend to minimize or ignore how much class matters and has mattered in American history and to deny their own class biases; these books are meant to make that denial harder to sustain.

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Aquilina, Dawn. "A Study of the Relationship Between Elite Athletes' Educational Development and Sporting Performance." International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 4 (February 2013): 374–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2013.765723.

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Natow, Rebecca S. "The use of triangulation in qualitative studies employing elite interviews." Qualitative Research 20, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 160–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794119830077.

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Elite interviews provide valuable information from perspectives of power and privilege. However, the information elites provide may be biased or inaccurate, and researchers must be knowledgeable about the elites they interview. Therefore, the use of triangulation in studies using elite interviews is crucial. This article analyzes more than 120 peer-reviewed articles that reported the findings of elite interview research to understand the researchers’ use of triangulation. This analysis found that triangulation was common in studies that involved elite interviews, particularly by combining interviews with document review. This analysis also found that the purpose and value of triangulation in these studies varied based on the researchers’ interpretive frameworks.

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Shamir, Ronen, and Daphna Hacker. "Colonialism's Civilizing Mission: The Case of the Indian Hemp Drug Commission." Law & Social Inquiry 26, no. 02 (2001): 435–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2001.tb00184.x.

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This paper examines a particular episode in the history of British imperialism in India: the appointment of the Indian Hemp Drug Commission in 1893. We analyze the way a quasi-judicial investigation into the consumption of drugs was differently conceived and executed as a civilizing mission by, on the one hand, British colonizers, and, on the other hand, an aspiring colonized elite. By bringing together the ideological dimensions of a civilizing mission (e.g., the reliance on scientific knowledge, groper procedures, legal techniques) with its social ones (e.g., collaboration between colonizers and a local elite), we show how the very notion of a civilizing mission became a site of struggle over meaning, identity, and desirable forms of governance. The analysis reveals a local elite struggling to position itself at once on a par with British criteria of scientific competence and yet not as a mere proxy for British interests; at once able to articulate itself in terms of enlightenment concepts such as reason and modernity and yet celebrating its own distinct cultural authenticity.

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Toohey, Kristine. "Post-Sydney 2000 Australia: A Potential Clash of Aspirations Between Recreational and Elite Sport." International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 16-18 (November 2010): 2766–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2010.508268.

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Henry, Mélanie. "International Monetary Fund Riots or Nasserian Revolt? Thinking Fluid Memories: Egypt 1977." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (March 12, 2021): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000134.

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AbstractIn recorded memory, the 1977 uprising in Egypt appears as the end of a cycle. Yet, at an international level, it marks the beginning of a wave of protest against International Monetary Fund measures. In this article, I study how communist memories of the uprising, which are the only ones recorded, have built up a disregard for 1977's “immature” insurgents. The article investigates how these narratives can inform us about the history of the uprising and argues that the search for a Cartesian-type collective subject among insurgents limits our understanding of the insurrection. It refers extensively to the Alexandria Arsenal, a state-owned shipbuilding company where the uprising began, and the relationship between this “vanguard” and the rest of the insurgents. It deconstructs the theoretical presupposition of an analogy between insurgents and a Cartesian subject that permeates the sources, and also the concepts of “collective memory” and “moral economy”. This leads inevitably to the diagnosis of a defective subject. It favours the concept of “fluid memory” and highlights other “January 1977s”.

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Kortti, Jukka. "Intersecting Power Fields Steeped in Tradition: The Radical Left and Administrating Higher Education in Finland during the 1970s." Nordic Journal of Educational History 9, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v9i1.238.

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The student activism of the 1970s was strongly linked to the university administrative reforms in Finland. Especially after the radical faction of Finnish leftist students turned to pro-Soviet orthodox communism, the debunking of the professoriate’s “bourgeoise power” became one of the main goals of the vocal student movement. In this article, I analyse how the old professoriate was challenged and how they responded to this challenge. The conclusion drawn by this article is that Finnish university professors managed to resist the radical reforms and the pressure from the radical student movement in 1970s because their elite positions were not derived exclusively from one field, academia; rather, they also participated in other sets of elite practices, namely politics. Moreover, the close relationship between the state and academia was also manifested in the activities of students, who were historically also part of the Finnish elite. The starting point of this article is a case study of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Helsinki.

