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Journal articles on the topic 'Elite corps'
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1
Poponov, D. V. "Business Elite within Corps of Governors: Biographical Analysis." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 12, no. 1 (2012): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2012-12-1-70-75.
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Taki, Victor. "MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA IN THE EYES OF RUSSIAN OBSERVERS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." East Central Europe 32, no. 1-2 (2005): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-90001034.
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Taking as its starting point the Enlightenment discourse about Eastern Europe, thc article examines the way Russian elites responded to the emergence of the West-East symbolic divide through discovery and appropriation of their own "Orient." The encounter of the Westernized Russian officer corps and diplomats with the Hellenized Romanian boyar elite of Moldavia and Wallachia in the course of the Russian-Ottoman wars provides an illustration of this phenomenon. Deriving from the classic oppositions between "Europe" and "Orient," "civilization" and "barbarity," the Russian discourse on Moldavia and Wallachia differed from West European models through the recognition of common religion and the similarities between the lifestyle of the Romanian elite and the old Muscovite ways. This interplay of "sameness" and "otherness" served the Russian imperial elite to monopolize the civilizing mission in the region and assert its European identity in the period when the latter became increasingly questioned both intemationally and domestically.
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TAKI, VICTOR. "MOLDA VIA AND WALLACHIA IN THE EYES OF RUSSIAN OBSERVERS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." East Central Europe 32, no. 1 (2005): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1876330805x00054.
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Abstract: Taking as its starting point the Enlightenment discourse about Eastern Europe, the article examines the way Russian elites responded to the emergence of the West-East symbolic divide through discovery and appropriation of their own "Orient." The encounter of the Westernized Russian officer corps and diplomats with the Hellenized Romanian boyar elite of Moldavia and Wallachia in the course of the Russian-Ottoman wars provides an illustration of this phenomenon. Deriving from the classic oppositions between "Europe" and "Orient," "civilization" and "barbarity," the Russian discourse on Moldavia and Wallachia differed from West European models through the recognition of common religion and the similarities between the lifestyle of the Romanian elite and the old Muscovite ways. This interplay of "sameness" and "otherness" served the Russian imperial elite to monopolize the civilizing mission in the region and assert its European identity in the period when the latter became increasingly questioned both internationally and domestically.
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Pál, Judit. "Changes in the Recruitment of Transylvanian Local Government Representatives (Lord Lieutenants and Prefects) During and After the First World War." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 68, no. 2 (March 15, 2024): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2023.2.08.
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The study explores the changes in the Transylvanian Lord Lieutenants’ corps during and after the First World War, using a prosopographical approach. The comparative analysis of the Lord Lieutenants’ and prefects’ corps in 1918-1919 aims to examine the impact of various political and regime changes on the recruitment of these high officials. In the autumn of 1918, one can already talk of a partial change of the elite, since part of the newly appointed Lord Lieutenants had a very different social and family background than their predecessors. When the political status of Transylvania changed, at the end of 1918 and in 1919, it brought further, more radical changes atop the administrative elite: the Hungarian Lord Lieutenants were replaced by Romanian prefects, who did have the necessary qualifications, but who had no prior experience in local government. Keywords: Lord Lieutenant, prefect, elite change, Transylvania, 1918, First World War, recruitment
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Johnson, Richard F., and Donna J. Merullo. "Psychological Mood Profiles of Army, Marine Corps, and Special Operations Forces Personnel." Proceedings of the Human Factors and Ergonomics Society Annual Meeting 41, no. 1 (October 1997): 594–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071181397041001131.
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Elite male athletes have been portrayed as possessing positive mental health. On standardized measures of mood, they typically score below average on tension, depression, anger, fatigue, and confusion while they score above average on vigor. This mood pattern has been labeled the “iceberg profile” because scores on unhealthful moods fall below the adult norm, while scores on the healthy mood, vigor, fall above the norm. The elite athlete's iceberg profile of moods is generally regarded as a result of physical training and competition. In this study, mood profiles of male military personnel were measured. U.S. Army soldiers and U.S. Marines both exhibited a flattened iceberg profile, scoring no higher than average on the positive mood vigor. In contrast, Special Operations Forces, who are noted for adherence to very demanding exercise routines, exhibited the iceberg profile typical of the elite male athlete: they had a higher than normal vigor score and lower than normal tension, depression, anger, fatigue, and confusion scores.
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Rebrov, S. A. "CPRF managerial vertical in St. Petersburg and Leningrad region: Peculiarities of member reproduction." Sociology and Law 15, no. 4 (January 7, 2024): 534–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/2219-6242-2023-4-534-545.
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The article considers the structure of the management vertical within the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) on the example of two regions of Russia: the city of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region. The results of a qualitative study of the party elite and deputy corps of the CPRF in the two regions combined are presented, in the course of which the sources of recruitment of the analyzed political elite are revealed in detail. Through the use of the structural-biographical method, the author identified the key sources of reproduction within the regional political elite through a detailed study of a wide range of data from official websites, biographical portals, mass media materials, etc. The study concludes that the basis of the CPRF’s managerial vertical in both regions is an alliance bet ween party officials (of various types) and businessmen. It is argued that despite the process of constant renewal of members of the top party leadership and representatives of the deputy corps in both regions, the political elite is generally stable. At the same time, the author concludes that the share of the managerial vertical, which refers to the descendants of business, as a rule, is more interested in obtaining exactly parliamentary mandates in order to be able to influence the content of legislative acts in the analyzed regions.
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Sondhaus, Lawrence. "The Austro-Hungarian Naval Officer Corps, 1867–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 24 (January 1993): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005257.
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Two Decades Ago, Holger Herwig's The German Naval Officer Corps: A Social and Political History, 1890–1918 (1973) chronicled the story of the new military elite that rose to prominence when imperial Germany went to sea: a corps that sought to emulate the traditions of the Prussian army, its middle-class officers eager to embrace the values and attitudes of the more aristocratic army officer corps.1 Recently Istvan Deak's excellent work Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (1990) has provided a comprehensive picture of the officer corps of the Habsburg army.2 Like imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary was a central European land power with few long-standing traditions at sea, but differences in social composition, training, and outlook distinguished the Austro-Hungarian naval officer corps from its German counterpart. Within the Dual Monarchy the navy had to deal with the nationality question and other challenges that also faced the army, but in many respects its officer corps reflected the diversity of the empire more than the Habsburg army officer corps did, contributing to the navy's relatively more successful record as a multinational institution.
