Journal articles on the topic 'Electric power distribution – Sicily (Italy)'

The recent diffusion of RES (Renewable Energy Sources), considering the electric energy produced by photovoltaic and wind plants, brought to light the problem of the unpredictable nature of wind and solar energy. P2G (Power to Gas) implementation seems to be the right solution, transforming curtailed energy in hydrogen. The choice of the settlement of P2G plants is linked to many factors like the distances between the gas grid and the settlement of RES plants, the transportation networks, the energy production, and population distribution. In light of this, the implementation of a Multi-Criteria Analysis (MCA) into a Geographic Information System (GIS) processing represents a good strategy to achieve the goal in a specific territorial asset. In this work, this method has been applied to the case of study of Sicily (Italy). The paper shows in detail the geomatic semi-automated processing that allows to find the set of possible solutions and further to choose the best localization for new P2G plants, connected to a Relational Database Management System (RDBMS) and integrated with a WebGIS visualization for real-time analysis. This system is useful for the management, the development, and the study of hydrogen technologies, in order to link the electrical network and the gas network datasets with economical and infrastructural assets through GIS processing. In the future new factors will join in the process as policies on hydrogen take shape.

In 2019, Europe adopted the New Green Deal as a strategic plan to become a competitive, resource-efficient, and driven economy by reducing its gas emissions and carbon footprint. Due the COVID-19 pandemic, this strategic plan was recently updated to expedite the green transition of European industries. Therefore, the present paper deals with the problem of deciding an appropriate size for a biomass plant that directly produces electric energy by means of two different conversion processes: combustion and gasification. After an initial estimation of the energy potential in western Sicily, GIS data of biomass growth were used to identify the appropriate size for the power plants under investigation. The economic feasibility of biomass utilization was evaluated over a capacity range of 10 to 30 MW, considering total capital investments, revenues from energy sales, and total operating costs. Moreover, the effect of variations on incentive prices was analyzed by means of a sensitivity analysis. Comparing the different plant solutions considered, the environmental sustainability was also analyzed using the life cycle assessment (LCA) approach. The results showed that the combustion solution had a higher profitability and a lower environmental impact for each plant size. The obtained results also demonstrated that providing power from residual biomass in small agricultural communities would significantly reduce their environmental impacts while improving the economic feasibility of their waste management practices.

Abstract. Flow duration curves are simple and powerful tools to deal with many hydrological and environmental problems related to water quality assessment, water-use assessment and water allocation. Unfortunately the scarcity of streamflow data enables the use of these instruments only for gauged basins. A regional model is developed here for estimating flow duration curves at ungauged basins in Sicily, Italy. Due to the complex ephemeral behavior of the examined region, this study distinguishes dry periods, when flows are zero, from wet periods using a three parameters power law to describe the frequency distribution of flows. A large dataset of streamflows has been analyzed and the parameters of flow duration curves have been derived for about fifty basins. Regional regression equations have been developed to derive flow duration curves starting from morphological basin characteristics.

Abstract. Flow duration curves are simple and powerful tools to deal with many hydrological and environmental problems related to water quality assessment, water-use assessment and water allocation. Unfortunately the scarcity of streamflow data enables the use of these instruments only for gauged basins. A regional model is developed here for estimating flow duration curves at ungauged basins in Sicily, Italy. Due to the complex ephemeral behaviour of the examined region, this study distinguishes dry periods, when flows are zero, from wet periods using a three parameters power law to describe the frequency distribution of flows. A large dataset of streamflows has been analysed and the parameters of flow duration curves have been derived for about fifty basins. Regional regression equations have been developed to derive flow duration curves starting from morphological basin characteristics.

The rainfall kinetic energy, which affects soil erosion processes, can be calculated by the drop-size distribution (DSD) and falling velocity. This study presents the outcomes derived by the DSDs recorded with the same optical disdrometer in two experimental areas, located in Sicily (southern Italy). Specifically, the DSDs were recorded from March 2017 to December 2019 at Sparacia and from June 2006 to April 2014 at Palermo. The aims of this paper are both to compare the DSDs for the two sites and to evaluate the applicability of Gamma theoretical distribution. Moreover, the relations of rainfall kinetic power vs. rainfall intensity are assessed. Differences in DSDs, especially for rainfall intensity I lower than 100 mm h−1, are detected, while they are less evident for the highest I values. The kinetic power per unit volume of rainfall varies between the two sites and can be considered roughly coincident only for I higher than 100 mm h−1. The observed kinetic power-rainfall intensity relations are not well described by the equations by Wischmeier and Smith and Brown and Foster. Finally, the reliability of a theoretical relationship for estimating the kinetic power by I and the median volume diameter D0 is positively tested for the Palermo dataset, while it is found to be reliable only for D0 greater than 0.17 cm for the Sparacia dataset.

