Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Elite corp'

Energy intakes of adults with spinal cord injury (SCI) have been reported to be relatively low with many micronutrients below recommended amounts but very little is known about the diets of athletes with SCI. This cross-sectional, observational study assessed energy intakes and estimated the prevalence of dietary inadequacy in a sample of elite Canadian athletes with SCI (n=32). Three-day self-reported food diaries completed at home and training camp were analyzed for energy (kcal), macronutrients, vitamins and elements and compared to the Dietary Reference Intakes (DRIs). Energy intakes were 2156 ± 431 kcal for men and 1991 ± 510 kcal for women and the macronutrient intakes as a percentage of energy were within the Acceptable Macronutrient Distribution Ranges for both men (55.6% carbohydrate, 17.9% protein, 28.1% fat) and women (53.3% carbohydrate, 17.9% protein, 28.9% fat). While at training camp, greater than 25% of men had mean intakes below the Estimated Average Requirement (EAR) for magnesium, zinc, riboflavin, folate and vitamin B12. At home, prevalence of inadequacy decreased for magnesium, zinc and riboflavin but not for folate. At home, men had greater intakes of vitamin D (160.1 ± 133.4 IU vs. 38.5 ± 78.3 IU, p<0.05) and calcium (856 ± 330 mg vs. 693 ± 204 mg, p<0.05). The proportion of women with intakes below the EAR was greater while at training camp for magnesium, niacin and folate. No significant differences in the mean intake of any nutrients were detected between home or training camp for women. Cognitive dietary restraint scores were higher than expected for men with relatively low scores for disinhibition and hunger. These results demonstrate that athletes with SCI are at risk of several nutrient inadequacies relative to the DRIs, despite a diet with an appropriate macronutrient balance. A higher prevalence of nutrient inadequacy was observed in men especially while at training camp. Women were able to better maintain nutrient adequacy in both situations. This highlights an opportunity for coaches, administrators, sport scientists and dietitians working with these athletes to improve the access to better food choices and to educate athletes in making more balanced food choices.

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em História Contemporânea (variante século XX)
A minha tese de mestrado constitui o primeiro trabalho académico sobre o corpo de estado-maior português, e faz parte do projecto O Corpo de Estado-Maior: Apogeu e Queda, em desenvolvimento no ISCTE, sob a orientação científica do professor doutor Luís Nuno Rodrigues. Projecto ao qual estou ligado enquanto bolseiro de investigação. Este trabalho tem diversas dimensões, que se complementam entre si, tendo sempre como objecto central o corpo de estado-maior do exército português. Por conseguinte, trata-se de um estudo essencialmente de história política, com algumas aproximações à história militar, que se divide em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo é dedicado às relações entre o poder político e a elite militar durante os anos 30, período de institucionalização e consolidação politica do Estado Novo, e em que os militares foram gradualmente perdendo poder e influência face ao ascendente salazarista. Relação amiúde conflituosa teve a sua conclusão com as reformas de 1937 introduzidas por Salazar e Santos Costa, alterando a “balança de poderes” de forma decisiva. O segundo capítulo aborda as reformas de 1937 e a refundação do corpo de estado-maior. As reformas de 1937 servem de contextualização geral à reorganização do corpo, apenas inteligível à luz do processo reformista do exército português. Analiso as principais premissas que presidiram à constituição deste novo corpo de elite. O terceiro capítulo é dedicado ao envolvimento português na Guerra Civil de Espanha, que também se verificou no âmbito do CEM, tendo alguns dos seus membros mais influentes visitado a frente do exército nacionalista. Capítulo onde explico, utilizando o conceito de “saber militar” como os oficiais que participaram na Missão Militar de Observação Portuguesa, recolheram ensinamentos através da sua experiência junto da frente franquista.

