Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Elite (Social sciences) – Egypt – History'

Elite self-presentation through the biographical genre is a defining element of ancient Egyptian high culture from the Old Kingdom until the Roman period. My thesis centres on the biographical texts produced during the Ramessid period (c. 1280-1070 BCE), a time of significant change in elite domains of representation. Since biography has not been seen as a significant genre of this period, these texts, which are inscribed on statues, stelae, temple walls, and in tombs, have not been gathered together or studied as a corpus. Yet they are a key to exploring the diverse and highly individual ways in which a self could be fashioned and presented. I take a holistic approach to the interpretation of these texts, in order to examine the ways in which they were incorporated into their spatial and visual settings and could extend beyond them. My introduction sets out my aims and the broader anthropological framework which I apply to the Egyptian sources. The following four chapters are case-studies. Chapters two to four are organised according to site (Thebes and el-Mashayikh, Karnak, and Abydos), comparing strategies of self-presentation in tomb and temple contexts. The fourth is thematically oriented, and looks at the image and role of the king in non-royal biographies. In the final chapter, I draw together the results of my individual case-studies, discussing their common textual themes, the interplays of traditional and innovative motifs within them, as well as the implications of their diverse monumental contexts. I hope to demonstrate that the holistic approach I apply is relevant for the study of monumental discourse in other periods in Egyptian history and has the potential to locate the Egyptian material within broader frameworks for the study of premodern societies.

This thesis describes a new approach tor investigating cairns, stone enclosures, stone alignments and other small archaeological features found in the deserts around the Egyptian Nile valley. Investigation of these features has previously been restricted by their ephemeral nature, damage from modern development and the limited artefactual, epigraphic or archaeological evidence associated with them. This research focuses on a case study of eight cairns and adjacent courts at the Middle Kingdom carnelian mine of Stelae Ridge in the Gebel el-Asr quarries in southern Egypt. While accepting previous interpretations of the cairn-courts as ritual structures created for the worship of local divinities, this research sought a fuller interpretation of the site in its landscape context and a more nuanced understanding of the structures, their chronological development and the decisions which governed their location and layout. This was achieved through systematic visibility analysis of the eight cairn-courts with geographic information system (GIS) software, which provided new data concerning the patterns of visibility associated with the structures. Interpretation of these patterns in the context of the archaeological and textual evidence from the cairn-courts, practical experience of visibility at the site and evidence from the wider cultural context provided a new and more detailed understanding of the site. Stelae Ridge was chosen because cairns upon it made highly visible landmarks, particularly for people travelling south towards the other sites in the Gebel el-Asr gneiss quarrying region. Initially practical, the Stelae Ridge cairns also developed a ritual function, creating tension between the highly visible cairns and the secluded ritual courts, and suggesting that the cairn-building process became ritualised. By the end of the cairn-building period, in the reign of Amenemhat III, new cairns were constructed in less visible positions, suggesting that the ritual aspects of the cairn-courts had largely subsumed their earlier practical function as landmarks. This type of GIS research has never been undertaken on Egyptian archaeological sites and previous interpretations of visibility in Egyptian contexts have been limited. The detailed interpretation of the Stelae Ridge cairn-courts achieved here, shows that the technology and approach applied to this research can make a meaningful contribution to the investigation of other similar non-formal structures, and at Egyptian sites in general. It also reveals that GIS visibility analysis can answer relevant archaeological questions, when employed as a tool for data generation and properly contextualised with other evidence from the site.

This thesis uses the theory of ‘social consciousness’ to analyse elite perceptions of poverty in Malawi,and identify the circumstances under which elites are willing to mobilize resources for poverty reduction. ‘Social Consciousness theory’ stipulates that pro-poor policies in European welfare states developed as a result of ideological and pragmatic concern about the negative impact of poverty on elite welfare. This study shows however that although elites in Malawi have a deep understanding and appreciation of the extent and severity of poverty and are linked with the poor through strong social networks and the extended family structure, they do not perceive the poor as a threat to their welfare. Therefore collective action to address the problem of poverty has not occurred. In circumstances where elites acknowledge some negative externalities of poverty requiring action, individual solutions are sought. However, elite perceptions still illuminate the following: first, there is a causal explanation between elites’ perceptions of the causes of poverty and their support for particular policies. Second, elites’ perceived causes of poverty include structural, behavioural and the perceived future actions of the poor, such as laziness, following implementation of redistributive policies. Third, elites’ seem to support policies with wider benefits for society.

In recent decades considerable progress has been made in elucidating the assumptions and the dynamics of Muscovite court politics, and further scrutiny is attempted in this enquiry into the ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564. Chapters 1 to 3 are devoted to groundwork. In Chapter 1 an introduction to the ruling oligarchy is provided against the background of Muscovy's contemporary government and population. The goal of territorial aggrandisement pursued by Muscovite rulers from Ivan HI favoured "rationalisation" of the central government and reforms of the army's discipline and technology; moreover, the wars of conquest left untouched no element of the population. Tsar Ivan and his exercise of authority were especially strongly affected: the precedents established by earlier rulers encouraged him to consider Muscovy his private votchina. but such an attitude became increasingly anachronistic as the realms expanded and the tasks of governing it grew too complex for any one man. During the Oprichnina he attempted to resolve this contradiction by ruling autocratically; autocratic rule and those circumstances favouring it by 1564 are the dissertation's main theme. Even before 1564 Ivan IV was the central actor in Muscovite politics, and criteria are advanced whereby advisers close enough to qualify for the ruling oligarchy are identified. The mid-sixteenth century, as a prelude to autocracy, was a critical moment in Muscovite politics; the rich and varied historiography is surveyed in Chapter 2. The sources - their authors, dates, and value as historical evidence - are critically assessed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 to 7 comprise the heart of the dissertation. In Chapters 4 to 6 an attempt is made to identify members of the ruling oligarchy of 1546-1564; their political behaviour and where feasible, their political attitudes are explored. In Chapter 7 the attitudes individual members maintained towards particular reforms envisaged at mid-century are explored. The dissertation's main conclusions are systematically expounded in Chapter 8, and as appropriate, their broader implications for Russian and European history are brought out.