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Godovova, Elena. "Orenburg Neplyuev Cadet Corps and the Distribution of Russian Education in the Kazakh Steppe." ISTORIYA 14, no. 1 (123) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015864-9.
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The article analyzes the role of the Orenburg Neplyuevsky military school (cadet corps) in the dissemination of the Russian education in the Kazakh Steppe. It was concluded that this educational institution was the first in the educational training of Kazakhs, contributed to the formation of the Kazakh elite — military, officials and intelligentsia. For 40 years, the Orenburg Neplyuev military school, and then the cadet corps, gave special education to Kazakh boys. From 1825 to 1866 37 Kazakhs graduated from this educational institution. Graduates of the Neplyuevsky cadet corps not only regularly performed their functions while in various positions, but also made up the first galaxy of Russian officials from the Steppe, regularly served the Russian Empire.
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Давид Кромвелович, Григорян. "The modern Russian parliament: specifics of formation and elite composition." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (September 2023): 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2023-1-3-162-168.
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The article analyzes the formation and development of the institution of parliamentarism in modern Russia. The process and results of parliamentary elections in post-Soviet Russia, qualitative and quantitative composition of the deputy corps are considered. It is revealed that the Russian ruling elite was formed in difficult conditions, despite this, there is a consistent strengthening of the vertical of power in modern Russia.
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Kambouris, Manousos, George Hliopoulos, and Spyros Bakas. "The Hypaspist Corps: Evolution and Status of the Elite Macedonian Infantry Unit." Arheologija i prirodne nauke 15 (2019): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/arhe_apn.2019.15.2.
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Elbe, Martin. "Von Offizieren und Managern: Reproduktion und Transformation einer Elite." Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 68, no. 1 (March 13, 2023): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2022-0012.
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Abstract The professional development of Bundeswehr officers today is almost emblematic of the careers of executives as part of a management elite. On the one hand, officers make careers within the military (in their traditional field), but on the other hand, the majority of officers leave the Bundeswehr after a few years and then pursue a civilian career path. How do the members of the officer corps recruit themselves and how do their military and civilian careers develop afterwards? The article investigates these references on the basis of empirical material.
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Mironov, B. N. "Collective Portrait of Deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and Union Republics in 1938–1989." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 1 (2023): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.109.
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In 1938–1989, Supreme Soviets of the USSR and Union Republics were the successors of the Congresses of Soviets and performed the same functions assigned to them by the ruling party — to approve and convert the decisions of the Сommunist Party into laws, to support the policy pursued by the party and the government, to legitimize the existing regime. The Soviets performed these functions quite successfully due to the fact that the deputy corps included people from all social groups loyal to the regime and at the same time influential, authoritative, and well-known throughout the country. A simple Soviet citizen believed in the deputies and the real power of the Supreme Soviets, thanks to which the Soviets, having no real power, had great symbolic power, which allowed them until 1989 to maintain the trust of the people in the Soviet system and the communist project. In 1938–1989, the composition of the deputies of the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the union republics underwent important changes: there was an in increase in the proportion of workers and peasants, women, educated people, and people of mature and senior age; the proportion of employees, Russians and semi-literate people decreased. The deputies’ corps became more balanced in all respects and significantly more educated, but members and candidates of the Communist Party, men, employees, intellectuals, functionaries, were still overrepresented, and non-party workers, peasants and Russians were underrepresented. In general, the deputy corps was comprised of the elite; the Supreme Soviets of the Union and Autonomous Republics — of the national elite of the titular peoples. They were not professional politicians, as in Western parliaments, but the elite. For the majority of deputies, activity in the Soviets was not the main profession, but an honorable part-time job on a voluntary basis.
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Lapina, N. Yu. "Political Leadership in Modern France." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-65-81.
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The paper analyses the relation between political elites and political leaders. It is demonstrated that social shifts in the ranks of the elite are reflected in the profiles of heads of state, and the coming to power of a new president results in the renewal of elites. For years of existence of the Fifth republic several generations of political elite were replaced. At the time of Che. De Gaulle highest public servants were the main political actors. The logic of appointments in the system of executive power changed, a new type of political career was created. During the rule of F. Mitterrand, decentralization expanded the ranks of political elite, strengthened the positions of local elites. The president’s fellow party members came to power, political parties turned into an effective mechanism of recruitment of elite cadres. With E. Macron’s election there was a renewal of the deputy corps; reforms which will lead to further changes in the ranks of elites are planned. The paper investigates political biographies and career paths of presidents of the Fifth republic: the path of a notable, the path of a party functionary and the path of a member of administrative bureaucracy. The path of a notable assumes that the politician starts their career from election in local authorities and gradually works their way up through the ranks of power. The path of a party functionary demonstrates that the politician is rooted in party structures. The path of a bureaucrat assumes ascent to the political Olympus through promotion in the executive power branch and also by entering the immediate environment of the president, prime minister, key ministers. Local rootedness, good knowledge of public administration are characteristic of French presidents. Until recently it was thought that to achieve presidency in France it was necessary to be supported by a strong party. The new French president is an exception to this rule, and the movement he created is not a party in the traditional sense but a network entity. The study further brings to light qualities which the leader has to possess. The role of communication in the life of the French president is explained and it is shown how communication shapes the president’s image and influences public trust in the institution of presidency.
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Gaivoronsky, Yu O., and Yu A. Balandin. "Recruitment of the Governor’s Corps in Contemporary Russia: Evolution of Patronal Networks (2017—2021)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 107, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-146-167.
