Journal articles: 'Electoral education'

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Mukherjee, Diganta, and Rajlakshmi Mallik. "Education and Electoral Outcomes." Theoretical Economics Letters 02, no. 02 (2012): 186–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/tel.2012.22033.

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Scervini, Francesco, and Paolo Segatti. "Education, inequality and electoral participation." Research in Social Stratification and Mobility 30, no. 4 (December 2012): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.rssm.2012.06.004.

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Dahlgren, Robert. "Hacking Democracy: Education on the Electoral Process." Theory & Research in Social Education 35, no. 1 (January 2007): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2007.10473330.

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KAPUR, J. N., C. R. BECTOR, and UMA KUMAR. "Mathematical Modelling of Electoral Systems." Teaching Mathematics and its Applications 6, no. 4 (1987): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/teamat/6.4.184.

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Hill, Dave. "Marxist education and teacher education against capitalism in neoliberal/ neoconservative/ neofascist/ times." Cadernos do GPOSSHE On-line 2, no. 1 (August 14, 2019): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33241/cadernosdogposshe.v2i1.1524.

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In this article I analyse global and national neoliberalisms- economic and social class war from above- neoconservatisms which are leading to and connected with NeoFascisms- with their scapegoating, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, heterophobia, militarism and the attacks on dissent- whether electoral, media, or from academics/ universities and workers’ organisations and actions. Six prime examples are Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Trump in the USA, Orban in Hungary, the Law and Justice government in Poland, and the racist government in Italy, in effect led by Salvini. Across Europe Far-right anti-immigrant, xenophobic and ultra nationalist authoritarian parties are recruiting and becoming electorally significant- and, in some cases, significant on the streets. Critique social democratic reformist parties and governments for adopting neoliberal austerity policies and thereby becoming delegitimised, together with the too-often `accomodationist' trade union and party leaderships. and critically examine prospects for left social democracy as represented, for example, by the Jeremy Corbyn led Labour Party in the UK. Much of the article is devoted to the resistant and the revolutionary role of teachers, academics and education/ cultural workers in different arenas, from national and local electoral and direct action politics/ Focusing on Critical Education, Critical Educators, Marxist Education, Marxist Educators, I seek to address four aspects of education: pedagogy, the curriculum, resistance in the classroom and the hidden curriculum, and the structure of schooling nationally and locally (within-school). I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out. These are: (1) Class Analysis: the Capital-Labour Relation; (2) Capitalism must be replaced by Socialism and that change is Revolutionary; and (3) Revolutionary Transformation of Economy and Society needs to be preceded by and accompanied by a Class Programme, Organisation, and Activism. Regarding capitalism, our task is to replace it with democratic Marxism, to lead, firstly, into socialism, and ultimately, into communism. As teachers, as educators, as cultural workers, as educational, union and party activists, as intellectuals, we have a role to play.

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MEIER, KENNETH J., and AMANDA RUTHERFORD. "Partisanship, Structure, and Representation: The Puzzle of African American Education Politics." American Political Science Review 108, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000148.

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The 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act targeted electoral structures as significant determinants of minority representation. The research regarding electoral structures and representation of constituents, however, has produced conflicting results, and the continued application of some of the provisions set forth in the Voting Rights Act is in doubt. This article addresses the impact of at-large elections on African American representation and reveals a striking and unanticipated finding: African Americans are now overrepresented on school boards that have at-large elections when African Americans are a minority of the population. Using the 1,800 largest school districts in the United States (based on original surveys conducted in 2001, 2004, and 2008), we find that partisanship changes the relationship between electoral structures and race to benefit African American representation.

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Mayer, Nonna. "Vote Front National et malaise urbain." Res Publica 37, no. 2 (June 30, 1995): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i2.18681.

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In ten years the National Front's scores rose from less than 2 percent to more than 13 percent of the valid votes and the number of its electors from a hundred thousand to almost four millions. On the basis of two surveys conducted by CEVIPOF (Centre d'étude de la vie politique française) and OIP (Observatoire interrégional du politique) (1988-1989) , this paper analyses the factors that account for this electoral rise. If the National Front vote is more frequent in urban areas, it is not so much because of objective factors (more contacts with immigrant populations, exposure to crime and violence, drugs) than because of subjective factors (fear and feeling of insecurity, pessimism) in relation with sociocultural and political specificities of the National Front's electorate (poor education, atomization, limited sociability, lack of trust in institutions etc.).