The history of nineteenth-century Ireland has traditionally been understood in terms of resistance to state coercion imposed ‘at the point of a bayonet’. This thesis offers an alternative approach by shifting focus away from metropolitan centres of power (Westminster, Dublin Castle) and the state's formal apparatus, toward an understanding of power as environmentally constructed. Using the case of Cork, the thesis traces the emergence of a non-sectarian ethos of urban ‘politeness’ rooted in middle-class reactions to the violent upheavals of the 1790s. Here, I argue a range of new public spaces emerged to ‘moralise’ the masses, anticipating state legislation by decades. In chapters on the spread of time-keeping technology and the reform of market spaces, the thesis argues effective authority inhered as much in clocks and weights as ‘at the point of a bayonet’. The corresponding rise of the ‘private sphere’, materialising the ideology of ‘separate spheres’ in the city’s first suburbs, provided an alternative pole of moral reform. Here, the invisible agency of pipes and sewers helped to privatize the burden of ‘healthy living’, severing the link between poverty and disease long before ‘Famine fever’ ravaged the city. And when it hit, John Stuart Mill was not alone in dreaming of a ‘tabula rasa’; the ‘Father of Temperance’ Theobald Mathew and his allies expressed precisely this view, ‘feminizing’ the catastrophe as a moment to ‘cleanse’ the city of morally ‘diseased’ prostitutes. Free from such ‘contamination’, new spaces devoted to recreation – parks, theatres, and racecourses – were engineered as arenas ‘free’ from state oversight, with citizens instead positioned to survey one another. The thesis concludes with a call to reinterpret resistance to the state in terms of the ‘rule of freedom’ as much as that of force. The seven chapters and conclusion of the thesis are divided into three parts: ‘The Polite City’, ‘The Purified City’ and ‘The Liberal City’. These overarching themes provide a framework to the chronological and thematic development of the thesis as a whole. The first three chapters explore the rising ethos of ‘politeness’ as an ‘improving’ ideology which sought to engineer certain forms of conduct – domestic, social, and commercial – into the fabric of everyday urban life. Crucial to this was the notion of non-coercive governance aimed at securing ‘the right disposition of things, arranged ... to a convenient end’. ‘The Purified City’ explores ways in which the Famine helped to ‘naturalise’ the alienation of certain classes of deviant from the ‘social body’ of the urban community. ‘The Liberal City’ looks at how mid-Victorian city also invited the consent of the governed by creating spaces where citizenship could be performed in acts of leisure and recreation. It was in this sense that fin de siècle cultural nationalists saw the greatest threat to a revival of Irish popular culture as arising not from police stations or military barracks, but from the respectable world of suburban ‘politeness’.

Abstract Background: Golf is a sport with a growing focus on the physical aspect of the game and its relationship to performance. Studies have determined a correlation between club head speed and performance in golf. Rotational power has proven to be an important factor for the club head speed. By examining the relationship between club head speed and rotational power, researchers has found that rotation power on the golfers dominant side have a moderate to high correlation with club head speed. Previous research has mostly investigated the peak rotational power on the dominant side. Furthermore, additional research is needed to examine the bilateral strength and its relationship to club head speed. Aim: The aim of this study was to examine the correlation between peak trunk rotational power and club head speed in elite golfers, and also to study the impact of bilateral rotational strength on club head speed. Methods: The study included 27 elite golf players (21 males, 6 females) age 19±2 years. The subjects attended two sessions where the first session included a club head speed test and the second session a rotation power test in the Quantum machine. The rotational peak power ratio (dominant/non-dominant side) were ranged from 1-27 (the closer to 1, the higher order) to study a linier relationship with club head speed. Spearman’s nonparametric rank correlations coefficient (rs) was used since the data was not normally distributed. Results: There was a moderate correlation between peak trunk rotational power on the dominant side and club head speed ( rs=0.58, p=0.01). The correlation between the peak trunk rotational powers on the dominant and non- dominant side was high, rs=0.82 (p=0.01). There were no significant correlation found between the ranged rotational peak power ratio and club head speed (rs=0.30, p=0.1). Conclusion: The current study found a slightly lower correlation between peak trunk rotational power and club head speed than found in earlier studies. The golfers in this study had symmetric strength in the trunk, other studies have shown that the rotational strength in golfer´s dominant side were higher than of the non- dominant side. The result of this study indicates that balance between the sides not necessarily has a relationship with how high the golfer’s club head speed is. Future research is needed to analyze the quadratic correlation between ratio and club head speed on a more advanced level. The results of this study can, if validated, be used for further researching and understanding of club head speed and golf performance.

Competitive surfing requires athletes to transfer force from their core musculature to maneuver a surfboard successfully with powerful, rotational movements on an unpredictable wave's surface. The purpose of this study was to test athletic performance outcomes in junior elite male surf athletes using a battery of field tests specific to the sport of surfing and determine the effects of a core strength training program (CSTP) on athletic performance outcomes. Nineteen junior elite surf athletes completed a pretest, 8-week CSTP, and posttest of rotational power, lower body power, core strength, core endurance, and rotational flexibility. Means, standard deviations, paired t-tests with a significance of p < 0.05, and effect size was computed. Results demonstrated significant differences in time to peak maximal acceleration, left rotational power, core strength, core endurance, and rotational flexibility. This study concludes implementation of the CSTP enhances athletic performance measurements which is likely to increase overall surfing performance.