Abstract. We assessed societal landslide and flood risk to the population of Italy. The assessment was conducted at the national (synoptic) and at the regional scales. For the assessment, we used an improved version of the catalogue of historical landslide and flood events that have resulted in loss of life, missing persons, injuries and homelessness in Italy, from 1850 to 2008. This is the recent portion of a larger catalogue spanning the 1941-year period from 68 to 2008. We started by discussing uncertainty and completeness in the historical catalogue, and we performed an analysis of the temporal and geographical pattern of harmful landslide and flood events, in Italy. We found that sites affected by harmful landslides or floods are not distributed evenly in Italy, and we attributed the differences to different physiographical settings. To determine societal risk, we investigated the distribution of the number of landslide and flood casualties (deaths, missing persons, and injured people) in Italy, and in the 20 Italian Regions. Using order statistics, we found that the intensity of a landslide or flood event – measured by the total number of casualties in the event – follows a general negative power law trend. Next, we modelled the empirical distributions of the frequency of landslide and flood events with casualties in Italy and in each Region using a Zipf distribution. We used the scaling exponent s of the probability mass function (PMF) of the intensity of the events, which controls the proportion of small, medium, and large events, to compare societal risk levels in different geographical areas and for different periods. Lastly, to consider the frequency of the events with casualties, we scaled the PMF obtained for the individual Regions to the total number of events in each Region, in the period 1950–2008, and we used the results to rank societal landslide and flood risk in Italy. We found that in the considered period societal landslide risk is largest in Trentino-Alto Adige and Campania, and societal flood risk is highest in Piedmont and Sicily.

Acoustic investigations of Cicadetta montana s. l. have revealed the presence of morphologically cryptic species in the last few years. This work describes the new cicada Cicadetta anapaistica sp. n. which was detected in the Madonie and Nebrodi Mountains (Italy, Sicily). The characteristic and sophisticated song is composed of three phrases, modulated on four typical power levels and three frequency ranges. The song pattern is compared with those of the closely related Cicadetta cerdaniensis and Cicadetta cantilatrix. Quantitative and even qualitative intraspecific differences of the song structure among individuals exist which appear to allow individual-specific recognition in many cases. As in other species of the complex, reliable morphological differences between the new species and others in the complex have not been found. The species is currently only known to be endemic to forest and ecotone habitats in a small mountain range. Because of this limited distribution the species is likely to be vulnerable to habitat and climate changes.

A method is proposed for localizing the maximum depth sources of a gravity anomaly data set collected on a generally uneven, free surface topography. First, the Newtonian‐type integral defining the Bouguer anomaly function is solved as a sum of elementary contributions from pointlike mass contrast (Δ‐mass) elements. Using this solution, the power associated with the Bouguer effect is derived as a sum of crosscorrelation integrals between the Bouguer anomaly data function and a scanner function expressing the gravity effect from a pointlike Δ‐mass element. Finally, applying Schwarz’s inequality to a single crosscorrelation power term, a Δ‐mass occurrence function is introduced as a suitable tool for localizing the maximum‐depth sources (MDS) of a given gravity anomaly field. The MDS localization procedure consists of scanning the half‐space below the survey area by a unit strength Δ‐mass element and calculating the Δ‐mass occurrence function at the nodes of a 3‐D regular grid. The grid values exceeding in modulus a prefixed threshold can be contoured to single out the zones underground where the Δ‐mass occurrence function shows the highest values. These zones are interpreted as the equivalent MDS pattern for the observed gravity field. Synthetic examples demonstrate that the MDS localization approach is a powerful tool especially suited for analyzing unconstrained gravity data. In the case of an isometric source body, we show that the maximum depth of the equivalent point mass virtually coincides with the position of the actual source center. In the case where the source is not isometric, besides giving the maximum depth of the equivalent point mass, the method also allows obtaining useful information on the upper limit for the source depth. An application to a real case in the field of volcanology (Mt. Etna volcano, Sicily, Italy) is finally presented and discussed.