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The article presents an attempt to study the structural dynamics of federal-regional political networks in the process of recruiting heads of the regions. The authors focus their attention on the current stage of the evolution of the federal center’s approach towards the formation of the governor’s corps, which began with the change of the team in the presidential administration in the second half of 2016. The theoretical framework of the study is the concepts of patron-client relations and patronal politics. For the empirical testing, the authors employ the apparatus of the Social Network Analysis (SNA), which makes it possible to assess both the political elite itself and the specific influence of individual figures. The conducted research documents a distinct tendency towards the growing structural complexity of the federal-regional patronal network, when an increasing number of federal actors are directly or indirectly involved in the process of recruiting regional leaders, which entails the formation of new intra-elite connections. However, despite the intensive personnel rotation, the tectonic shifts in the structure of patronage are not visible. The backbone of the network remains unchanged and contains on the stable basis a part of the federal political and economic elite, who looks to the leader of the state and enjoys his support. At the same time, the process of the growing complexity of the patronal network is accompanied by an increase in the importance of the President of the Russian Federation, primarily from the point of view of intra-network coordination, which, according to the authors, indicates a rising demand for such coordination in the modern Russia.
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Salman, Muhammad, and Syed Muhammad Abouzar Shah Bukhari. "Language Medium Dynamics in Pakistani Education: A Historical Analysis." Knowledge 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.63062/tk/2k22a.13707.
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Punjabi, Pashto, Sindhi, Siraiki, and Baluchi are Pakistan's main languages. Although Urdu is the national language, English is still spoken in significant areas like higher bureaucracy and the armed forces officer corps, a remnant of British colonialism. This manuscript examines Pakistan's language medium dispute regarding English-only schooling for the privileged before partition. An English-educated Anglicized elite was expected to maintain British rule in their own interests, strengthening the empire. Thus, most provinces taught the masses in Urdu, save Sind, where Sindhi was used. This method produced a cost-effective subordinate workforce. In modern Pakistan, the elite attend exclusive English-medium schools, whereas most other schools, especially in metropolitan Sind, have a large Urdu population and teach in Urdu. The indigenously educated proto-elite, mostly Urdu-trained, opposes this duality and wants Urdu as the medium of education. Their argument is that such a transition will help them rise in power, countering the current preference for English education.
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Pál, Judit. "Continuity and Discontinuity in the Administrative Elite of the Szekler Seats between 1840-1876." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 1 (February 2022): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.1.04.
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"This study analyzes to what extent the frequent regime changes from the middle of the 19th century had an effect on the continuity, respectively the discontinuity of the officer corps of the Szekler seats, from the period before the Revolution of 1848 until the abolition of the Szekler seats following the administrative-territorial reform of 1876. While before 1848 we have strong continuity, the main feature of the two decades after the Revolution of 1848 was discontinuity. Beginning with the Revolution, the next two decades were marked by frequent changes and total rupture from the previous regime. The most radical break occurred in the age of neo-absolutism, when a lot of new and literally foreign people flowed into the Szeklerland administration. The next big elite change in the administration took place after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. After the Compromise the situation stabilized again; and we find representatives of much of the same families who held the majority of offices during the pre-1848 period. This shows a high degree of stability of the county elite. Keywords: administrative elite, elite change, Szekler seats, 19th century, Transylvania, continuity, discontinuity. "
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Lockenour, Jay. "Die Politik der Ehre. Die Rehabilitierung der Berufssoldaten in der frühen Bundesrepublik." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906380065.
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Since the mid-1990s, a number of books have appeared that examine the tumultuous early years of the Federal Republic of Germany through the lens of the former Wehrmacht officer corps. How this elite group, so closely tied to the aims and institutions of the National Socialist regime, managed the transition to democracy is critical to understanding the ultimate success of the Federal Republic in establishing legitimacy and avoiding the fate of its Weimar ancestor.
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Fedyukin, Igor, and Salavat Gabdrakhmanov. "Cultural Capital and Education in St. Petersburg: The Noble Cadet Corps, 1732–1762." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 46, no. 4 (February 2016): 485–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00902.
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Two types of proxy indicators—father’s type of service to the state and previous exposure to Western learning—can help to assess the role that cultural capital played in the rank at which cadets graduated from the elite Noble Land Cadet Corps in post-Petrine Russia. The results suggest that even in the post-Petrine period, despite its overall institutional weakness, a framework that rewarded “Westernized” culture was still possible. Moreover, this analysis suggests that the post-Petrine state might have been able—as it promised—to sustain a meritocracy, at least within the confines of certain institutional and social oases.
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Bou Nassif, Hicham. "Turbulent from the Start: Revisiting Military Politics in Pre-Baʿth Syria." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 3 (May 27, 2020): 469–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000276.
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AbstractThis article reconsiders military politics in Syria prior to the 1963 Baʿthi power grab in light of new sources. I undermine the presumptions that Baʿthi tactics of sectarian favoritism in the armed forces were unprecedented in post-independence Syria. I make the following arguments: first, attempts by the Sunni power elite to tame Syrian minorities were part of a broad sequence of events that spanned several regimes and informed politics in the Syrian officer corps; second, the various military strongmen who ruled Damascus intermittently from 1949 until 1963 distrusted minority officers and relied mainly on fellow Sunnis to exert control in the armed forces; and third, the combination of minority marginalization in Syrian politics and Sunni preferentialism inside the armed forces bred enmity and polarized sectarian relations in the officer corps.
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Dimier, Veronique. "For a New Start: Resettling French Colonial Administrators in the Prefectoral Corps." Itinerario 28, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019124.
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This could be considered as the ‘swan song’ of a French colonial administrator in Tropical Africa. Between 1958 and 1961, most of these colonial administrators had to leave what was soon to be considered one of the major sins committed by France in the twentieth century: the Empire. For some of them it was a real shock, from which they never recovered. Of course, it was the normal outcome of the very process they had prepared: to teach the African peoples how to rule themselves. But: ‘Did it not come too early leaving the new African elite insufficiently prepared?’ If this were so, was ‘the great sin of France not to colonise but to decolonise too quickly?’