This Master Thesis was written at the Graduate Program in History (UFSM) and its main topic is the power relations and the support for the 1964 Civil-Military Coup from the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul. Therefore, the research subject is the Legislature elected to State Parliament in 1962 – which was in its mandate in 1964 – and whose members we consider as Rio Grande do Sul political elite. We seek to analyze the political positioning by Assembly members regarding the political process experienced in Brazil in the 1960s; therefore, profiles of the parliamentarians were created, as well as a comparison between profiles of both groups: in opposition of the Coup and in support of the Coup. Therewith, we intend to show the profiles of the civilian supporters of the Coup, besides the profiles of the ones in opposition. In order to do this, two methodologies were used in different moments: prosopography, which was used to create the profiles of the parliamentarians, and sources, which were the parliamentarians‟ records, acquired at Memorial do Rio Grande do Sul, Correio do Povo and Zero Hora newspapers and the Brazilian Biographical-Historical Dictionary. Besides, content analysis was the methodology used for the examination of the political debate in the Assembly Annals.
A presente dissertação foi realizada junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, do Centro de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da UFSM e tem por tema as relações de poder e o apoio ao Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964 na Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul. Devido a isso, tem-se por objeto de pesquisa a Legislatura eleita em 1962 – e que por conta disso estava no exercício de seu mandato em 1964 – para o Parlamento Estadual, cujos membros consideramos como elite política gaúcha. Procura-se analisar as posições políticas tomadas pelos membros da Assembleia frente ao processo político vivido pelo Brasil na década de 1960, mais especificamente em relação ao Golpe de 1964; foi realizada, assim, a elaboração de um perfil dos parlamentares da legislatura, bem como a comparação entre o perfil dos dois grupos que se formaram na oposição e no apoio ao Golpe. Pretende-se com isso, demonstrar o perfil dos civis que apoiaram o Golpe, além do perfil dos que se opuseram, para além das filiações partidárias. Para tanto, duas metodologias foram utilizadas em momentos distintos: a prosopografia foi empregada para a elaboração do perfil dos parlamentares, e as fontes desse momento da pesquisa foram as fichas parlamentares do Memorial do Legislativo do RS, edições dos jornais Correio do Povo e Zero Hora e o Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico Brasileiro; de outra parte a análise de conteúdo foi a metodologia empregada para o exame do debate político nos Anais da Assembleia.

Dieser Beitrag präsentiert die Befunde der Elitestudie Politisch-Administrative Elite 2013 (PAE 2013) über Zusammensetzung und Politisierung der bundesdeutschen Verwaltungseliten. Diese vierte nationale Replikation der Comparative Elite Studies zum Ende der 17. Legislaturperiode bringt überraschende Entwicklungen ans Licht: Hinsichtlich der Zusammensetzung des Personals schreitet zwar die Feminisierung auch auf den Leitungsebenen fort und eine Berufsvererbung kann nicht mehr festgestellt werden, allerdings erlebt die Juristendominanz mit erstmals seit Jahrzehnten steigenden Werten ein Wiedererstarken. Der Grad an formaler Politisierung überrascht: Trotz des Verbleibs der CDU/CSU an der Macht findet ein umfassender Personalaustausch statt. Diese teils im Widerspruch zu etablierten Trends und Theorien stehenden Entwicklungen zeigen, dass das Feld der administrativen Elitenforschung auch zukünftig besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient.