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Hickey, Colm. "The Evolution of Athleticism in Elite Irish Schools 1878–1914. Beyond the Finn/Cronin Debate." International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 12 (June 2013): 1394–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2013.795552.

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Chen, Chen, and Daniel S. Mason. "Hockey’s Significant Others: Canadian Newspaper Coverage of Elite Migrant Athletes in the 1980s and 1990s." International Journal of the History of Sport 35, no. 10 (July 3, 2018): 985–1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2019.1578218.

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Abdelhalim, Julten. "Accommodating fieldwork to irreconcilable equations of citizenship, authoritarianism, poverty and fear in Egypt." Contemporary Social Science 13, no. 3-4 (October 29, 2017): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2017.1393552.

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Caneva, Stefano G. "KINGS AND ELITES IN AN INTERCULTURAL TRADITION: FROM DIODORUS TO THE EGYPTIAN TEMPLES." Greece and Rome 66, no. 2 (September 19, 2019): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000032.

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The study of Hellenistic Egypt, as it has been jointly carried out by Hellenists and Egyptologists in recent decades, is a remarkable example of the efficacy of interdisciplinary endeavours bringing together different media and cultural traditions. Based on the premises of these studies in social and cultural history, this article focuses on a neglected aspect of the encounters between the Graeco-Macedonian and Egyptian elites in the Ptolemaic kingdom: the role played by self-stylization in cultural encounters in general and, more precisely, in intercultural negotiations for legitimacy and privilege. The focus will be on the strategy by which one party – in this case, the Egyptian elite – could consciously shape a representation of its traditions and values that was meant to gain more prestige and contractual power in diplomatic exchanges with the Ptolemaic establishment.

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Marriott, David. "Gravity's Rainbow: Apocryphal History or Historical Apocrypha?" Journal of American Studies 19, no. 1 (April 1985): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800020053.

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Nineteenth century novelists felt constrained to supply their readers with well-chosen epigraphs, and the personal canons from which they drew them, whilst seldom exclusively Biblical, provided a convenient index to their individual literary and philosophical predilections. Thomas Pynchon's canon is wilfully idiosyncratic and frequently apocryphal, but his epigraphs are no less apposite than George Eliot's; for in creating a fictional world out of what is largely palpable history Pynchon produces a homogenous medium which is neither fiction nor history. I have chosen the epigraph above because in addition to illustrating this admixture of fiction and history it also intimates to the reader an aspect of Pynchon's technique which may go some way towards explaining the rationale behind it. Some parts ofGravity's Rainbow, I think, might best be described as an attempt at writing a twentieth century “gospel.”The Oxyrhynchus papyri, referred to in the epigraph actually exist. They were discovered in 1898 and 1904 in Egypt, and were fragments of purported sayings of Jesus of Nazareth dating from the second century A.D. Not until 1956, when the translation of a gnostic library discovered at Nag Hammedai in Egypt was completed, did it become clear that the Oxyrhynchus papyri were fragments of a work calling itself theGospel of Thomas.

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Podd, Rachel. "Reconsidering maternal mortality in medieval England: aristocratic Englishwomen, c. 1236–1503." Continuity and Change 35, no. 2 (July 27, 2020): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416020000156.

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AbstractThe characterisation of medieval childbirth as profoundly dangerous is both long-standing and poorly supported by quantitative data. This article, based on a database tracking the reproductive lives of 102 late medieval aristocratic Englishwomen, allows not only for an evaluation of this trope but also an analysis of risk factors, including maternal youth and short birth intervals. Supplemented with evidence from medieval medical tracts and osteoarchaeological data related to pubertal development and nutrition, this study demonstrates that reproduction was hardly the main driver of mortality among elite women.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Elite (Social sciences) – Egypt – History'

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