A great number of variables significantly influence the energetic, environmental and economic results of CHP (Combined Heating and Power) and CHCP (Combined Heating Cooling and Power) plants operation, and as a consequence their project activity is rather complex. In order to select the best layout and properly size the machines, detailed data on hourly electric, thermal, and cooling demand are necessary, so that a series of plant life cycle simulations may have to be carried out. Unfortunately, such detailed data are rarely available, because energy consumptions data for existing buildings are usually derived from aggregated monthly or bimonthly gas and electricity bills. Even more difficulties are encountered for new types of buildings, for which no consumptions data are available. In such cases, the most common procedure consists in performing, using case-oriented criteria, an estimate of the thermal and cooling consumption levels, and to refine it during construction, if necessary. This is the case of an existing medium size CHCP pilot plant for office buildings that covers the electrical, thermal, and cooling loads of two office buildings situated in a Mediterranean area (Palermo, Sicily, Italy). Estimated demand profiles were used; the effect on thermal demand of the conversion of the cooling load into thermal one through an absorption chiller was assessed. This is a very significant aspect in all warm climates zones. Cumulative curves were obtained for the aggregate thermal demand, by summing the heat direct applications and the heat consumptions for feeding the absorption chiller. In this paper the existing plant was compared with other plant configurations, varying both for machine sizes and management criterion, in order to affirm whether or not the plant selected by the designer in a simplified manner was or not an appropriate solution. The comparison was performed from an energetic and economic viewpoint.

The main purpose of this article is to give a general idea of the scientific activity that was carried out starting from the 2000s on the basis of the data collected in the plots installed at the Sparacia experimental station for soil erosion measurement in Sicily, South Italy. The paper includes a presentation of the experimental site, a description of the methods and procedures for measuring soil erosion processes both available in the literature and applied at the Sparacia station (sediment sampling and water level reading in the storage tanks for total erosion measurements; profilometer, and Structure from Motion technique for rill erosion measurements), and the main results obtained in the monitoring period in the experimental site. The latter concern the effects of plot size and steepness on soil loss, the measurement variability, the frequency analysis of soil loss, the rill erosion characterization, and the comparison between rill and interrill erosion rates. Each of these topics is addressed with multi-temporal analyses performed with increasing size of the available database, which allowed to draw robust conclusions. Soil loss did not vary appreciably with plot length in contrast with the assumption made in the USLE/RUSLE. The variability of the measurements of soil loss, runoff volume, and sediment concentration at the event scale in replicated plots decreased as the mean measured value increased. The normalized event soil loss was distributed according to a two-component distribution. A power relationship between rill volumes and lengths was established. The measurements also confirmed the morphological similarity between the channels of the rills and ephemeral gullies described by a power dimensionless relationship. Rill erodibility of the sampled clay soil varied over time, maintaining relatively low values. Finally, rill erosion was dominant relative to interrill erosion, and a more efficient sediment transport system through the rill network occurred as plot steepness increased.

The development and the diffusion of the electromobility is crucial for reducing air pollution and increase sustainable transport. In particular, electrification of private mobility has a significantly role in the energy transition within urban areas, since the progressive substitution of conventional passenger cars by electric vehicles (EVs) leads to the decarbonisation of transport sector without direct emissions. However, increasing EV penetration in the market forces an expansion of the existing charging infrastructure with potential negative impacts on the distribution grid. In this context, a simplified approach is proposed to estimate the energy and power demand owing to the recharge of electric passenger cars within the city of Turin in Italy. This novel approach is based on the usage of floating car data (FCD) to identify the travel behaviour and parking habits of a non-EV passenger car in the city. Mobility data were then used to evaluate EVs energy consumption and charging needs considering different charging options (public or domestic) and range anxiety in different scenarios of EV diffusion. Aggregated load profiles and demand were finally evaluated both for the whole and for each zone of the city as possible resource for city planner or distribution system operators (DSO).