This mixed-method study is focused on the values, beliefs, and attitudes of Jordanian elites towards liberalization, democratization and development. The study aims to describe elites' political culture and centers of influence, as well as Jordan's viability of achieving higher developmental levels. Survey results are presented. The study argues that the Jordanian regime remains congruent with elites' political culture and other patterns of authority within the elite strata. However, until this "cautious liberal" political culture of Jordanian elites changes, a transitional movement cannot arise that would lead Jordan towards greater liberalism, constitutionalism and development. The study concludes with implications for transitional movements in other developing countries, particularly in the Arab region.

The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.

Orientador: José Ricardo Barbosa Gonçalves
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T21:51:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rangel_RonaldoRaemy_D.pdf: 2011320 bytes, checksum: 8cbd2a68eb0ceeefba3750469bd375fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o papel de um grupo específico das elites no Império, segmento que sem dúvida pertencia ao grupo hegemônico do país, mas que dele se destacava por sua instrução, nível cultural e, principalmente, por seu contato frequente com o mundo já desenvolvido nos moldes da revolução industrial. Por um lado tal segmento, como parte da elite econômica, atuou de forma pragmática na direção da criação de um Estado que se tornasse um ator privilegiado e que atendesse aos interesses dos produtores envolvidos com o modelo escravocrata¿agrário¿exportador e, por outro, adotou uma visão humanista que se vinculava a sua compreensão sobre as transformações em sociedades que desfrutavam de ganhos advindos da revolução industrial, mas que viam emergir novas relações sociais. Assim, o segmento da elite estudado, independente da esfera do Estado, buscou discutir questões relevantes para os seus interesses e o fez pela aproximação a instituições privadas de caráter não confessional através das quais puderam generalizar suas ideias, quer fosse entre seus próprios membros (já que entendiam como necessário que estivessem eles próprios organizados como atores coletivos) quer com o conjunto de homens livres, que não derivassem do grupo hegemônico. Uma das associações escolhidas por esse segmento foi a Sociedade Amante da Instrução que é usada como guia do trabalho
Abstract: This work intends to discuss the role of a specific group of elites in the Empire, a segment which belonged to the hegemonic group in the country, but it stood out for their education, cultural level, and especially for his frequent contact with the developed world after the industrial revolution. As part of the economic elite, acted pragmatically to create a State to become a privileged actor and would meet the interests of producers involved with model slave agrarian export, and, secondly, adopted a humanistic vision that was linked to transformations in societies that enjoyed gains from the industrial revolution, but they saw emerging new social relations. The segment of elite studied, regardless of the sphere of the State, sought to discuss issues relevant to their interests and made the approach to private institutions (non-confessional) through which could generalize their ideas, whether it were among their own members (as understood that they needed to be organized as collective actors) or among free men, that were not derived from the hegemonic group. One of the associations chosen by this segment was the Sociedade Amante da Instrução which is used to guide the work
Doutorado
Historia Economica
Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.