Les juges et consuls : que sont-ils ? Qui représentent-ils ? Qui sont-ils ? L’analyse d’une affaire survenue à Angers, au-delà d’une querelle de préséance, pose en réalité cette question d’état relative à leur définition et donc à leur importance dans la ville. Si l’arrêt intervenu en 1736 les reconnaît comme députés de la juridiction consulaire, le débat est sans cesse relancé, notamment lors de l’application de la réforme Laverdy. Car, élus par leurs pairs, pour une charge initialement annuelle, pour rendre la justice de l’ordre des marchands au nom du roi, ils sont concomitamment les mandataires d’une compagnie coutumière des anciens, qui se prétend de justice, d’un corps des marchands, sorte de fédération des différents ‘corps des marchands de’ dont les membres sont éligibles au consulat, et dans les grandes villes d’une « corporation des négociants libres ». En effet, les « ayant passé par les charges » s’instituent membres de droit du conseil d’administration de ce corps des marchands, tout en s’en estimant distincts car encore revêtus de la dignité de la judicature, et ce rôle ne leur est contesté que par les gardes de certaines communautés unies dont ils sont par ailleurs également issus en grande partie. Cette représentation multiple est clairement assumée dans un jeu de pouvoir avec la ville, notamment en raison d’une compétence partagée du service public économique. Ils évoquent l’édit de Cremieu pour s’imposer de droit dans les assemblées générales de la cité et pour s’autonomiser de liens originels ; par ailleurs, ils sont souvent membres de droit des chambres particulières de commerce et jouent un rôle non négligeable dans la désignation des députés du commerce. Défenseurs naturels du commerce, ils veillent à ce que les marchands, le plus souvent des membres de leur compagnie, soient élus au sein des différentes institutions de la ville. Issus d’une sanior pars différente selon les villes et évoluant selon un mouvement de pas chassé, ils veillent à ce que la survivance de la dignité de la judicature efface les qualités personnelles selon le principe intangible de l’ordre de la matricule. La désignation des membres de leur compagnie suit une logique’ d’oligarchisation’, parfois subie, maintenue par une parfaite maîtrise du processus électoral. Un noyau dur est formé par certains anciens bénéficiant d’un cumul des charges à la fois en interne et de manière essaimée, posant la question de la multi-appartenance et des conflits d’intérêts
Judges of the “juridictions consulaires”: what are they? Who do they represent? Who are they? A case occurred in Angers, beyond a quarrel over precedence, pose actually the question of their state and social and legal importance in the city. If the judgment reached in 1736 recognizes them as members of a jurisdiction, the debate is constantly revived, especially during the Laverdy reform. In fact, elected by their peers, initially for annual responsibility to render justice, they are simultaneously representatives of a customary former company that aspires to be of justice, of a united corporation of various “merchants of… communities” whose members are eligible for the Court, and in major cities of a “free trading community”. Indeed, “having passed through the charges” are established ex officio members of the board of these institutions, while considering themselves different because still dressed in the dignity of the judicature. This role is disputed to them by some unified communities guards. This multiple representation is clearly assumed in a power game with local authorities, mainly because of a shared competence of public economic service. They evoke the edit of Cremieu to impose themselves in the general assemblies of the city and to empower original links; moreover, they are often ex officio members in the “chambers of commerce” and they play a significant role in the appointment of the “députés du commerce”. Natural defenders of the business, they ensure that the merchants, most often members of their company, are elected in the various local institutions. Stemming from a different sanior pars according to cities and evolving to a movement of “pas chassés”, they ensure that their survival dignity of judicature erases the personal qualities according to the inviolable principle of the order of the roll. The elections of the members of their companies follow a logic of “oligarchisation”, sometimes suffered, maintained by a perfect control of the electoral process. A core is formed by some formers enjoying simultaneously loads, both internally and in a spray-out way, raising the question of multi-membership and conflicts of interests

Elie-Paul Cohen est un médecin et un compositeur encore inconnu du grand public. Ses œuvres électroacoustiques sont construites autour d’un matériau sonore physiologique, issu de la captation des vibrations du corps humain. L’étude de ces pièces pose la question de la relation entre le corps et la musique, notion déjà abordée par les humanistes de la Renaissance. Il fait également partie d’un groupe de recherche médicale qui vient de mettre au point des modèles sonores de molécules d’ADN qu’il utilisera dans sa prochaine production musicale. Ces sons de provenance physiologique ont un impact énorme sur la perception que nous avons des sons mais également de la musique ; ceci nous a amené à nous interroger sur la notion même de musique, sur la perception que nous en avons. Une éventuelle universalité de la musique pourrait-elle reposer, depuis toujours, sur la modélisation sonores des vibrations corporelles ? Pour ce faire nos travaux ont abouti à une transversalité de disciplines telles que musique, musicologie, phénoménologie, neurosciences, physiques, recherche médicale de pointe ou biologie
Elie-Paul Cohen is a doctor and a composer who is relatively unknown by the general public. His electroacoustic works are built around a physiological sound material, resulting from the capturing of human body vibrations. The study of these works raises the question of the relationship between the body and music, a concept which was already being addressed by the Renaissance humanists. He is also part of a medical research group which has developed sound patterns of DNA molecules that he will use in his next musical production. These physiological sounds have a huge impact on our perception of sounds but also of music; this led us to question the very notion of music and the perception we have of it. Could a universal music based on the sound modeling body vibrations exist? This led our work to result in a cross-disciplinary approach including the fields of music, musicology, phenomenology, neuroscience, physics, medical research or advanced biology