In recent years, because of increasing frequency and magnitude of extreme weather events, the main stakeholders of electric power systems are emphasizing issues about resilience. Whenever networks are designed and development plans are drawn, this new feature must be assessed and implemented. In this paper, a procedure to evaluate the resilience of a distribution network against flooding threats is presented. Starting from a detailed analysis about the resilience of each asset of the grid, the procedure implements the exploration of the network in order to evaluate the impact of interruptions (e.g., in terms of number of disconnected users) produced by the specific threat; then, it calculates the resilience indices of the whole system. The procedure is applied with respect to the flooding threats, on a real distribution network in the center of Italy (i.e., the distribution network of Terni). Referring to this case study, the proposed method suggests countermeasures able to reduce the impact of flooding events and evaluates their benefits. Results indicate that, at the present time, the network is adequately resilient with respect to flooding events, as demonstrated by the index values. However, the remedial actions identified by the procedure are also able to improve the resilience of the network and, in addition, they are in agreement with the development plan already established by the distribution system operator (DSO).

District heating and cooling networks based on trigeneration systems and renewable energy technologies are widely acknowledged as an energy efficient and environmentally benign solution. These energy systems generally include back-up units, namely fossil-fuel boilers and electric chillers, to enhance system flexibility and cover peak energy demand. On the other hand, 4th generation district heating networks are characterized by low-temperature water distribution to improve energy and exergy efficiencies. Moreover, reversible heat pumps are a versatile technology, capable of providing both heating and cooling, alternately. In this paper, the integration of reversible heat pumps as single back-up units in hybrid renewable trigeneration systems serving low-energy micro-district heating and cooling networks is investigated. A detailed modeling of the system is provided, considering part-load and ambient condition effects on the performance of the units. Size and annual operation of the proposed system are optimized in a case study, namely a large office building located in Pisa (Italy), by means of a genetic algorithm-based procedure. A comparison with the conventional trigeneration system is performed in terms of economic and environmental perspectives. Results show that the integration of reversible heat pumps is an economically viable solution capable of reducing by 7% the equivalent annual cost, increasing the installed power of renewables up to 23%, and lowering by 11% carbon dioxide emissions, compared to the energy system with conventional back-up units.

Abstract To pursue the goal of sustainable mobility, two main paths can be considered: the electrification of vehicles and the use of biofuels, replacing fossil fuels, in internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. This paper proposes an analysis of different possible scenarios for automobiles towards a CO2-neutral energy system, in the path of the use of biofuels and the production, distribution and use of biomethane. The study, an update of work presented previously, focuses on different scenarios that take into account numerous parameters that affect the overall efficiency of the production-and-use process. A Well-to-Wheel analysis is used to estimate the primary energy savings and reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions compared both to the use of fossil-based methane and to other fuels and automotive technologies. In particular, the study shows that the Non-Renewable Primary Energy Consumption (NRPEC) for biomethane is slightly higher (+9%) than that of biodiesel, but significantly lower than those of all the other power trains analysed: –69% compared to the battery electric vehicle (BEV) and –55% compared to bioethanol. Compared to the use of fossil natural gas, the NRPEC is reduced to just over a third (2.81). With regard to CO2 emissions, biomethane has the lowest values: –69% compared to BEV, –176% compared to bioethanol and –124% with respect to biodiesel. Compared to the use of fossil natural gas, the CO2 emissions are reduced over a third (3.55). Moreover, the paper shows that biomethane can completely cover the consumption of fossil methane for vehicles in Italy, proposing two different hypotheses: maximum production and minimum production. It is evident, therefore, that biomethane production can completely cover the consumption of fossil methane for vehicles: this means that the use of biomethane in the car can lead to a reduction in NRPEC equal to 28.9 × 106 GJ/year and a reduction of CO2 emissions equal to 1.9 × 106 t/year.