This thesis focuses on Lombard Southern Italy during the early middle ages and it analyses the history of political and social conflicts between the eighth and ninth century, taking into account the transformation of Lombard political power and social practices in this area. Starting from the eight-century judicial sources, this work explores political and social competition in the Beneventan region by taking into account its geographical position at the center of the Mediterranean see. Southern Italy was considered as a periphery, and sometimes as a frontier, by both the Carolingian and Byzantine empires, and endured almost a century of Muslims' attempts to conquer the peninsula. The first chapter focuses on the ducal period and investigates the formation and consolidation of the duke of Benevento's political authority before 774. During the seventh and eight centuries, the dukes developed a military and political autonomy in Southern Italy. This was due to the geographical position of the Duchy of Benevento in the Lombard Kingdom: it was far from Pavia, the king's capital city, and it was relatively isolated from other Lombard territories. Since a dynasty was established here as early as the seventh century, these dukes developed a strong and precocious political consciousness. As a result, they were particularly concerned with the formal representation of their authority, which is early attested in both coinage and diplomas. In this chapter, the analysis of the eight-century judicial records opens two important perspectives on the duke of Benevento's practices of power. Firstly, judicial assemblies were one of the most important occasions for the duke to demonstrate and exercise his authority in a public context. In contrast to all other Lombard dukes, who rendered judgement together with a group of officers, the duke of Benevento acted alone before the competing parties. By behaving exactly as the Lombard king would in Pavia, the duke was able to utilise the judicial domain as a sort of theatre in which to practice, legitimise and represent his own public authority in front of the local aristocracy. Secondly, the analysis of seven judicial case-studies suggests that the duke was not simply the sole political authority in Benevento but also the leading social agent in the whole Lombard southern Italy. Almost all the disputes transmitted by the twelfth-century cartularies implied a ducal action, donation or decision in the past, which became the main cause for later conflicts between the members of the lay élite and the monastic foundations of the region. Consequently, the analysis of judicial conflicts reveals more about the duke of Benevento's strategies and practices of power than about the lay and ecclesiastical élites' competition for power. Since there are no judicial records between 774 and the last decade of the ninth century, both conflicts and representations of authority in Lombard Southern Italy are analysed through other kinds of sources for this period. Chronicles, hagiographies, diplomas, and material sources are rich in clues about political and social competition in Benevento. By contrast, the late-ninth-century judicial records transmitted by cartularies and archives are quite different from the eighth-century documents: they have a bare and simple structure, which often hides the peculiarities of the single dispute by telling only the essentials of each conflict and a concise final judgement. In contrast to the sources of the ducal period, the ninth- and tenth-century judicial records often convey a flattened image of Lombard society. Their basic structure certainly prevents a focus on the representation of authority and the practices of power in southern Italy. On the contrary, these fields of inquiry are crucial to research both competition within the Beneventan aristocracy during the ninth century, and the relationship between Lombards and Carolingian after 774. After the fall of the Lombard Kingdom in 774, Charlemagne did not complete the military conquest of the Italian peninsula: the Duchy of Benevento was left under the control of Arechis (758-787), who proclaimed himself princeps gentis Langobardorum and continued to rule mostly independently. The confrontation and competition with the Frankish empire are key to understanding both the strengthening of Lombard identity in southern Italy and the formation of a princely political authority. The second account the historiography on the Regnum Italiae, the third section of this chapter focuses precisely on the ambitions of Louis II in Southern Italy and it analyses the implication that the projection of his rulership over this area had in shaping his imperial authority. Despite Louis II's efforts to control the Lombard principalities, his military and political experience soon revealed its limits. After the conquest of Bari in 871, Prince Adelchi imprisoned the emperor in his palace until he obtained a promise: Louis II swore not to return to Benevento anymore. Although the pope soon liberated the emperor from this oath, he never regained a political role in Southern Italy. Nevertheless, his prolonged presence in the region during the ninth century radically changed the political equilibrium of both the Lombard principalities and the Tyrrhenian duchies (i.e. Napoli, Gaeta, Amalfi). The fourth section focuses firstly on the competition between Louis II and Adelchi of Benevento, who obstinately defined his public authority in a direct competition with the Carolingian emperor. At the same time, the competition within the local aristocracy in Benevento radically changed into a small-scale struggle between the members of Adelchi's kingroup, the Radelchids. At the same time, some local officers expanded their power and acted more and more autonomously in their district, such as in Capua. When Louis II left Benevento in 871, both the Tyrrhenian duchies and the Lombard principalities in Southern Italy were profoundly affected by a sudden change in their mutual relations and even in their inner stability. The competition for power and authority in Salerno and Capua-Benevento also changed and two different political systems were gradually established in these principalities. Despite the radical transformation of internal competition and the Byzantine conquest of a large part of Puglia and Basilicata at the end of the ninth century, the Lombard principalities remained independent until the eleventh century, when Southern Italy was finally seized by Norman invaders.

À partir de l’étude du procès des chefs de l’insurrection algérienne de 1871 jugés en 1873 aux assises de Constantine, la présente thèse reconstitue la fresque judiciaire d’un soulèvement que d’aucuns reconnaissent comme la plus grande séquence insurrectionnelle que l’Algérie ait jamais connue au XIXe siècle. L’analyse de la riche documentation exhumée des archives d’Outre-mer d’Aix-en-Provence, de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) et des archives du tribunal de Constantine aurait pu permettre de rétablir la société colonisée dans son droit au chapitre de la parole et de renouveler la compréhension du soulèvement de 1871 mais c’était sans compter sur la complexité des enjeux politiques qui ont transformé le procès d’une insurrection en un théâtre où devait se solder le conflit civils-militaires. Le premier grand procès civil d’Algérie allait transformer une insurrection majeure en délits de droit commun justifiant une étonnante physionomie des peines. En abordant les questions relatives aux causes et aux acteurs de l’insurrection, le présent travail s’est investi dans l’analyse de l’histoire sociale des élites algériennes du XIXe siècle et de leurs caractéristiques, à travers leur implication dans le soulèvement et l’interrogation, aux côtés de diverses sources historiques, de matériaux de nature anthropologique. Tandis que les différentes historiographies attribuaient tour à tour à l’élite nobiliaire des djouads ou à celle confrérique de la rahmaniyya la paternité de la révolte, la présente thèse s’est attachée à mettre en évidence la matrice anti coloniste d’une insurrection populaire
Starting with the study of the 1871 trial of the Algerian insurgency leaders judged in 1873 at the Constantine criminal court, this thesis reconstitutes the judicial saga of an uprising that some recognize as the greatest insurrectionary sequence Algeria ever knew in the nineteenth century.The analysis of the rich documentation exhumed from the Overseas Archives of Aix-en-Provence, the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) and the archives of the tribunal of Constantine could have reinstated the colonized society’s right to speak and to renew the understanding of the 1871 uprising, but it was without counting the complexity of the political challenges which transformed an insurrection trial into a theater, where the civil-military conflict had to be resolved. The first great civil trial of Algeria was going to transform a major insurrection into common law offenses justifying astonishing forms of sentences.In addressing issues related to the causes and actors of the insurgency, the present work Involved in the analysis of the social history of the nineteenth century Algerian elites and their characteristics, through their involvement in the uprising and the investigative questioning of various historical sources and anthropological materials. While the various historiographies attributed to the djouads’ noble elite or the rahmaniyya confraternity the authorship of the revolt, the present thesis endeavored to highlight the anti-colonist matrix of a popular insurrection