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WANGSIKKIM. "Implications of the Electoral Reform Upon the Political Education." Journal of Research in Curriculum Instruction 11, no. 2 (December 2007): 549–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24231/rici.2007.11.2.549.

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Kolstad, Ivar, and Arne Wiig. "Education and electoral participation: reported versus actual voting behaviour." Applied Economics Letters 23, no. 13 (December 4, 2015): 908–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2015.1119785.

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Muhinat, Bello Bolanle. "EDUCATING BORDER DWELLERS TO PROMOTE PEACE AND SECURITY IN AN ELECTORAL PROCESS: PERCEPTION OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS’." SPEKTA (Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat : Teknologi dan Aplikasi) 1, no. 2 (November 10, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/spekta.v1i2.2793.

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This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areasThis study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areas.

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Stuart, Christopher. "Generating Functions and the Electoral College." College Mathematics Journal 32, no. 5 (November 2001): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2687316.

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Kanclerz, Bożena. "Polityczne wybory młodych do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako egzemplifikacja obywatelskości młodzieży – kontekst kształcenia formalnego." Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kse.2020.18.9.1.

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The main axis of the narration in this article is the analysis of the electoral activity of young Poles from the perspective of the formal program of Citizenship Education in the area of shaping the attitudes of young people as active voters. The first part of the article presents the context of Polish civil society and the electoral activity of young Poles. The Author connects the analyses of youth electoral patterns to with the assessment of effectiveness of formal education, including textbook messages, in shaping and developing civic engagement in youth. The article presents the analysis of textbooks for civic education, as well as indicates some non-textual contexts for implementing civic education in Poland. The analysis of citizenship education textbooks becomes an opportunity to approximate multi-faceted challenge of shaping civil attitudes among young people in Poland.

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Lasala-Blanco, Narayani, Laura Morales, and Carles Pamies. "Forging Political Identities and Becoming Citizens: The Political Preferences and Engagement of South American Immigrants in the United States and Spain." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (March 3, 2021): 1265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996752.

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Research in the United States has emphasized the importance of anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic hostility to galvanize shared identities and a sense of linked fate that is electorally mobilized around the pan-ethnic Latino identity. With survey data on the electoral behavior of South American immigrants in the United States and Spain spanning a decade (2006-2018), this article gauges how critical hostility is for electoral mobilization. The findings suggest that—despite very different institutional settings, hostility levels, elite strategies, and political mobilization patterns—South American immigrants are forging remarkably similar patterns of political preferences and engagement across both sides of the Atlantic. The overtime and comparative perspective calls into question that hostility is the main driving force behind Latino electoral participation and block voting in the United States and prompts greater attention to the socioeconomic status of Latinos and mobilization by political parties.

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Green, R. "Essay - Wacky electoral skepticism." IEEE Potentials 23, no. 4 (October 2004): 44–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mp.2004.1343231.

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Ogbe, Henry Ejotubu, and Deborah Voke Ojie. "Restructuring for Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria: The Role of Political Education and Information Communication Technology." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i3.11.

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The study examined the role of political education and Information Communication Technology (ICT) for sustainable democracy in Nigeria. The paper conceptualized political education and IC T for sustainable democracy. The paper adopted observation and secondary methods of data gathering. The paper argued that electoral violence and fraud that marred conducted elections in Nigeria was due to decades of military rule that militarized the psyche of most Nigerians, and lack of continuous political education to redirect the militarized mentality they do display in electoral process, to democratized mentality to sustain democracy in Nigeria. This is because the anti-democratic mentality of most Nigerians has created loopholes for politicians to manipulate the electoral process which portents a threat to democracy in Nigeria. The paper revealed that continuous political education through the use of ICT tools like social network sites will create political awareness that will enlighten Nigerians to deter them from electoral violence and fraud, and other related anti-democratic behaviour to bring about sustainable democracy in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper recommends among others, that the Nigerian government should liaise with advanced countries that have successfully built ICT in their democratic governance, to see areas where they can collaborate to ensure stable use of ICT facilities in Nigeria. Keywords: Restructuring, Sustainable Democracy, Political Education, Information Communication Technology (ICT)

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Okinda, Thomas Ibrahim, Benson Oduor Ojwang, and Charles Ongadi Nyambuga. "Sociodemographic Characteristics and Political Attitudes as Correlates of Women Voters’ Electoral Participation in Counties in Kenya." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 44 (March 27, 2020): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.44.4.