The relationship between politicians and civil servants is ambiguous and potentially problematic in democratic terms. The aim of the thesis is to examine this relationship in the Swedish core executive, Regeringskansliet. More specifically, the analysis emphasises the respective role expectations of the two groups when interacting with each other. The thesis is based on two extensive qualitative interview studies with politicians and senior civil servants, one carried out in the early 1980’s and one undertaken more recently. Hence it also offers an opportunity to analyse whether these expectations have changed or remained stable during the last decades. The findings reveal that the role expectations of politicians and civil servants to a high extent correspond, and have remained relatively stable over time. The relationship between politicians and civil servants is based on norms such as (conditional) trust, delegation and yet relatively close interaction. If so, politicians are unloaded by the civil service in order to handle their external responsibilities. Although relatively informal, a passive hierarchy of roles ensures the superiority of politicians and more specifically of the minister. Civil servants adapt to roles taken by politicians, although providing guidance to the politicians on how to behave in office. The division of labour is not based on the different tasks performed in the policy-making process. Instead, politicians assume responsibility for all actions and decisions – also those undertaken by the civil servants – within the ministries, while civil servants offer politicians protection and security. Taken together these results indicate that the institutionalised norms that surround the relationship between politicians and civil servants are highly powerful. Nevertheless, the thesis also reveals tendencies towards a departure from these norms, suggesting that this relationship is to some extent fragile and exposed to various attempts at reform.

This thesis analyses one of the less explored areas of Swedish politics: the political appointees in the ministerial staffs of the Swedish core executive. The study draws attention to the everyday life of the ministerial staff in order to give an idea of their function: What do the political appointees do? How is the work of the ministerial staffs organized? How is policy coordinated at the political level? The main empirical focus of this thesis is the 2002-2006 term of office. The study contributes to an understanding of the role of political advisers in steering and policy making, and, in the light of this, their potential influence on the policy capacity of the government is considered. Political advisers occupy an ambiguous place within the political system. They play a vital political role, but their presence also challenges the traditional relationship between ministers and public servants. The study shows that political advisers certainly have a leeway to participate in the steering of the ministry's civil servants: they can be said to have a number of steering functions. At the same time, it is made clear that this does not mean that the political advisers are in the position to influence government policy to any great extent. In conclusion, it is suggested that the ministerial staffs do have importance for the government's policy capacity in the sense that they reduce the work load of both the minister and the state secretary and thereby make space for them to govern. The research questions are answered by means of empirical material gathered through a combination of methods, providing data with a range as well as depth and context rarely found in studies of core executives: a survey, participatory observations, focus groups and a series of interviews. The dissertation demonstrates that the ethnographic method is a useful tool for anyone who seeks to highlight and explain the relationships within political organizations.
Avhandlingen analyserar en av de mer outforskade delarna av svensk politik: de politiskt anställda i Regeringskansliets politiska staber. Regeringskansliet betraktas i studien som en politisk organisation, snarare än som enbart en politiskt styrd organisation. Avhandlingen utgör ett bidrag till The Core Executive Approach, som definierar exekutiven i termer av funktion och ställer frågor om vem som gör vad i exekutiven. Studien uppmärksammar vardagslivet i de politiska staberna för att ge en bild av deras funktion: Vad gör de politiskt anställda? Hur är arbetet i de politiska staberna organiserat? Hur samordnas politiken på politisk nivå i Regeringskansliet? Ansatsen är organisationsteoretisk och de olika aktörernas funktion och plats i organisationen står i centrum. Studien bidrar även till förståelse av de politiskt sakkunnigas roll i policyskapande och i styrning av departementen. I ljuset av detta, diskuteras de politiskt sakkunnigas betydelse för regeringens styrningskapacitet. De politiskt sakkunniga spelar en betydande roll för statsrådets politiska och personliga stöd, men deras närvaro i Regeringskansliet utmanar även det traditionella förhållandet mellan statsråd och tjänstemän. Eftersom de politiskt sakkunniga inte ingår i departementens linjeorganisation ingår de inte i den parlamentariska styrningskedjan som helhet, d.v.s. de kan inte utkrävas ansvar av riksdagen. Ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv är det därför angeläget att analysera denna grupps deltagande i skapandet av politiken. Därutöver studeras empiriskt hur de politiskt anställda själva resonerar om styrning och vilka styrningsstrategier de lyfter fram. Avhandlingens huvudsakliga empiriska fokus är begränsat till mandatperioden 2002-2006. Studiens tillvägagångssätt utgörs av en kombination av metoder som ger material med såväl bredd som djup och kontext, vilket är ovanligt i studier av regeringskanslier: en enkätundersökning, deltagande observation, fokusgrupper och kvalitativa intervjuer. Avhandlingens etnografiska inslag är särskilt tydliga i de dagboksutdrag som kompletterar analysen. Avhandlingen visar att etnografisk metod är ett användbart verktyg för den som vill belysa och förklara relationer inom politiska organisationer. Den empiriska undersökningen visar att statssekreterare, planeringschefer och pressekreterare har olika funktioner, som inte överlappar varandra i större utsträckning. De kan snarare sägas komplettera varandra. De politiskt sakkunniga har å andra sidan en bredare funktion, som överlappar de övriga politiskt anställdas funktioner i förhållandevis stor grad. De kan påverka policyprocesser, och i egenskap av statsrådets nära medarbetare, även statsrådets inställning. Studien visar också att politiskt sakkunniga deltar i styrningen av departementen: de kan sägas ha en rad olika styrningsfunktioner. Samtidigt innebär inte detta att de politiskt sakkunniga har möjlighet att påverka regeringens politik i större utsträckning. Styrning från de politiskt sakkunniga betraktas endast som legitimt när den överensstämmer med och kan härledas till statsrådets eller statssekreterarens styrning.  Närhet och möjligheten att ta reda på statsrådets åsikt är en viktig förutsättning för att detta ska fungera. Om de politiska staberna är för stora finns en risk att de politiskt anställdas förmåga att agera i enighet med statsrådets vilja minskar. Sammanfattningsvis föreslås att de politiska staberna har betydelse för regeringens styrningskapacitet i den meningen att de avlastar såväl statsrådet från statssekreteraren, och därigenom skapar utrymme för dem att styra.
Regeringskansliet och samhällets organisering (Reko)