L’objectiu d’aquesta tesi és estudiar el desplegament d’una genuïna política hospitalària empresa pel govern municipal de Barcelona durant la baixa edat mitjana. Amb una perspectiva de llarga durada i un marc comparatiu ampli, pretenem identificar els moments i raons de la gènesi d’aquesta mateixa política assistencial, així com l’adaptació a un context polític i institucional canviant, marcat pel desenvolupament de l’autoritat i autonomia del municipi i, especialment, la reforma del 1401 que va donar lloc a l’Hospital de la Santa Creu. Entenem que l’eclosió i consolidació del cristianisme va iniciar el procés de vinculació entre la fundació, promoció i gestió d’institucions assistencials i les nocions de deures dels governants, tan laics com seculars, així com l’elaboració de discursos originals sobre aquests mateixos deures. Amb la desintegració del poder públic imperial a Occident, l’alta Església i, sobretot, l’alta Església secular van romandre com a principals custodis d’aquestes pràctiques i institucions assistencials. Aquesta situació, que caracteritzem com d’hegemonia eclesiàstica, es fracturà entre els segles XII i XIV, en un context marcat pel romanisme, les noves formes d’espiritualitat laiques i l’enfortiment dels poders seculars, sobretot a nivell municipal. A Barcelona, assistim a una autèntica explosió en el nombre de centres assistencials i hospitalaris en aquesta mateixa cronologia. Es forma així un paisatge assistencial divers, marcat per les dinàmiques de col·laboració i competència entre els actors tradicionals, això és, l’alta Església secular, i els nous, com el laïcat o el govern municipal. Durant el segle XV, aquesta diversitat tendirà a la concentració institucional, coincidint amb la consolidació del Consell de Cent com a govern d’un municipi autònom i una senyoria col·legiada. La tesi s’estructura en tres grans blocs: en el primer aprofundim en els orígens de les pràctiques i institucions assistencials cristianes i medievals, posant l’èmfasi en les continuïtats en els espais, marcs legals i elements culturals. En el segon bloc analitzem el paisatge assistencial barceloní previ a la reforma del 1401, per tal d’entendre les arrels de les responsabilitats assistencials i hospitalàries del Consell de Cent i, alhora, avaluar l’impacte del naixement de l’Hospital de la Santa Creu. En el tercer i darrer bloc identifiquem els eixos principals de la política hospitalària del govern municipal durant el segle XV, en relació, sobretot, amb el flamant hospital general de la ciutat.
The aim of this thesis is to study the deployment of a genuine welfare policy undertaken by the municipal government of Barcelona during the late Middle Ages. With a long-term perspective and a broad comparative framework, we aim to identify the moments and reasons behind the genesis of this same welfare policy, as well as its adaptation to a changing political and institutional context, marked by the development the municipality’s authority and autonomy and especially the reform of 1401 that gave rise to the Hospital de la Santa Creu. This thesis is structured in three main blocks: the first one consists on an in-depth study of the origins of Christian and medieval care practices and institutions, with an emphasis on continuities in spaces, legal frameworks and cultural elements. In the second block we analyse the welfare landscape of Barcelona prior to the reform of 1401, in order to understand the roots of the welfare responsibilities of the Consell de Cent and, at the same time, evaluate the impact of the rise of the Hospital de la Santa Creu. In the third and last block we identify the main axes of the welfare policy of the municipal government during the fifteenth century in relation, above all, to the brand-new general hospital of the city.

La prédation - pillages, prises de captifs et prélèvements tributaires - est un aspect important de la pratique guerrière dans les sociétés du haut Moyen Âge. Elle met en circulation de grandes quantités de richesses qui viennent alimenter les trésors des rois et des potentes. Cette étude vise à en dégager le rôle dans le fonctionnement et la reproduction des pouvoirs, dans le monde franc du VIe au Xe siècle.Les enjeux sont nombreux. L'appropriation de biens par la guerre est déterminante dans la capacité des grands à mobiliser des combattants, qui bénéficient d'une part de ces richesses. En outre, elle leur permet d'accumuler des biens de prestige essentiels dans la praxis aristocratique : objets précieux, armes, chevaux... Ces biens alimentent les échanges matériels entre les élites. Ils peuvent être distribués aux fidèles ou donnés à d'autres princes. La prédation est également facteur de gloire. Le butin fait parfois l'objet de pratiques ostentatoires illustrant la victoire des chefs de guerre.Si elle est facteur de cohésion, la prédation est aussi au centre de concurrences. La royauté franque impose une domination tributaire aux gentes voisines, ce qui apparaît aussi bien comme un moyen de stabiliser l'espace frontalier que d'institutionnaliser à son profit exclusif l'appropriation prédatrice. Les grands en charge des espaces frontaliers tendent au contraire à multiplier les confrontations guerrières afin d'en retirer les bénéfices. Parallèlement, l'expansion franque se traduit par une forte compétition entre les acteurs pour le contrôle des ressources foncières. Cette étude montre ainsi comment la question de la prédation éclaire sous un angle nouveau le rapport entre élites et richesse dans le monde franc.

Réinscrivant le Soudan anglo-égyptien dans l'histoire impériale britannique, cette thèse explore l'histoire scolaire soudanaise à l'ère de l'"ébranlement colonial" qui succéda à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les matériaux didactiques, les contenus prescrits et les pratiques pédagogiques sont analysés à la lumière de cinq développements majeurs des années 1945-1953 : le virage "paterno-progressiste" des politiques coloniales britanniques en Afrique, dont l'objectif était désormais de préparer les peuples colonisés à l'autogouvernance ; la polarisation des positions britannique et égyptienne sur la question du Soudan ; la concurrence accrue entre les deux courants du nationalisme soudanais (indépendantiste et unioniste) ; l'unification hâtive du Nord et du Sud-Soudan après plus d'un demi-siècle de gestion séparée ; et la tentative des élites nord-soudanaises de construire un État-nation arabo-musulman. Le second volet de la thèse est consacré à une mise en perspective diachronique et synchronique de l'histoire scolaire soudanaise de fin d'Empire : celle-ci marqua-t-elle une véritable rupture par rapport à l'histoire scolaire pratiquée au Soudan jusqu'en 1945 ? Quelles étaient les convergences et les divergences entre l'histoire scolaire du Soudan et celle d'autres territoires de l'(ex-)Empire britannique (Ouganda, Rhodésie du Nord, Nigeria, Égypte, Inde, Grande-Bretagne) ? Ma réflexion s'achève sur deux problèmes cruciaux de l'ère postcoloniale : la décolonisation - ou non - des récits historiques scolaires après l'indépendance (1956) et le rôle catalyseur de l'histoire scolaire dans la guerre civile entre le Nord et le Sud-Soudan.