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Lee, On, So-young Park, and Seung-seok Woo. "Comparative analysis of return rate and career of elite male athlete by type of compulsory military service." Korean Journal of Sport Science 31, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 593–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.24985/kjss.2020.31.3.593.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to identify the negative effects of long-term exercise (training and competition) suspension of male elite athletes due to compulsory military service on athletic performance, and to provide a basis for enhancing the importance of providing support systems and social conditions for maintaining athletic performance. Methods In this study, 17,418 male athletes aged 18 to 21 who were registered as athletes for the Korean Sports & Olympic Committee from 2003 to 2005 were enrolled. The athlete registration data includes information about the athlete's gender, age, sport and affiliation. According to the continuity of registration and belonging information, the compulsory military service type was classified into a manipulator. According to the form of Compulsory military service performed by male elite athletes, the return rate was confirmed and the career (year) was calculated. Results As a result of the survey, 12.49% of the athletes who served as general soldiers returned to the athletes after compulsory military service, showing a relatively low return rate compared to 78.91% of the Korea Armed Forces Athletic Corps, 76.55% of the National Police Agency's sports team, and 71.43% of the social service. Also, Athletes who served as general soldiers had a career of 2.46 years (± 1.94), while the Korea Armed Forces Athletic Corps was 10.21 years (± 3.58), the National Police Agency's sports team was 9.45 years (± 3.26), and the social service was 5.86 years (± 4.06), The exemption was 11.08 years (± 2.27), and the compulsory military service exception was 9.79 years (± 5.55). Conclusions Male elite athletes' decrease in athletic performance after compulsory military service is a natural result, as confirmed through the results of this study, and it is necessary to seek a support system between compulsory military service to maintain athletic performance.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik. "China’s Communist Party: From Mass to Elite Party." China Report 54, no. 4 (October 17, 2018): 385–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518806076.
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The Communist Party of China (CPC) is not withering away as predicted by some Western scholars. On the contrary, in recent years, the party has centralised and strengthened its rule over China. At the same time, party membership has changed. Today, workers and farmers only account for only one-third of the total party membership compared to two-thirds when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established. Instead, new strata and groups such as technical and management personnel have evolved. The composition of the party’s cadre corps has changed accordingly, and cadres today are younger and much better educated than during Mao’s time. The leading cadres form an elite which is at the heart of a ranking-stratified political and social system. This article discusses how the CPC has evolved from a mass to an elite party. It argues that in this process, the party has taken over the state resulting in a merger and overlap of party and government positions and functions, thereby abandoning Deng Xiaoping’s ambidextrous policy goals of separating party and government. Centralisation and reassertion of ranking-stratified party rule is Xi Jinping’s answer to the huge challenges caused by the economic and social transformation of Chinese society—not a return to Mao’s mass party.
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Oksamitnaya, Daria A. "The Imperial Court of Catherine the Great as an Instrument of State Elite Formation." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 284–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-284-290.
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The article is devoted to the role of the imperial court in the «personnel reserve» formation for high governmental and military posts during the reign period of Catherine the Great. Comparative study of courtier’s and Page Corps graduates career development was held for this research by the means of two specially created prosopographical databases. The obtained results give us an opportunity to evaluate the impact of a court rank granting on the nobles career development and on receiving an appointment to the important governmental and military posts.
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RENDLE, MATTHEW. "THE OFFICER CORPS, PROFESSIONALISM, AND DEMOCRACY IN THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 51, no. 4 (November 18, 2008): 921–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007139.
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ABSTRACTRussia's ‘democratic’ revolution of February 1917 saw all types of professions and social groups mobilize into unions and congresses to articulate their demands. Lower and middle classes dominated, but it is notable how former elite groups were quick to form bodies to defend their interests and to promote their visions of Russia's future. Historians have invariably dismissed these groups as marginal to the revolutionary process and inherently ‘counter-revolutionary’. This article challenges these assumptions, using the Union of Officers, formed across the military in May 1917 to defend officers' professional interests, as a case study. The union spread quickly, published a newspaper, and agitated among politicians for greater discipline in the military. Its activities fuelled popular fears of counter-revolution, but only a few of the union's leaders actively worked against the government. General Kornilov's failed revolt in August demonstrated that most officers had doubts. Nevertheless, the union played a crucial role in mobilizing moderate and conservative forces against further reform. This exacerbated social conflict and political polarization, fatally undermining the Provisional Government and democracy in 1917.
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Astell, Ann W. "Nursing in Wartime: Edith Stein and Simone Weil on Empathic Attention." Journal of Continental Philosophy 2, no. 2 (2021): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcp202222226.
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Edith Stein and Simone Weil both trained as Red Cross nurses for wartime service. For both philosophers, the activity of a nurse demands an empathic attention to the afflicted. Stein envisions herself as an attendant nurse in her memoirs; Weil similarly casts herself in a nurse’s role in her proposal for an elite, sacrificial nurses’ corps. This essay examines the practice of wartime nursing as a school for, and an expression of, their complimentary philosophies of human beings seen in their physical, epistemological, and spiritual interrelatedness.
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Yıldız, Aysel. "Janissaries and Urban Notables in Local Politics: Struggle for Power and Factional Strife in the Late Eighteenth-Century Anatolian Town of Adana." Histories 3, no. 1 (December 21, 2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories3010001.
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The transformations that occurred in the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century, summarized by one author as more army, more taxes, more bureaucracy, and more state intrusion in the Ottoman provinces, radically changed provincial life in the Ottoman domains. Growing tax and manpower demands not only increased socio-economic pressure on the provinces but also redefined the sultan’s relationship with local authorities. Accompanied by the increasingly frequent stationing of the Janissary corps in the Ottoman provinces, especially in the seventeenth century, the Ottoman cities and towns saw new elite configurations and new types of power struggles and came under greater economic pressure. The rising number of registered Janissaries changed the internal dynamics of the towns, shaped local politics, and created new struggles for power in the cities where corps regiments were stationed, pushing the Janissaries into local politics, whether as rivals or allies of the local elite. As elsewhere, the southern Anatolian town of Adana witnessed such changes in its social structure, local politics, and relations with the imperial authority. Although similarities are to be seen with the eighteenth century provincial power struggles in the Anatolian and Arabian cities of Gaziantep and Aleppo in terms of intense factional strife and the active involvement of the Janissaries and their pretenders in local politics, the power struggle in Adana was between several Janissary officers, one of whom subsequently managed to become the urban notable (ayan) of the town.
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Feofanov, Aleksandr M. "The Educational Differentiation of the Russian Nobility during the Reign of Elizabeth." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.202.