I miss the ferry to San Pietro, so after a long bus trip winding through the southern Sardinian rocky terrain past gum trees, shrubs, caper plants, and sheep, I take refuge from the rain in a bar at the port. While I order a beer and panini, the owner, a man in his early sixties, begins to chat asking me why I’m heading to the island. For the tuna, I say, to research cultural practices and changes surrounding the ancient tuna trap la tonnara, and for the Girotonno international tuna festival, which coincides with the migration of the Northern Bluefin Tuna and the harvest season. This year the slogan of the festival reads Dal Sulcis a Sushi ("From Sulcis to Sushi"), a sign of the diverse tastes to come. Tuna here is the best in the world, he exclaims, a sentiment I hear many times over whilst doing fieldwork in southern Italy. He excitedly gestures for me to follow. We walk into the kitchen and on a long steel bench sits a basin covered with cloth. He uncovers it, and proudly poised, waits for my reaction. A large pinkish-brown loin of cooked tuna sits in brine. I have never tasted tuna in this way, so to share in his enthusiasm I conjure my interest in the rich tuna gastronomy found in this area of Sardinia called Sulcis. I’m more familiar with the clean taste of sashimi or lightly seared tuna. As I later experience, traditional tuna preparations in San Pietro are far from this. The most notable characteristic is that the tuna is thoroughly cooked or the flesh or organs are preserved with salt by brining or drying. A tuna steak cooked in the oven is robust and more like meat from the land than the sea in its flavours, colour, and texture. This article is about taste: the taste of, and tastes for, tuna in a traditional fishing community. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork and is part of a wider inquiry into the place of tradition and culture in seafood sustainability discourses and practices. In this article I use the notion of a taste network to explore the relationship between macro forces—international markets, stock decline and marine regulations—and transformations within local cultures of tuna production and consumption. Taste networks frame the connections between taste in a gustatory sense, tastes as an aesthetic preference and tasting as a way of learning about and attuning to modes and meanings surrounding tuna. As Antoine Hennion asserts, taste is more than a connoisseurship of an object, taste represents a cultural activity that concerns a wide range of practices, exchanges and attachments. Elspeth Probyn suggests that taste “acts as a connector between history, place, things, and people” (65) and “can also come to form communities: local places that are entangled in the global” (62). Within this framework, taste moves away from Bourdieu’s notion of taste as a social distinction towards an understanding of taste as created through a network of entities—social, biological, technological, and so forth. It turns attention to the mundane activities and objects of tuna production and consumption, the components of a taste network, and the everyday spaces where tradition and transformation are negotiated. For taste to change requires a transformation of the network (or components of that network) that bring such tastes into existence. These networks and their elements form the very meaning, matter, and moments of tradition and culture. As Hennion reminds us through his idea of “reservoir(s) of difference” (100), there are a range of diverse tastes that can materialise from the interactions of humans with objects, in this case tuna. Yet, taste networks can also be rendered obsolete. When a highly valued and endangered species like Bluefin is at the centre of such networks, there are material, ethical, and even political limitations to some tastes. In a study that follows three scientists as they attempt to address scallop decline in Brest and St Brieuc Bay, Michael Callon advocates for “the abandonment of all prior distinction between the natural and the social” (1). He draws attention to networks of actors and significant moments, rather than pre-existing categories, to figure the contours of power. This approach is particularly useful for social research that involves science, technology and the “natural” world. In my own research in San Pietro, the list of human and non-human actors is long and spans the local to the global: Bluefin (in its various meanings and as an entity with its own agency), tonnara owners, fishermen, technologies, fish shops and restaurants, scientific observers, policy (local, regional, national, European and international), university researchers, the sea, weather, community members, Japanese and Spanish buyers, and markets. Local discourses surrounding tuna and taste articulate human and non-human entanglements in quite particular ways. In San Pietro, as with much of Italy, notions of place, environment, identity, quality, and authenticity are central to the culture of tuna production and consumption. Food products are connected to place through ecological, cultural and technological dimensions. In Morgan, Marsden, and Murdoch’s terms this frames food and tastes in relation to a spatial dimension (its place of origin), a social dimension (its methods of production and distribution), and a cultural dimension (its perceived qualities and reputation). The place name labelling of canned tuna from San Pietro is an example of a product that represents the notion of provenance. The practice of protecting