Entre la fin du Moyen Âge et la Révolution, l'histoire de l'abbaye de Saintes, deuxième communauté féminine de France par ses revenus, grand seigneur de sa province, s'avère incontournable tant pour la connaissance des communautés religieuses que celle de la Saintonge. Avoir recours aux actes notariaux et à toutes les sources externes disponibles permet de pallier la destruction des archives du monastère à la Révolution pour en établir une histoire globale.Le pouvoir royal ne parvient à y imposer la nomination des abbesses qu'en 1544, laissant se mettre en place une longue dynastie de supérieures de lignages du Sud-ouest. Après l'échec, en 1511 et 1530, de deux réformes de la communauté imposées par les autorités civiles, suite à une longue préparation dès le XVIe siècle, Françoise II de Foix, réussit durablement à mettre fin à des abus remontant au Moyen Âge. Rapportés par un journal janséniste, les épisodes mystiques extrêmes vécus par les moniales (1777-1787) défraient la chronique. Révélant l'isolement spirituel d'une communauté contemplative à l'époque des Lumières, ils sont riches de sens pour la connaissance de l'existence de pratiques surannées et de l'évolution des mentalités. C'est l'occasion pour l'évêque et la noblesse locale d'un projet de remplacement de l'abbaye par un chapitre de chanoinesses. Si des filles de parlementaires puis de négociants entrèrent à l'abbaye respectivement aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, la vieille noblesse du Centre-ouest domina constamment l'effectif. La prise d'habit doit être située dans le cadre de stratégies familiales et servait à marquer une ascension sociale lignagère. Toute-puissance des abbesses, moniales vivant dans un relatif confort, la lecture tenant une grande place. Faisant preuve de ferveur, l'abbaye reçoit les courants spirituels successifs. A la Renaissance, elle protège des humanistes. Au XVIIe siècle, elle adhère de manière passionnée au jansénisme puis suit la voie du rigorisme avant de choisir une direction jésuite. Le monastère conserve son patrimoine à l'issue de nombreux procès. Il mène une politique de charité limitée eu égard à ses revenus mais s'avérant efficace. S'appuyant sur des receveurs ou des fermiers bien renseignées et ambitieux, il met en valeur efficacement ses biens, développant les brûleries à Oléron et faisant précocement assécher des marais en Poitou au prix de conflits. Les fermiers, souvent des proches des abbesses, connaissent une ascension qui les amènera à occuper les principales fonctions politiques après la Révolution, établissant ainsi une continuité inattendue entre Ancien et Nouveau Régime.

Portrait collectif de grands banquiers belges Bruxelles-Liège-Anvers (1830-1935). Contribution à une histoire des élites (2 volumes)

Cette recherche, divisée en trois parties, est une première tentative visant à donner une vision prosopographique assez complète d’un groupe patronal dans la Belgique indépendante d’après 1830. Après avoir défini les principales caractéristiques sélectives de l’échantillon de 382 banquiers, la première partie de la thèse tente de synthétiser de manière principalement quantitative les traits distinctifs de l’élite à l’étude. La seconde partie, alternant approches quantitative et qualitative, propose des pistes de réflexion relatives aux réseaux mis à profit par les banquiers belges dans la constitution de leur tissu relationnel. La dernière partie essaye, en quelques pages synthétiques, de replacer les apports de cette recherche prosopographique dans le contexte économique de l’époque. Elle tente ainsi de jeter des ponts entre l’histoire économique et sociale, toutes deux utiles pour bien cerner les particularités du groupe de banquiers étudiés.

Collective portrait of Belgian bankers Brussels-Liège-Antwerp (1830-1935).

Contribution to a history of élite (2 volumes).