Ce dépôt correspond à l'ensemble du "mémoire inédit" du dossier d'habilitation à diriger des recherches dont le titre général est "Dirigeants d'entreprise et élites économiques en France et en Allemagne au XXe siècle. Formations, trajectoires individuelles et stratégies des firmes". Il comporte également un "mémoire de synthèse" dont le titre est "De la sociologie à la prosopographie historique des élites : regards croisés sur la France et l'Allemagne" (158 p.) et un recueil de 23 articles publiés. Le mémoire inédit est une étude dont le corpus statistique principal porte sur 194 dirigeants (présidents, administrateurs délégués, PDG et directeurs généraux) de 21 grandes entreprises industrielles françaises entre 1914 et 1966. Il est complété de manière ponctuelle par de nombreux prolongements dans d'autres secteurs, en amont et en aval dans le temps (avec notamment des contrepoints pour le temps présent à la fin de chaque chapitre) et sur des populations dirigeantes élargies. Sont successivement étudiés, dans une première partie consacrée aux modes de gouvernance, la répartition des fonctions dirigeantes (chapitre 1), l'importance des logiques familiales (chapitre 2), les conditions d'accès, d'exercice et de sortie des fonctions dirigeantes (chapitre 3) et, dans une seconde partie consacrée aux trajectoires et au recrutement, la fermeture scolaire du recrutement (chapitre 4), le poids des grands corps (chapitre 5) et l'origine sociale entre reproduction et ascension (chapitre 6).