traditional products is well established in Italy through appellation programs, much like the practice of protecting terroir products in France. It is no wonder that the eco-gastronomic movement Slow Food developed in Italy as a movement to protect traditional foods, production methods, and biodiversity. Such discourses and movements like Slow Food create local/global frameworks and develop in relation to the phenomenon and ideas like globalisation, industrialization, and homogenisation. This study is based on ethnographic fieldwork in San Pietro over the 2013 tuna season. This included interviews with some thirty participants (fishers, shop keepers, locals, restaurateurs, and tonnara owners), secondary research into international markets, marine regulations, and environmental movements, and—of course—a gustatory experience of tuna. Walking down the main street the traditions of the tonnara and tuna are palpable. On a first impression there’s something about the streets and piazzas that is akin to Zukin’s notion of “vernacular spaces”, “sources of identity and belonging, affective qualities that the idea of intangible culture expresses, refines and sustains” (282). At the centre is the tonnara, which refers to the trap (a labyrinth of underwater nets) as well as the technique of tuna fishing and land based processing activities. For centuries, tuna and the tonnara have been at the centre of community life, providing employment, food security, and trade opportunities, and generating a wealth of ecological knowledge, a rich gastronomy based on preserved tuna, and cultural traditions like the famous harvest ritual la mattanza (the massacre). Just about every organ is preserved by salting and drying. The most common is the female ovary sac, which becomes bottarga. Grated onto pasta it has a strong metallic offal flavour combined with the salty tang of the sea. There is also the male equivalent lusciami, a softer consistency and flavour, as well as dried heart and lungs. There is canned tuna, a continuation of the tradition of brining and barrelling, but these are no ordinary cans. Each part of the tuna is divided into parts corresponding loosely to anatomy but more closely to quality based on textures, colour, and taste. There is the ventresca from the belly, the most prized cut because of its high fat content. Canned in olive oil or brine, a single can of this cut sells for around 30 Euros. Both the canned variety or freshly grilled ventresca is a sumptuous experience, soft and rich. Change is not new to San Pietro. In the long history of the tonnara there have been numerous transformations resulting from trade, occupation, and dominant economic systems. As Stefano Longo describes, with the development of capitalism and industrialization, the socio-economic structure of the tonnara changed and there was a dramatic decline in tonnare (plural) throughout the 1800s. The tonnare also went through different phases of ownership. In 1587 King Philip II formally established the Sardinian tonnare (Emery). Phillip IV then sold a tonnara to a Genovese man in 1654 and, from the late 18th century until today, the tonnara has remained in the Greco family from Genova. There were also changes to fishing and preservation technologies, such as the replacement of barrels after the invention of the can in the early 1800s, and innovations to recipes, as for example in the addition of olive oil. Yet, compared to recent changes, the process of harvesting, breaking down and sorting flesh and organs, and preserving tuna, has remained relatively stable. The locus of change in recent years concerns the harvest, the mattanza. For locals this process seems to be framed with concepts of before, and after, the Japanese arrived on the island. Owner Giuliano Greco, a man in his early fifties who took over the management of the tonnara from his father when it reopened in the late 1990s, describes these changes: We have two ages—before the Japanese and after. Before the Japanese, yes, the tuna was damaged. It was very violent in the mattanza. In the age before the pollution, there was a crew of 120 people divided in a little team named the stellati. The more expert and more important at the centre of the boat, the others at the side because at the centre there was more tuna. When there was mattanza it was like a race, a game, because if they caught more tuna they had more entrails, which was good money for them, because before, part of the wage was in nature, part of the tuna, and for this game the tuna was damaged because they opened it with a knife, the heart, the eggs etc. And for this method it was very violent because they wanted to get the tuna entrails first. The tuna remained on the boat without ice, with blood everywhere. The tonnara operated within clear social hierarchies made up of tonnarotti (tuna fishermen) under the guidance of the Rais (captain of tonnara) whose skills, charisma and knowledge set him apart. The Rais liaised with the tonnarotti, the owners, and the local community, recruiting men and women to augment the workforce in the mattanza period. Goliardo Rivano, a tonnarotto (singular) since 1999 recalls “all the town would be called on for the mattanza. Not only men but women too would work in the cannery, cutting, cleaning, and canning the tuna.” The mattanza was the starting point of supply and consumption networks. From the mattanza the tuna was broken down, the flesh boiled and brined for local and foreign markets, and the organs salted and dried for the (mainly) local