This research, which is divided in three parts, aims to give for the first time a quite exhaustive “prosopographic” vision of a group of entrepreneurs in post 1830 independent Belgium. The first part is twofold: it defines the principal criteria of selection of the 382 strong sample of bankers, then aims to synthesize from a quantitative point of view the distinctive features of the elite under study. The second part, which relies on both quantitative and qualitative approaches, offers fresh thinking tracks as to the networks set up by Belgian bankers and the benefits thereof from a relational perspective. The final part aims, quite concisely, to set the contributions of this research back in their original economic context, thus bridging the gap between economic and social history, both equally useful to outline the features of the bankers under consideration.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Esta tesis realiza un estudio situado en el largo plazo (1714-1919) de los cambios que sufrieron las elites en la ciudad de Barcelona. La tesis busca responder dos preguntas ¿Cuáles son, en el largo plazo, los procesos de creación de las elites económicas?, y ¿cómo se renueva la composición de las grandes fortunas? Metodológicamente se combinan tres aproximaciones. Un análisis de las fuentes fiscales (contribuciones). Un estudio prosopográfico de las biografías de 125 individuos elegidos entre los mayores contribuyentes de los años 1853, 1883 y 1919, agrupados en 80 grupos familiares cuya presencia se ha rastreado durante los dos siglos que cubre la tesis. Y un análisis de la inversión realizada por las familias estudiadas. Cada una de las aproximaciones está diseñada para analizar un aspecto de la evolución de las elites. La investigación de las fuentes fiscales demuestra el peso relativo que tuvieron las actividades comerciales, la pervivencia de un núcleo aristocrático y el incremento que tuvo la acumulación de bienes inmuebles en el largo plazo. El análisis de las variaciones de los apellidos de la contribución sirve como base para determinar los momentos de ruptura. La aproximación prosopográfica complementa el análisis anterior, analizando las causas que provocaron discontinuidades en las elites, cuáles fueron los momentos en que se abrieron ventanas de oportunidad para acceder a las elites y el peso relativo de los distintos grupos sociales. Esta aproximación pone de relieve el peso específico que tuvieron los indianos y la importancia que tuvo el periodo 1800-1840 en la formación de las elites. Por último, el análisis de la inversión demuestra que mientras que a mediados de siglo XIX las elites estudiadas impulsaron empresas, vinculadas a las tecnologías de la Primera Revolución Industrial, que buscaban transformar el territorio, durante el periodo finisecular las elites perdieron el liderazgo de las inversiones vinculadas a la Segunda Revolución Industrial, aunque mantuvieron una presencia destacada en el total del capital invertido en la ciudad. A modo de conclusión se establece por un lado una clasificación en el largo plazo de las distintas etapas por las que fueron pasando las elites entre 1714 y 1919. Antes de 1714 las elites barcelonesas poseían los rasgos de una clase dirigente, entre 1714 y 1808 adquirieron rasgos aristocráticos debido a su vinculación con la lógica estamental. Durante la primera mitad del XIX la elite se transformó en una burguesía revolucionaria, que durante la segunda mitad del XIX adquirió rasgos oligárquicos. Y, por otro lado, la investigación demuestra el hecho de que las elites son capaces de pervivir en el largo plazo y que una vez consolidadas, establecen mecanismos para asegurarse su continuidad. En este caso los mecanismos están vinculados con la diversificación sus intereses (cuando era posible y rentable) y por una endogamia que sirve para acotar los círculos en los que se mueve el capital transferido. Ello no está exento, en el largo plazo, de una proporción no desdeñable de quiebras, dispersión de los patrimonios y malas inversiones que explica una parte de la renovación de las elites. Pero, aun así, a menos que se dé un impacto profundo en la sociedad (un conflicto o un cambio de paradigma tecnológico) la renovación de las elites proviene habitualmente de sus mismos rangos.
The extension of capitalism during the XIX Century fostered the creation of fortunes disproportionately big, which gave their owners an enormous and increasing economical and political influence. The evolution of these economic elite has been studied through different approaches. Although, we can found very few studies that track their inner changes and its origins, and even fewer focused in Southern Europe. This thesis project studies the evolution of Barcelona’s elites between 1714 and 1919 in order to achieve a deeper understanding of the mechanism that the families and individuals develop to increase or retain their economic position. Methodologically the thesis presents a triple approach. Firstly, through an aggregate analysis of the evolution of taxes is possible to observe the weight of the commercial sector among the elite members, the progressive increase of wealth concentration, and to objectively identify the 125 wealthiest members of Barcelona for the years 1853, 1883 and 1919. Secondly, through a prosopographyc approach, we analyse the origin of the 125th great tax payers grouped in 80 families. Through this second approach we can conclude that fortunes were created only in some specific moments as nearly half the families’ origins can be tracked to the First Industrial Revolution and related to commercial activities. Among them the indianos (merchants deeply linked with the Spanish Antilles) plated an increasing role. Lastly, the analysis of the investment demonstrates that during the central years of the XIXth Century the elites fostered investment in newly disruptive companies that aimed to change society and the territory. By the end of the century this elites, although remained as big economic players in the city, failed to foster new companies linked to the Second Industrial Revolution. All in all, the thesis concludes that families from elites are capable to stay among the highest economic ranks of the society in the long term through the development of mechanisms to ensure the transmission of the capital. And that unless there is a deep transformation inside the society (mainly wars or change in the technological paradigm) the renewal of the elites come from his own ranks.