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This article analyses the educational differentiation of the nobility during the reign of Elizabeth expressed in the status of their property (number of “souls”); the geographical location of their estates; the educational institutions where they were sent; and the age when they began education. It is based on a wide array of historical sources, among which archival records from the collections of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. The data of registration of gentry were supplemented by materials from educational institutions (The Noble Land Cadet Corps, The Naval Cadet Corps, artillery and engineering schools, Gymnasium of Saint Petersburg Academy of Sciences). The article demonstrates the career achievements; establishes which schools gave a higher percentage of students who replenished the elite of the Russian Empire. The median value of the estate for all gentry was 20 souls, including those who did not have peasants. The poorest representatives of the “noble proletariat” were students of garrison schools, more than half of whom did not have peasants at all. The highest was the median value of serf-ownership among the students of the Noble Land Cadet Corps. Average and big noble landowners (owners of hundreds and thousands of “souls”) studied in the Noble Land Cadet Corps. The percentage of generals from the families of major and middle-rank landowners was also the highest among graduates of the Noble Land Cadet Corps. The presented figures clearly show the preferences of different layers of nobility, their educational strategies, the results of their career advancement.
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DREPHAL, MAXIMILIAN. "Corps diplomatique:The body, British diplomacy, and independent Afghanistan, 1922–47." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (July 2017): 956–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000111.
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AbstractThis article studies diplomatic history in its physical dimensions. Its point of departure is the interpretation of the term ‘corps diplomatique’ in a literal sense. The article introduces the concept of the diplomatic body as a diplomat's body and as a body with diplomatic functions and meanings. Based on material relating to the British Legation in Kabul from 1922 until 1947, the body's ubiquity in international relations is revealed through the themes of space, language, and medicine. The article first looks at the impact of Kabul's spatial conditions and the physical reactions it excited in British diplomats. It then considers the bodies of Afghanistan's ruling elite as objects of British attention, whose appearance was documented in diplomatic records. Descriptions of these bodies in diplomatic language expressed intimacy and consensus as well as estrangement in British–Afghan relations. In addition to the metaphorical use of the diplomatic body, the provision of healthcare through the Legation's medical unit addressed the needs of British and Afghan bodies alike. It was also employed to further diplomatic ends by extending colonial medicine to the Afghan population. The study of the Legation's physical practices ultimately reveals the diplomatic mission's colonial origins and character.
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Spain, Everett, and Brian Reed. "Columbia in the Nation’s Service: Warner Burke and the Education of U.S. Army Leaders." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 56, no. 4 (September 10, 2020): 482–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021886320957352.
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In 1969, Columbia University banned Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) from campus. In 2004, Teachers College’s Warner Burke, a senior professor of psychology and Army officer veteran, saw an opportunity to close this civil–military gap. Burke partnered with West Point to educate West Point cadets’ primary leader developers, its 36 company tactical officers, through hosting them annually in a world-class Master of Social-Organizational Psychology. In 2010, Burke welcomed the Army Fellows program to campus, bringing in one or two senior Army officers a year to study under his mentorship. Since Burke courageously showed the way, Columbia has welcomed ROTC back to campus and now boasts the largest numbers of veteran students in the Ivy League. Most recently, Burke built a third program, this one to educate critical Army leaders who historically did not have access to elite higher education, its noncommissioned officer corps.
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Belousov, Alexander S. "Russian Imperial Identity in the Reign of Anna Ioannovna and the Birth of the Petrine Myth." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, no. 3 (2023): 601–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.303.
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The paper is devoted to the issue of self-identification of the Russian monarchy of the 18th century and its environment. The authorities and elites constantly turned to the symbolic practices of succession to Peter I in the process of acquiring a new imperial identity. They manifested themselves in various forms: legislative acts, calendar, holidays of Peter’s dates, illuminations, etc. The personality of Peter I and adherence to his ideas formed a certain consensus within the political and economic elite, in connection with which the image of the first Russian emperor began to play one of the fundamental roles in the communicative strategies of Russian monarchs of the 18th century. The reign of Anna Ioannovna became a bifurcation point for the mechanism of political self-identification and continuity of the Russian imperial power. In response to the political crisis of 1730, the cult of Peter the Great began to be formed, reflecting the imperial idea of Russia. Anna Ioannovna, taking advantage of the Russian military success in the 1730s, revised the cult to in order to build her own original ideological narrative. It involved emphasizing the empress’s virtues and presenting Russia as the main defender of the Christian world. A subsequent attempt to “debunk” the Petrine cult, on the contrary, led to its strengthening, both among the Russian political elite and a wider strata (guards and officer corps). This finally formed the Petrine myth. The personality of Peter I turned into something transcendent for the political system of the Russian Empire.
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Stolyarov, O. D., and S. Yu Zavodyuk. "Foreigners and representatives of the old aristocracy in the Russian ruling elite during the reign of Anna Ioannovna: the problem of the dynamics of the quantitative ratio." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 30, no. 1 (April 22, 2024): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2024-30-1-24-33.
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The article examines the internal structure of the Russian ruling elite during the reign of Anna Ioannovna. Criteria are proposed according to which certain statesmen of a given era should be classified in this group. Two key parts of it are identified – foreigners and representatives of the old nobility. It is shown that in the 1730-ies, the increase in the number of the former occurred mainly at the expense of the latter. Based on quantitative data, the dynamics of this process were determined. In addition, a numerical relationship was revealed between foreigners and people from the old aristocracy within a number of groups adjacent to the ruling elite – the military generals, holders of the orders of St. Andrew the Apostle the First-Called and Alexander Nevsky, as well as the chamberlain corps. It is shown that the number of foreigners increased to the greatest extent among, firstly, representatives of the upper layer of the ruling elite, and secondly, holders of the highest orders, moreover, in the latter group the number of foreigners increased while maintaining the positions of the old nobility. At the same time, within the ruling elite as a whole, as well as the generals, the process of growing influence of foreigners was more moderate. Thus, two sides of the development of the trend under study have been identified, one of which was an increase in the number of foreigners in the highest echelons of the state apparatus, the army, and also at court, while the other was the growth of the influence of foreigners within the narrow upper layer of the political elite and associated with this prestige enjoyed by foreigners, who received corresponding awards as a result.
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Smirnov, Valery Evgenievich. "Crime and Punishment in Ottoman Egypt in the Last Quarter of the 18th Century: the Yusuf Bey Murder Case." RUDN Journal of World History 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2024-16-1-80-93.