market. Part of the land-based activities of tonnarotti involved cleaning, salting, pressing and drying the organs, which supplemented their wage. As Giuliano described, the mattanza was a bloody affair because of the practice of retrieving the organs; but since the tuna was boiled and then preserved in brine, it was not important whether the flesh was damaged. At the end of the 1970s the tonnara closed. According to locals and reportage, pollution from a nearby factory had caused a drastic drop in tuna. It remained closed until the mid 1990s when Japanese buyers came to inquire about tuna from the trap. Global tastes for tuna had changed during the time the tonnara was closed. An increase in western appetites for sushi had been growing since the early 1970s (Bestore). As Theadore Bestore describes in detail, this coincided with a significant transformation of the Japanese fishing industry’s international role. In the 1980s, the Japanese government began to restructure its fleets in response to restricted access to overseas fishing grounds, which the declaration of Excusive Economic Zones enforced (Barclay and Koh). At this time, Japan turned to foreign suppliers for tuna (Bestore). Kate Barclay and Sun-Hui Koh describe how quantity was no longer a national food security issue like it had been in post war Japan and “consumers started to demand high-quality high-value products” (145). In the late 1990s, the Greco family reopened the tonnara and the majority of the tuna went to Japan leaving a smaller portion for the business of canning. The way mattanza was practiced underwent profound changes and particular notions of quality emerged. This was also the beginning of new relationships and a widening of the taste network to include international stakeholders: Japanese buyers and markets became part of the network. Giuliano refers to the period as the “Japanese Age”. A temporal framing that is iterated by restaurant and fish shop owners who talk about a time when Japanese began to come to the island and have the first pick of the tuna. Giuliano recalls “there was still blood but there was not the system of opening tuna, in total, like before. Now the tuna is opened on the land. The only operation we do on the boat is blooding and chilling.” Here he references the Japanese technique of ikejime. Over several years the technicians taught Giuliano and some of the crew about killing the tuna faster and bleeding it to maintain colour and freshness. New notions of quality and taste for raw or lightly cooked tuna entered San Pietro. According to Rais Luigi “the tuna is of higher quality, because we treat it in a particular way, with ice.” Giuliano describes the importance of quality. “Before they used the stellati and it took five people, each one with a harpoon to haul the tuna. Now they only use one hook, in the mouth and use a chain, by hand. On board there is bleeding, and there is blood, but now we must keep the quality of the meat at its best.” In addition to the influence of Japanese tastes, the international Girotonno tuna festival had its inauguration in 2003, and, along with growing tourism, brought cosmopolitan and international tastes to San Pietro. The impact of a global taste for tuna has had devastating effects on their biomass. The international response to the sharp decline was the expansion of the role of inter-governmental monitoring bodies like International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT), the introduction of quotas, and an increase in the presence of marine authorities on fleets, scientific research and environmental campaigns. In San Pietro, international relationships further widened and so did the configuration of taste networks, this time to include marine regulators, a quota on Bluefin, a Spanish company, and tuna ranches in Malta. The mattanza again was at the centre of change and became a point of contention within the community. This time because as a practice it is endangered, occurring only once or twice a year, “for the sake of tradition, culture” as Giuliano stated. The harvest now takes place in ranches in Malta because for the last three years the Greco family have supplied the tonnara’s entire quota (excluding tuna from mattanza or those that die in the net) to a major Spanish seafood company Riccardo Fuentes e Hijos, which transports them live to Malta where they are fattened and slaughtered, predominantly for a Japanese market. The majority of tuna now leave the island whole, which has profoundly transformed the distribution networks and local taste culture, and mainly the production and trade in tuna organs and canned tuna. In 2012, ICCAT and the European Union further tightened the quotas, which along with competition with industrial fisheries for both quota and markets, has placed enormous pressure on the tonnara. In 2013, it was allocated a quota that was well under what is financially sustainable. Add to the mix the additional expense of financing the obligatory scientific observers, and the tonnara has had to modify its operations. In the last few years there has been a growing antagonism between marine regulations, global markets, and traditional practices. This is exemplified in the limitations to the tuna organ tradition. It is now more common to find dried tuna organs in vacuum packs from Sicily rather than local products. As the restaurateur Secondo Borghero of Tonno della Corsa says “the tonnara made a choice to sell the live tuna to the Spanish. It’s a big problem. The tuna is not just the