by Lai Yiu Keung.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1994.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-236).
CHAPTERS:
Chapter ONE. --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter A. --- The Problems of Civil Society --- p.1
Chapter B. --- What does Habermas say? --- p.6
Chapter C. --- Criticism on Habermas´ةs Concept --- p.15
Chapter D. --- Public Sphere in recent Historiography of China --- p.21
Chapter E. --- The Conceptual Framework of this Study --- p.26
Chapter F. --- Justification of this Study --- p.30
Chapter G. --- Why Shanghai? --- p.33
Chapter H. --- A Methodological Note --- p.36
Chapter TWO. --- Shanghai: City and People --- p.38
Chapter A. --- Shanghai before the Arrival of Foreigners --- p.38
Chapter B. --- The Political Significance of the Settlements --- p.42
Chapter C. --- The Favourable Location of Shanghai --- p.48
Chapter D. --- Structural Changes --- p.51
Chapter E. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.60
Chapter THREE. --- Shanghai as a Community --- p.65
Chapter A. --- Traditional Merchant Organizations in Shanghai --- p.66
Chapter B. --- From Exclusiveness to Inclusiveness --- p.72
Chapter C. --- Toward Community-Wide Leadership --- p.73
Chapter D. --- The North China Famine Relief and Macroregional Mobilizations --- p.79
Chapter E. --- Western Influence and the Rise of Civic Consciousness --- p.82
Chapter F. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.87
Chapter four. --- Public Sphere in Shanghai: Institutions and Actors --- p.90
Chapter A. --- Moving toward Constitutional Government --- p.90
Chapter B --- . Institutional Bases --- p.99
Chapter a. --- The Shanghai City Council --- p.101
Chapter b. --- The Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce --- p.106
Chapter c. --- Political Press and the Formation of Public Opinion --- p.111
Chapter C. --- The Urban Reformist Elite --- p.114
Chapter D. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.120
Chapter FIVE. --- Public Sphere in Action I: The Anti-American Boycott in1905 --- p.122
Chapter A. --- Background --- p.122
Chapter B. --- The Development of Boycott --- p.126
Chapter C. --- Organization and Leadership --- p.128
Chapter D. --- Methods --- p.130
Chapter E. --- Supports --- p.134
Chapter a. --- Mercantile --- p.134
Chapter b. --- Non-mercantile --- p.136
Chapter F. --- Effects of the Boycott --- p.140
Chapter G. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.141
Chapter SIX. --- Public Sphere in Action II: The Constitutional Movement in1910 --- p.145
Chapter A. --- Background --- p.146
Chapter B. --- Development --- p.149
Chapter C. --- Organization and Leadership --- p.153
Chapter D. --- Methods --- p.157
Chapter E. --- Political Demands --- p.160
Chapter F. --- Result and Effect --- p.163
Chapter G. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.165
Chapter SEVEN. --- The 1911 Revolution in Shanghai and the Closure of Public Sphere --- p.168
Chapter A. --- Revolutionary Activities in Shanghai --- p.168
Chapter B. --- The Merchant Militia --- p.171
Chapter C. --- Cooperation between the Revolutionaries and the Reformist Elite --- p.174
Chapter D. --- The Revolution in Shanghai --- p.179
Chapter E. --- Assertion of Political Power of the Reformist Elite --- p.182
Chapter F. --- The Second Revolution in 1913 and the Demise of Elite --- p.186
Chapter G. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.191
Chapter EIGHT. --- Conclusion --- p.192
Chapter A. --- The Degeneration of the Public Sphere --- p.192
Chapter B. --- Nationalism and Public Sphere --- p.195
Chapter C. --- Concluding Review of the Study --- p.205
Chapter D. --- Discussions --- p.211
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Modern Chinese Muslims’ increasing connections with the Islamic world conditioned and were conditioned by their elites’ integrationist politics in China. Chinese Muslims (the “Hui”) faced a predicament during the Qing and Ottoman empire-to-nation transitions, seeking both increased contact with Muslims outside China and greater physical and sociopolitical security within the new Chinese nation-state. On the one hand, new communication and transport technologies allowed them unprecedented opportunities for transnational dialogue after centuries of real and perceived isolation. On the other, the Qing’s violent suppression of Muslim uprisings in the late nineteenth century loomed over them, as did the inescapable Han-centrism of Chinese nationalism, the ongoing intercommunal tensions between Muslims and Han, and the general territorial instability of China’s Republican era (1911-49). As a result, Islamic modernism—a set of positions emphasizing both reason and orthodoxy, and arguing that true or original Islam is compatible with science, education, democracy, women’s rights, and other “modern” norms—took on new meanings in the context of Chinese nation-making. In an emerging dynamic, ethos, and discourse of “transnationalist integrationism,” leading Chinese Muslims transformed Islamic modernism, a supposedly foreign body of thought meant to promote unity and renewal, into a reservoir of concepts and arguments to explain and justify the place of Islam and Muslims in China, and in so doing made it an integral component of Chinese state- and nation-building. “Islamic Modernism in China” argues that Chinese Muslims’ transregional engagement with Islamic modernism did not subvert but enabled the Chinese government’s domestic and foreign policies toward Muslims, and ultimately facilitated the nationalization of Muslim identity in modern China. From Qing collapse through the Second World War, urban coastal Chinese Muslim religious and political elites imported, read, debated, disseminated, and translated classic Islamic texts and modern Muslim print media, while establishing their own modernist schools and publications. Yet those same figures, through those same practices and institutions, increasingly wielded an image of Islamic authority and authenticity in support of the nationalist Guomindang government’s efforts to develop, integrate, and Sinicize China’s frontiers, including the predominantly Sufi Muslim communities of the Northwest. In the 1930s and early 1940s, integrationist Chinese Muslim elites further mobilized modernist narratives of Islam’s rationality, peacefulness, and past and present “contributions” to China. For example, they responded to Islamophobic misperceptions about halal by arguing that Islamic medicine was an important part of Chinese medicine. They also dispatched nationalistic goodwill delegations to the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and China’s own frontiers during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-45), to pursue cultural cooperation and spread anti-Japanese propaganda. At the same time, in contrast to this instrumentalized Islam, certain Chinese Muslim scholars studying in Cairo instead articulated an expansive, democratized version of the Islamic concept of independent human reason (ijtihad) as the basis for a more inclusive vision of both Chinese nationalism and the global Islamic community (umma). The opportunity to pursue this or any other alternative to mere integrationism soon evaporated, however, as the renewed Chinese Civil War (1945-49) split the Chinese Muslim elites across the Mainland, Taiwan, and a variety of Muslim and non-Muslim countries. Thereafter, the Chinese Muslim elites largely became marginalized from high politics in the era of Cold-War and decolonization. Many of their once-contingent narratives of history and identity, however, have nevertheless been normalized as the canonical truth of Chinese Islam to this day, quietly informing China’s minority policies, foreign relations, and rhetoric of the “New Silk Road.” “Islamic Modernism in China” is a history of the subsumption of modern forms of mobility by modern structures of power. It narrates an assertion of difference in the context of multiple, partially overlapping integrations: the integration of a Han-centric idea of the Chinese nation-state, of an Arabo-centric idea of the Islamic world, and of a Eurocentric system of global infrastructures, institutions, networks, and knowledge. It de-parochializes the modern history of Chinese Muslims, showing how they epitomized aspirations and challenges common to Muslim minorities across many large non-Muslim societies and, to an extent, to modern Muslims everywhere. Using a wide range of new or under-studied archival and published sources in Chinese and Arabic, it connects questions of the meaning and scope of Islam, Islamic community, and Islamic modernism (scholarship on which tends to prioritize the Arab Middle East and relations with the West) to questions of religion and state in modern China (scholarship on which tends to prioritize popular spirituality and the official Confucian system, as well as relations with the West). As such, it presents Sino-Islamic transregional interactions beyond the lens of Western influence, yet also uncovers new trajectories by which Western concepts (“religion,” the “nation-state,” the “Islamic world”) became universalized. Overall, it moves beyond a circulation-based understanding of global encounters, and instead maps the contingent ways in which forms of mobility became pressed into the service of hegemonic processes of state- and nation-building: how flows of people and ideas created borders rather than simply crossing them.