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The study, executed in the form of a case-method, focuses on a story from the chronicle of the prominent Egyptian historian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti, describing the murder of Yusuf Bey, one of the ruling emirs of Egypt. By using this particular historical episode, the author illustrates the complicated relationship between the Muslim religious leaders of Egypt (ulama) and the military elite of the country represented by the neo-Mamluk “nobility”. Investigating these, at the first glance, ordinary circumstances of this gloomy case, the author comes to an unexpected conclusion. However, according to the researcher, the assassination of this key figure of the Egyptian military elite does not fit into the traditional struggle between or within the ruling factions, that filled the entire history of Egypt under the Ottomans. According to the author, the main reason for Yusuf Bey’s unenviable fate was his unceasing confrontation with the representatives of the Alim corps, the guardians and interpreters of the centuries-old Muslim heritage. By putting himself in opposition to the Muslim scholars, imprisoning and threatening them, infringing on their lives for the sake of his personal ambitions, Yusuf Bey violated the principles of respect and deference to the holders of spiritual authority and suffered the deserved punishment according to the generally accepted norms of behavior among the ruling elite of Ottoman Egypt.
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Pakhomov, Andrei Viktorovich. "Gender characteristic of the party and political elite of the southern Urals in the second half of the 1960–1980s." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 208–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021104212.
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The main task of this paper was to study the representation of women in the party and political elite of the southern Urals during the second half of the 1960s and 1980s, which mainly includes the secretarial corps of regional, city and district committees of the Communist party, as well as the chairmen of Executive committees of the corresponding level of Councils. The research was based on unpublished archival documents, including personal files of nomenclature employees, as well as materials of statistical reports on the qualitative composition and turnover of the leading party staff. In addition, the author has done a serious historiographical work, which analyzes modern historical and political research on the topic of womens political leadership. It was found that the number of women in the regional management corps was insignificant, which fully corresponded to national trends. It is proved that during the period under study, women were widely represented only in the positions of third secretaries of party committees responsible for the sphere of ideology. At the same time, the study did not reveal artificially created barriers and official installations for restraining women. According to the author, the current situation can be explained by the economic features of the studied period.
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Alba, Carlos R. "Politique et administration en Espagne : continuité historique et perspectives." Revue française d'administration publique 86, no. 1 (1998): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1998.3200.
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Politics and Administration in Spain : Historical Continuity and Future Perspectives. In opposition to the political upheavals which Spain has undergone in her recent history, stands a certain stability of the politico-administrative system. During the time of Franco, the absence of public debate contributed to the complete transfer of politics into the sphere of bureaucracy. Organised into “corps” , the elite benefited from rights and special privileges and succeeded in making itself indispensable by preventing the development of alternative structures. This historical heritage has proved difficult to challenge since the transition towards democracy. Reforms aimed at the professionalisation of the administration have not yet succeeded in depoliticising it.
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Bobrov, L. A. ""Among the troops he chose brave warriors, who were battling through ranks...". On Some Peculiar Aspects of Amir Timur's Tactical Art." Universum Humanitarium, no. 1 (July 13, 2021): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2499-9997-2021-1-17-40.
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This article revises the peculiarities of Amir Timur's army tactical peculiarities, as well as their influence on the development of martial art of the Muslim East. It is established that Timur effectively used the mobilization potential of his state. The sedentary population of Chorasa and Transoxiana formed the infantry archery units who were taught to fight under cover of large standing shields - chapars. At the same time, loyal nomad tribes were the source of horse cavalry for the Timur's army. The base of battle formation was represented by a tactical "skeleton" formed of forced kanbuls, powerful advance guard and a reserve (that included elite warriors). Such battle formation allowed Timur to effectively face outflanking and frontal attacks of the enemy. Besides, such battle formation also fit for quick shift from defense to massive counterattack, performed by advance guard and kanbuls projected towards the enemy. The vulnerability of weakened flank corps was partially compensated by using infantry archery units with support of dismounted archers. As a rule, massive archery attack stopped the enemy's attack and provided for counterattack. The organizational and tactical autonomy of kul corps, which could embattle independently even if there was a front breakthrough or encirclement, played an important role. Dismounted, enshielded warriors of the corps could repulse the attacks until the deblocking unit approaches. A fast-moving reserve under Timur's personal command could be used for both repulsing an attack and augmenting the advancing troops.
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Górak, Artur, and Krzysztof Latawiec. "RUSSIAN BUREAUCRATIC ELITE OF THE KINGDOM OF POLAND (1839–1918)." Ural Historical Journal 75, no. 2 (2022): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2022-2(75)-37-47.
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The article examines the evolution of the Russian bureaucratic elite of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815–1918. The basis of the prosopographic analysis was the database created by the authors, which included information about the service of 770 leading imperial officials of all institutions established on the territory of the Kingdom from the moment the former Duchy of Warsaw was incorporated into Russia until their evacuation during the First World War and complete liquidation in 1918. The authors analyzed the principles of personnel policy of St. Petersburg in the region. Political loyalty based on ethnic and religious affiliation was a priority when appointing to leadership positions in the region. Preference was given to candidates from the Russian and German-Baltic nobility, Orthodox and Protestants, but not Poles and not Catholics, which guaranteed the depolonization of the regional state apparatus. Over time, the number of persons of non-noble origin in the corps of Russian officials of the Kingdom increased. Professional training of functionaries was an important selection criterion, but it was inferior to the criteria of loyalty and origin. The concentration of power in the hands of these administrators, the shift of the decision-making center in the Kingdom of Poland from local institutions and the governor’s office in favor of the representations of the central Russian ministries, reflected the policy of Russification, the elimination of Polish autonomy and the gradual administrative, economic and cultural assimilation of Poland, the transformation of its regions into the inner provinces of the empire.
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KNOX, MACGREGOR. "1 OCTOBER 1942: ADOLF HITLER, WEHRMACHT OFFICER POLICY, AND SOCIAL REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 801–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001284.