Cette thèse porte sur les circuits par lesquels une fraction des intellectuels deviennent visibles (presse de qualité, revues intellectuelles, cercles de réflexion, lieux de conférences, émissions culturelles de radio et de télévision, maisons d’édition, etc.). Mêlant référence à la culture légitime, accessibilité et action, de tels circuits se sont développés au sortir des années 1970 jusqu’à s’imposer comme l’espace de la valeur publique des idées et de leurs porteurs.La thèse s’est donc intéressée aux enjeux de la visibilité pour les intellectuels durant la période allant des années 1970 au milieu des années 2010 et montre que les carrières de la reconnaissance externe ne se font pas après ou en dehors de l’université mais bien en même temps. Afin de rendre raison de cette configuration de la notoriété intellectuelle, nous avons eu recours ici à une approche sociohistorique et multiniveaux des circuits de la visibilité où il s’est agi d’appréhender leurs institutions, producteurs et publics. Or, les lieux de conférences savantes à destination d'un large public parce qu’ils occupent une place cardinale au sein des circuits de la visibilité intellectuelle se sont avérés une entrée particulièrement efficace pour en reconstituer empiriquement les filières qui se sont tissées entre les marges de l’université, la haute administration et les médias. Une ethnographie multisite des conférences (N=15) ayant abouti à un vaste corpus d’observations (N=97) a ainsi ouvert la voie à tout un ensemble d’explorations de ces circuits aux échelles micro et macro. À travers des immersions de longue durée et une observation participante ayant permis de collecter un matériau empirique conséquent (observations, entretiens et archives), nous nous sommes attaché à restituer la genèse puis la trajectoire d’institutions exemplaires (Beaubourg, le Collège international de philosophie et l’Université de tous les savoirs). Nous avons mené des entretiens avec les producteurs (N=18) et, en lien avec cette catégorie d'enquêtés, les intermédiaires culturels et leur personnel de renfort (N=9). Dans le registre qualitatif, nous avons également procédé à des analyses de controverses (Billeter / Jullien et Badiou / Finkielkraut). En outre, de nombreux traitements quantitatifs parmi lesquels des analyses factorielles et de réseaux ont été réalisés à partir d’une prosopographie des producteurs répartis entre sciences de la nature (N=64) et sciences humaines et sociales (N=195) suivant un échantillonnage représentatif de conférenciers. Pour ce qui est de la réception, la focale a été placée sur les auditeurs des conférences en diversifiant les méthodes d’investigation : aux observations collectées auprès du public durant toutes les phases des conférences, se sont ajoutés des entretiens (N=27) et plusieurs enquêtes par questionnaire conduites par nos soins au sein du Collège international de philosophie (N=330) et de l’Université de tous les savoirs (N=285, 157 et 183).Sur la base de ces différentes enquêtes, la thèse rend compte du monopole exercé par ces circuits de célébration culturelle dans l’accès à la notoriété publique des intellectuels ayant conduit à la formation d’un espace hétéronome où le capital social prime sur les espèces autonomes du capital culturel. Dès lors, cet espace et l’élite de l’esprit qui s’y trouve consacrée participent du renouvellement des modes de domination de la classe dominante depuis les années 1980. Si ce travail est un apport à la sociologie des intellectuels et des sciences, à celle des élites et des médias, à celle du goût et de la consommation culturels et aux réflexions méthodologiques autour de l’articulation des niveaux, il voudrait aussi contribuer à l’analyse des formes idéologiques et académiques de doxa intellectuelle
This thesis focuses on the channels through which a fraction of intellectuals become visible (quality press, intellectual journals, think tanks, conference venues, cultural radio and television broadcasts, publishing houses, etc.). Combining reference to legitimate culture, accessibility and action, such circuits developed at the end of the 1970s until they established themselves as the space for the public value of ideas and their carriers.The thesis therefore focused on the issues of visibility for intellectuals during the period from the 1970s to the mid-2010s and shows that careers in external recognition do not take place after or outside the university but rather at the same time. In order to explain this configuration of intellectual notoriety, we have resorted here to a sociohistorical and multilevel approach of the circuits of visibility where it is a question of apprehending their institutions, producers and audiences. However, the places of scholarly conferences intended for a large public because they occupy a cardinal place within the circuits of intellectual visibility have proven to be a particularly effective entry point for empirically reconstituting the channels that have been woven between the margins. academia, senior administration and the media. A multisite ethnography of the conferences (N = 15) which resulted in a large body of observations (N = 97) thus paved the way for a whole set of explorations of these circuits at the micro and macro scales. Through long-term immersions and a participant observation which made it possible to collect substantial empirical material (observations, interviews and archives), we endeavored to reconstruct the genesis and then the trajectory of exemplary institutions (Beaubourg, the International College of Philosophy and the University of all knowledge). We conducted interviews with producers (N = 18) and, in connection with this category of interviewees, cultural intermediaries and their back-up staff (N = 9). In the qualitative register, we also carried out analyzes of controversies (Billeter / Jullien and Badiou / Finkielkraut). In addition, many quantitative treatments, including factorial and network analyzes, were carried out based on a prosopography of producers divided between natural sciences (N = 64) and human and social sciences (N = 195) following a sampling representative of speakers. With regard to reception, the focus was placed on conference listeners by diversifying the investigation methods: to the observations collected from the public during all phases of the conferences, interviews were added (N = 27) and several questionnaire surveys conducted by us within the International College of Philosophy (N = 330) and the University of All Knowledge (N = 285, 157 and 183).On the basis of these various surveys, the thesis takes account of the monopoly exercised by these circuits of cultural celebration in the access to public notoriety of intellectuals which led to the formation of a heteronomous space where social capital takes precedence over autonomous species. cultural capital. Consequently, this space and the elite of the spirit which is devoted to it participate in the renewal of the modes of domination of the dominant class since the 1980s. If this work is a contribution to the sociology of intellectuals and sciences, to that of the elites and the media, to that of cultural taste and consumption and to methodological reflections around the articulation of levels, he would also like to contribute to the analysis of ideological and academic forms of intellectual doxa