The rise of neoliberalism in the 1970s played an important role in renewing interest in the role which the rule of law could have in fostering free markets and economic growth in the developing world. One prominent participant in this neoliberal movement, which might be termed the Project for Markets, was Hernando de Soto, a Peruvian businessman who championed the extension of formal property rights as a solution to the developing world’s ills. In so doing de Soto became an international celebrity venerated by global leaders who welcomed a straight-forward free market solution to complex developmental issues. This thesis explores how de Soto’s work on property formalization in the last three decades both reflected the core assumptions of the Project for Markets as well as many of its short-comings. To do this I will rely on a case study of Cairo, a city central to de Soto’s work, to argue that de Soto ignores both the variable ways in which property rights can function “on the ground” as well as the extent to which there is rarely a technical “quick-fix” for serious problems in a nation’s political economy.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This history investigates the beginnings of community foundations in general and the creation of the Indianapolis Foundation specifically and its eventual funding of the Indianapolis Symphony Orchestra. My findings reveal that, contrary to previous histories that have been written, the creation of community foundations was not driven by benevolence but by changes in federal and state banking laws starting in 1913 that allowed banks to have trust departments that broke the monopoly that trust companies had long enjoyed. In response, trust company executives chartered community trusts to publicly position themselves as benevolent, community-minded businessmen. This distinguished them as trustworthy compared to the greedy bankers of the day, which helped trust companies gain trust customers. Community trusts were responsible for identifying and disbursing funds to deserving beneficiaries, thereby relieving trust companies of a costly and time consuming burden. Even more important, the trust companies retained control over the community trusts by appointing surrogate board members. In addition, none of the trust companies that chartered the Indianapolis Foundation donated their own money, yet appeared charitable. All of these factors made community foundations a very lucrative arrangement. Funding the areas of arts and culture was not designated in the Indianapolis Foundation’s original purpose statement, yet the Indiana State Symphony Society was funded at the height of the Great Depression while many Indianapolis citizens went hungry. The love of music played a very small part in efforts by the wealthy elite to garner support from the Indianapolis Foundation for the Indianapolis Symphony Orchestra. The public justifications for funding the symphony began with giving psychological relief to the citizens of Indianapolis from the pressures of the Great Depression, to the need of employment for musicians, then the importance of musical education of children, expanding to the importance of the symphony to the city’s reputation, and finally, in the 1980s, the symphony as a community asset that helped rejuvenate downtown Indianapolis. However, the real reason for funding was that the wealthy elite wanted the symphony to use as a flattering cultural institution that would elevate their social status and attract fellow elites and businesses to Indianapolis.

The aristocratic novel in the twentieth century depicts the successes and failures of the aristocracy's efforts to come to terms with the social realities brought about by contemporary egalitarianism. Although several of the novels discussed are written by aristocrats, the aristocratic novel as such refers to novels about the aristocracy as a social grouping. Seven authors are selected to represent fictional treatment of a class in crisis, struggling between decadence and resilience: V. Sackville-West, Evelyn Waugh, Nancy Mitford, Elizabeth Bowen, Molly Keane, L.P. Hartley and Emma Tennant. Sackville-West faces and chronicles the inevitable decay of her class, yet cannot refrain from mourning its gracious past. To her, the manor house symbolizes an ancient idyllic symbiosis between aristocrat and worker. To Evelyn Waugh, the aristocracy embodies the finest achievements of inherited English culture. He regards its decline as the crumbling of Christian civilization itself. Resilience against the rising proletariate lies in faith and a chivalrous other-worldliness associated with the old Catholic aristocracy. Mitford uses comedy to defend the ideals of service and honour which she sees undermined by vulgarity and mercantilism. She resists her opponents with lethal swipes of raillery. Bowen and Keane deal with the decline of the Irish Protestant Ascendancy. The heirs of the ascendancy have to cope with the paralysing bequest of a more vital past. Ironically, resilience lies in breaking with their heritage. Hartley appears to criticize the class structure, but his work reveals a fascination for the captivating myth of patrician life. Tennant, representing an aristocracy which has profited from the resurgence of wealth in Thatcherite Britain, is unsparingly caustic on the condition of her class. Her satiric writing presents an ethical resurgence that goes beyond the mere financial recovery of her society. The genre examined suggests a primal need among urbanized citizens for the myth of an heroic order. In the finest aristocratic novels, admiration for an imitable superior order is used to rally a consciousness of a venerable ethical establishment. What is threatened or lost is not merely wealth and privilege, but aristokratos - government by the best.
English Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (English)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This thesis is a critical literature review on the studies of social movements and contentious politics in the U.S. and China. Thanks to theories of contentious politics, we can analyze the studies of America’s social movements and China’s collective actions in the same “frame.” By making a comparison, this thesis tries to construct a theoretical dialogue between the studies across both countries. At the same time, it criticizes over-generalizing the mode “democratic-nondemocratic” in analysis of repertories of contentious politics and downplaying capitalism’s role in the social movements. From the various empirical studies in both countries, this thesis argues that a generalization should be based on the diversity of this realm, not just from the western perspective.