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The origins of the process that transmuted Prussia–Germany's most hallowed social institution and professional group, the officer corps, into a functional elite of ‘National Socialist Führer-personalities’ remain obscure. Recent studies have argued that the ‘structural pressures of modern war’ – the immense losses of summer 1942 – compelled the abolition of time-honoured educational and social qualifications for officer candidacy and the basing of promotions almost solely on battlefield prowess, and that ‘National Socialist elite manipulation’ was at best a secondary factor. Yet archival evidence makes clear that the pressures of war took second place in the army's official mind to the need to preserve order and tradition, and that it was above all Adolf Hitler who dictated the timing, shape, and extent of changes that the bureaucrats were largely incapable of imagining. ‘Führer-selection through battle’ was simultaneously the most far-reaching and lasting element in the social revolution that Hitler sought, and a decisive step in steeling the German armed forces for their fight to the bitter end. In this as in other areas, it was National Socialism's very modernity that endowed it with demonic force.
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Scott, Janelle, Tina Trujillo, and Marialena D. Rivera. "Reframing Teach For America: A conceptual framework for the next generation of scholarship." education policy analysis archives 24 (February 7, 2016): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.24.2419.
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In this article, we advance a conceptual framework for the study of Teach For America (TFA) as a political and social movement with implicit and explicit ideological and political underpinnings. We argue that the second branch of TFA’s mission statement, which maintains that TFA’s greatest point of influence in public education is not in classrooms, but in its facilitation of entry into leadership positions aimed at reshaping public schooling, can be better understood in terms of the organization’s: a) infusion of “policy entrepreneurs” into educational policymaking processes; b) cultivation of powerful networks of elite interests; c) promotion of “corporate” models of managerial leadership; and, d) racial and social class identities of its corps members that facilitate entry into leadership and policy networks. Our framework is informed by the extant research literature on TFA, interview data from more than 150 alumni and corps members, and our observations of TFA’s 20th Anniversary Summit in Washington, D.C., as an illustrative case of TFA’s messaging and general orientation toward educational reform. We conclude that this framework can help illuminate under-examined political and ideological motivations behind the organization’s activities.
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Alstein, Maarten Van. "From Enigma to Enemy: Paul-Henri Spaak, the Belgian Diplomatic Elite, and the Soviet Union, 1944–1945." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00144.
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This article draws on recently declassified documents from the Belgian archives to assess the division within the Belgian diplomatic service about Soviet intentions at the start of the Cold War. The diplomatic corps was divided between those who viewed the Soviet Union favorably and believed that continued close cooperation after the war was both feasible and essential, and those who were wary of Soviet intentions in Eastern Europe and believed that Western democracies would have to be united in opposing Soviet encroachments. Paul-Henri Spaak, the long-time Belgian foreign minister, was initially in the former camp, but events at the close of the war and soon thereafter brought him and Belgian foreign policy much closer to the latter's position.
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Turovsky, Rostislav F., and Alina P. Lyutikova. "Models of municipal management and personnel exchange with regions: are the implemented practices effective?" Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 7, no. 3 (October 23, 2021): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2021-3-270-285.
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The reform of the municipal system carried out since 2010 has revealed changes in the models of power organization and the growing interest of the federal authorities in the formation of reliable managerial personnel at the local level. The analysis of biographies of heads of municipalities in 80 subjects of the Federation, conducted by the authors of the article, showed that the state authorities actively use the municipal level as a personnel reserve. The study systematizes data on the choice of municipalities of one of the three main management models - the model of an elected head, a single-headed model of a city manager and a two-headed model. The article shows that the process of recruiting the municipal elite in Russia since 2010 has been intertwined with the formation of the state bureaucracy and the deputy corps, and the regional and municipal elite have become inseparable from each other, which corresponds to the peculiarities of the functioning of regional political regimes in Russia, where there are no two independent levels of power. The paper uses statistical methods to confirm the expediency of switching to non-electoral models for determining municipal heads from the point of view of stabilizing the political regime. The authors conclude that the reform of local self-government contributed to the formation of a unified system of public power in Russia before the constitutional reform of 2020, and the merging of the regional and municipal elite has a stabilizing political effect, playing an important role in strengthening the existing political regime.
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Luczak, Tony, Reuben Burch, Edwin Lewis, Harish Chander, and John Ball. "State-of-the-art review of athletic wearable technology: What 113 strength and conditioning coaches and athletic trainers from the USA said about technology in sports." International Journal of Sports Science & Coaching 15, no. 1 (November 4, 2019): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1747954119885244.
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Wearables are a multi-billion-dollar business with more growth expected. Wearable technology is fully entrenched at multiple levels of athletic competition, especially at the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and professional levels where these solutions are used to gain competitive advantages by assessing health and performance of elite athletes. However, through the National Science Foundation (NSF) Innovation Corps (I-Corps) training experience, a different story emerged based on pilot interviews from coaches and trainers regarding the lack of trust in wearables, and how the technology falls short of measuring what practitioners need. An NSF I-Corps project was funded to interview over 100 strength and conditioning coaches (S&CCs) and athletic trainers (ATs) regarding the current state of wearables at the NCAA and professional levels. Through 113 unstructured interviews, a conceptual map of relationships amongst themes and sub-themes regarding wearable technology emerged through the grouping of responses into meaning units (MUs). Interview findings revealed that discussions by S&CCs and ATs regarding wearables could be grouped into themes tied to (a) the organizational environment, (b) the athlete, and (c) the analyst or data scientist. Through this project, key findings and lessons learned were aggregated into sub-themes including: the sports ecosystem and organizational structure, brand development, recruiting, compliance and gamification of athletes, baselining movement and injury mitigation, internal and external loads, “return tos,” and quantifying performance. These findings can be used by practitioners to understand general technology practices and where to close the gap between what is available versus what is needed.
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Amatsimbi, Herberth Misigo, and D. Neville Masika. "Pioneer Friends Harambee Schools in Western Kenya." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 1, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol1.iss4.128.
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Friends African Mission (FAM) set forth an education department to train corps of African teachers- evangelists. The pioneer teacher-evangelists formed the basis of a new Luhyia elite that helped transform Luhyia society. And as education became more relevant in the emerging colonial structure, African Christians began to demand for more schools, learning in English and higher education, at a pace that neither the government nor the missionaries could match. Consequently, African Christians began thinking of establishing government and missionary supported independent schools. The case of the proposed Mbale School and the successive establishment of Chavakali day secondary school illustrate this point. The influence of the Chavakali experiment on secondary education in Kenya was deep and lasting, because it revealed what local self-help could achieve.