International lawyers are familiar with the question: “Is international law law?” But this thesis instead asks the question: “Is international law international?” Using a variety of methods, this work sheds light on some of the ways in which international law as a transnational legal field is constructed by international law academics, and is conceptualized in international law textbooks, in the five permanent members of the Security Council: the People’s Republic of China, the French Republic, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America. It explores how different national communities of international lawyers construct and pass on their understandings of “international law” in ways that belie the field’s claim to universality, perpetuating certain forms of difference and dominance. By adopting a comparative approach, it aims to make international lawyers more aware of the frames that shape their own understandings of and approaches to the field, as well as how these might be similar to or different from the frames adopted by those coming from other states, regions or geopolitical groupings. It also examines how some of these patterns might be disrupted as a result of shifts in geopolitical power, such as the movement from unipolar power toward greater multipolarity and the growing confrontations between Western liberal democratic states (like the United States, the United Kingdom, and France) and non-Western authoritarian states (like China and Russia).

L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811) Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02 La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero. La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness. La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano). Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.
The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.

碩士
國立臺灣體育運動大學
競技運動學系碩士班
103
To evaluate whether the core strength training program can improve the wrestlers specific strength, the intervention of training program for eight weeks was applied to Taiwanese elite female wrestlers. All of the data of tests measured between prior and post training program exhibited ICCs ranged 0.90~0.98, which were high precision and accuracy. The data after training program showed significant differences in 1RM high-turn over, 1RM squat, 1RM high pull, puppet wrestling in 15s, puppet wrestling in 30s, 25 kg rotation in 15s and 25 kg rotation in 30s. (p < .05) The 1RM squat and 25 kg rotation in 30s exhibited greater improvement (CV% = 73.24%, 73.05%, respectively) after training program. Also, the puppet wrestling in 15s, minor improvement (CV% = 31.43%). In conclusion, the core strength training program can effectively fortify the specific strength in Taiwanese elite female wrestlers. KEYWORKS：Trunk、Lower extremity、Wrestling

Thesis(M.Tech.: Chiropractic)- Dept. of Chiropractic, Durban Institute of Technology, 2005 xi, 62 leaves
To compare the relative activation and endurance of core stability muscles in 2 different populations i.e. elite athletes and non-athletes, and establish whether these findings correspond to episodes of mechanical lower back pain.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Estudos Portugueses Multidisciplinares apresentada à Universidade Aberta
A dissertação de mestrado que ora se apresenta versa sobre o estudo das elites urbanas e do seu papel no exercício do poder local. Abrange este estudo, em termos espaciais, a cidade de Beja e seu termo concelhio durante o período compreendido entre 1621 e 1640. Este espaço temporal, correspondente ao reinado de Filipe III, caracterizou-se pela emergência de conflitos e rupturas que conduziram à grande e definitiva ruptura, o findar da União Ibérica sob a coroa habsburguiana. Tomando como institutos fulcrais do exercício desse poder a Câmara Municipal, a Santa Casa da Misericórdia e as ordenanças, adoptou-se uma estratégia de identificação e delimitação dos intervenientes no seu exercício, numa prática de investigação de carácter prosopográfico. Em conformidade com esta estratégia delineou-se uma lógica de compreensão desses protagonistas, em moldes de preeminência política e social e sua consequente estratificação no exercício desse poder. Nesta conformidade, pretendeu-se captar as diferentes estratégias de conquista e manutenção do poder, formas de exercício desse mesmo poder e situações de conflitualidade resultantes desse exercício, não apenas entre os institutos e protagonistas locais mas entre estes e o poder central, aqui particularmente representado pelos oficiais régios da administração periférica.
The dissertation presented here deals with the study of urban elites and their role in the exercise of local power. This study covers, in spatial terms, the city of Beja and her municipal border during the period between 1621 and 1640, timeline that corresponds to the reign of Philip III. This period was marked by conflicts and disruptions leading to the large and definitive rupture, the ending of the Iberian Union under the Habsburg crown. Taking as its core institutes of the exercise of that power the City Hall, the Holy House of Mercy and the officer corps of militia, a strategy of identification and delimitation of those involved in this exercise was adopted, in a practice research of prosopographical nature. Therefore we intended to a logical understanding of these protagonists, into molds of political and social preeminence and its consequent stratification in the exercise of that power. Accordingly, we sought to capture the different strategies to secure and maintain power, the exercise of that power and conflict resulting from this exercise, not only among local actors and institutions but between them and the central government, particularly represented here by peripheral administration of royal officials.