flesh but also the interior—the stomach, the heart, the eggs—and now we don’t have the quantity of these and the quality around is also not great.” In addition, even though preserved organs are available for consumption, local preserving activities have almost ceased along with supplementary income. The social structures and the types of actors that are a part of the tonnara have also changed. New kinds of relationships, bodies, and knowledge are situated side by side because of the mandate that there be scientific observers present at certain moments in the season. In addition, there are coast guards and, at various stages of the season, university staff contracted by ICCAT take samples and tag the tuna to generate data. The changes have also introduced new types of knowledge, activities, and institutional affiliations based on scientific ideas and discourses of marine biology, conservation, and sustainability. These are applied through marine management activities and regimes like quotas and administered through state and global institutions. This is not to say that the knowledge informing the Rais’s decisions has been done away with but as Gisli Palsson has previously argued, there is a new knowledge hierarchy, which places a significant focus on the notion of expert knowledge. This has the potential to create unequal power dynamics between the marine scientists and the fishers. Today in San Pietro tuna tastes are diverse. Tuna is delicate, smooth, and rich ventresca, raw tartare clean on the palate, novel at the Girotono, hearty tuna al forno, and salty dry bottarga. Tasting tuna in San Pietro offers a material and affective starting point to follow the socio-cultural, political, and ecological contours and contentions that are part of tuna traditions and their transformations. By thinking of gustatory and aesthetic tastes as part of wider taste networks, which involve human and non-human entities, we can begin to unpack and detail better what these changes encompass and figure forms and moments of power and agency. At the centre of tastes and transformation in San Pietro are the tonnara and the mattanza. Although in its long existence the tonnara has endured many changes, those in the past 15 years are unprecedented. Several major global events have provided conditions for change and widened the network from its once mainly local setting to its current global span. First, Japanese and global tastes set a demand for tuna and introduced different tuna production and preparation techniques and new styles of serving tuna raw or lightly cooked tuna. Later, the decline of Bluefin stocks and the increasing involvement of European and international monitoring bodies introduced catch limitations along with new processes and types of knowledge and authorities. Coinciding with this was the development of relationships with middle companies, which again introduced new techniques and technologies, namely the gabbie (cage) and ranches, to the taste network. In the cultural setting of Italy where the conservation of tradition is of particular importance, as I have explained earlier through the notion of provenance, the management of a highly regulated endangered marine species is a complex project that causes much conflict. Because of the dire state of the stocks and continual rise in global demand, solutions are complex. Yet it would seem useful to recognise that tuna tastes are situated within a network of knowledge, know-how, technology, and practices that are not simple modes of production and consumption but also ways of stewarding the sea and its species. Ethics Approval Original names have been used when participants gave consent on the official consent form to being identified in publications relating to the study. This is in accordance with ethics approval granted through the University of Sydney on 21 March 2013. Project number 2012/2825. References Barclay, Kate, and Koh Sun-Hui “Neo-liberal Reforms in Japan’s Tuna Fisheries? A History of Government-business Relations in a Food-producing Sector.” Japan Forum 20.2 (2008): 139–170. Bestor, Theadore “Tsukiji: The Fish Market at the Center of the World.” Foreign Policy 121 (2000): 54–63. Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Harvard UP, 1984. Callon, Michael “Some Elements of a Sociology of Translation: Domestication of the Scallops and the Fishermen of St Brieuc Bay” Power, Action, Belief: a New Sociology of Knowledge? Ed. John Law. London: Routledge, 1986. 196–223. Emery, Katherine “Tonnare in Italy: Science, History and Culture of Sardinian Tuna Fishing.” Californian Italian Studies 1 (2010): 1–40. Hennion, Antoine “Those Things That Hold Us Together: Taste and Sociology” Cultural Sociology 1 (2007): 97–114. Longo, Stefano “Global Sushi: A Socio-Ecological Analysis of The Sicilian Bluefin Tuna Fishery.” Dissertation. Oregon: University of Oregon, 2009. Morgan, Kevin, Marsden, Terry, and Johathan Murdoch. Worlds of Food: Place, Power, and provenance in the Food Chain. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2006. Palsson, Gisli. Coastal Economies, Cultural Accounts: Human Ecology and Icelandic Discourse. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1991. Probyn, Elspeth “In the Interests of Taste & Place: Economies of Attachment.” The Global Intimate. Eds. G. Pratt and V. Rosner. New York: Columbia UP (2012). Zukin, Sharon “The Social Production of Urban Cultural Heritage: Identity and Ecosystem on an Amsterdam Shopping Street.” City, Culture and Society 3 (2012): 281–291.