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Jupp, Peter J. "The Landed Elite and Political Authority in Britain, ca. 1760–1850." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1990): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385949.
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Significant change in the relationships between rulers, elites, and political authority is a common feature of the major European states in the last half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries. In Russia, under Peter III and Catherine II, the nobility was released from the obligation to serve the state as established by Peter the Great and allowed to own property, engage in trade and manufacturing, and participate in local assemblies. In the course of the nineteenth century the hereditary landowning nobility, particularly the wealthiest elements of it, became firmly entrenched in the upper reaches of the bureaucracy without ever being able to dominate it. In Prussia, under Frederick the Great and Frederick William III, noble and gentry landowners were allowed to filter into the ranks, especially the higher ranks, of the bureaucracy; this reversed the embourgeoisement that had occurred under Frederick William I, but not so far as to threaten seriously the bureaucracy's loyalty to the Hohenzollerns or to weaken its reputation for efficiency. Thus the great reforms that followed the defeat by France in 1807 and were designed in part to lay the basis for recovery were executed by a combination of noble and non noble officials, and the latter were especially encouraged in order to ensure that merit rather than birth prevailed as the qualification for state service. In both cases, it could be argued, rulers found it necessary to recruit officials as well as an officer corps from the landed classes when war and territorial aggrandizement expanded the scope of government; they were loath to encourage the idea that landed wealth could automatically bestow political authority.
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Bosco, Piero, and Ian R. Stone. "Black feathers in Svalbard: the Alpini expeditions, 1928." Polar Record 40, no. 4 (October 2004): 303–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247404003651.
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This paper lists all the Italian expeditions in search of the airship Italia, commanded by General Umberto Nobile, which crashed to the north of Svalbard on 25 May 1928. There were several such expeditions that involved members of the Alpini, the elite mountain corps of the Italian army. The Italian government had allowed Nobile the services of nine Alpini under the command of Captain Gennaro Sora. The original intention had been that they should assist at the base and, in emergency, should act as a rescue team. This they proceeded to do after it had become clear that the airship had disappeared. The Alpini completed much travelling around Svalbard and while unsuccessful in the main object of their search, accomplished some exploration, including the discovery of an island that was named Alpiniøya by Sora.
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Henyk, S. M. "THE PHENOMEN DIGNITARY OF THE NATION IAKOV MAKOGІN." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Pulse, no. 6(58) (December 26, 2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21802/10.21802/2304-7437-2019-6(58)-121-129.
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Galichanin from Lviv region in the search of better fate it turns out abroad ocean gets american citizenship and passes military units elite units american army.
To meate with pure american girl Syusann wihich fall in love handsome, healthy, clever and well-bread Ukrainian boy. Girl is the only one daughter one the richest one of the most rich american. Demobilization after 15 years service in the marine corps – there lound wedding. Get’s direct ucces to father’s money, new part of family throught many years uses then not for future enrichment or comfort but for solution of the older "Ukrainian question" in the most dramatic period stays Ukrainian AVG consisting of Soviet imperia. That which is done abroad to the call of the heart this ukrainian boy can outmatch a work complex embassy a big country.
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Henyk, S. M. "THE PHENOMEN DIGNITARY OF THE NATION IAKOV MAKOGІN." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Pulse, no. 6(58) (December 26, 2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21802/2304-7437-2019-6(58)-121-129.
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Galichanin from Lviv region in the search of better fate it turns out abroad ocean gets american citizenship and passes military units elite units american army.
To meate with pure american girl Syusann wihich fall in love handsome, healthy, clever and well-bread Ukrainian boy. Girl is the only one daughter one the richest one of the most rich american. Demobilization after 15 years service in the marine corps – there lound wedding. Get’s direct ucces to father’s money, new part of family throught many years uses then not for future enrichment or comfort but for solution of the older "Ukrainian question" in the most dramatic period stays Ukrainian AVG consisting of Soviet imperia. That which is done abroad to the call of the heart this ukrainian boy can outmatch a work complex embassy a big country.
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Lewis, James G. "The Applicant Is No Gentleman: Women in the Forest Service." Journal of Forestry 103, no. 5 (July 1, 2005): 259–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jof/103.5.259.
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Abstract For much of the 20th century, the esprit de corps of the Forest Service depended heavily on the notion of the agency as an elite fraternity. The job of forester itself—a combination of lumberjack, frontiersman, explorer, and Old West sheriff—provided an opportunity for men to live the “strenuous life,” that most masculine of lifestyles. The reality, however, was that this boys' club could not have functioned nearly as well without the women in its midst. It is only within the last three decades of the 20th century that women have been admitted into the fraternity, and only after they forced their way in. The article is adapted from the book, The Forest Service and the Greatest Good: A Centennial History (Forest History Society 2005, Durham, NC) the companion book to the film, “The Greatest Good: A Forest Service Centennial Film.”
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Beck, Thomas D., and Thomas R. Osborne. "A Grande Ecole for the Grands Corps: The Recruitment and Training of the French Administrative Elite in the Nineteenth Century." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852730.
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Bjork, Ulf Jonas. "Ab Douglas, On Foreign Assignment: The Inside Story of Journalism’s Elite Corps. Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1993. 190 pp. Paper, $17.95." American Journalism 14, no. 3-4 (July 1997): 546–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.1997.10731946.
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Lavrinovich, Dmitry S. "Deputies from the Mogilev province to the State Duma III and IV: social and political characteristics." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-2-31-39.
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The article reveals social characteristics of the State Duma deputies. The author shows that due to the censorship nature of the electoral law of 3 June 1907, the deputy corps was dominated by the representatives of the elite groups of population (nobles, large landowners). Besides, the important role was played by the deputies from the church and the officials. Most of them, according to their political views, were supporters of the conservative centre. Deputies focused on the Stolypin’s land reform and the draft law on the introduction of elected zemstvos in the western provinces of the Russian Empire. In 1915, part of deputies of Duma IV from Mogilev province joined the «Progressive coalition», took part in the fight against the tsarist government, and B. A. Engelhardt, as a Chairman of the Military Commission of the Provisional Committee in the State Duma, played an important role during the February Revolution of 1917.