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This article examines sociodemographic characteristics and political attitudes predicting women voters’ participation in the 2013 general election in Kakamega County, Kenya. Survey data from 372 women voters were collected from this county, the second most populous among the 47 counties in Kenya. Using these data, a two-stage hierarchical multiple regression was conducted with 13 predictors and electoral participation as the dependent variable. In stage one, sociodemographic characteristics accounted for 27 % of the variation in women voters’ electoral participation. In stage two, sociodemographic characteristics and political attitudes contributed to 47 % of the variance in women voters’ participation in the 2013 polls in Kakamega County. Significant predictors of women voters’ electoral participation were: age, education, income, political knowledge, political interest, and sense of civic duty. The article makes recommendations for enhancing women’s electoral participation through legal reforms as well as civic and voter education.

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Hosman, Carol Merz. "Electoral Challenges as Indicators of Community Dissatisfaction." Urban Education 24, no. 1 (April 1989): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085989024001005.

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Stubager, Rune. "The Changing Basis of Party Competition: Education, Authoritarian–Libertarian Values and Voting." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (June 5, 2013): 372–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.13.

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The role of social structure as a determinant of electoral behaviour has been debated across Western countries, with one side in the debate arguing that the rise of the electoral conflict between authoritarian–libertarian values reflects the diminishing importance of socio-structural factors. In contrast, this article shows, using a unique representative sample from Denmark, how this conflict has its roots in an opposition between high- and low-education groups that divide over authoritarian–libertarian values, have developed education-based identities and group consciousness, and are influenced by these factors to vote for parties, each mobilizing their side in the conflict – that is, that the authoritarian–libertarian conflict is based on an education cleavage. Documenting for the first time the influence of education-based identity and group consciousness on voting, these findings demonstrate that socio-structural factors – partly through the voters’ social identities and consciousness – continue to play an important role for electoral behaviour in Western countries. Likewise, the findings suggest that the conflict over authoritarian–libertarian values will have lasting importance for politics in these countries. The logical next step, therefore, will be to extend the analyses to the comparative level.

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Ford, Michael, and Douglas Ihrke. "Uncontested: electoral competition in American school board elections." Journal of Educational Administration 58, no. 6 (May 1, 2020): 661–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jea-02-2019-0020.

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PurposeThe purpose of this research was to determine the extent to which American school board members faced electoral competition, as well as the factors influencing the likelihood of competition.Design/methodology/approachThe authors utilized original national survey data of American school board members linked with school district demographic data obtained from the National Center for Education Statistics. Several hypotheses were tested using three state-level fixed-effects logistic regression models predicting electoral competition.FindingsThe authors found that 39.6% of American school board members reported not having an opponent in their most recent election. School board members serving larger urban school districts with higher percentages of special needs students and racial minorities were more likely to have faced electoral competition.Originality/valueThe authors highlighted potential flaws in the traditional model of local democratic governance and helped expand understanding of the dissatisfaction theory of American democracy and continuous participation theory. The authors concluded with several suggestions on how the results can be used to inform future local governance reforms that increase electoral competition and/or create more effective governance models.

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Flesken, Anaïd, and Jakob Hartl. "Ethnicity, inequality, and perceived electoral fairness." Social Science Research 85 (January 2020): 102363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2019.102363.

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Dembitskaia, O. Iu. "The Electoral Involvement of Young People." Russian Education & Society 39, no. 10 (October 1997): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/res1060-939339105.

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Bishop, Jonathan, and Mark Beech. "Embodying Trust in the Electoral System." International Journal of E-Politics 7, no. 2 (April 2016): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2016040103.

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This paper proposes a new method for distributing votes in democratic elections in such a way that allows for the public to put their trust in independent candidates or those from small political parties. Using the case of a party founded by the authors called The Pluralist Party the paper presents primary data to evaluate the effectiveness of the method – called delegated transferable voting (DTV). Using an auto-ethnographical empirical study in which one of the authors plays a significant role as anthropologist, the paper finds that DTV is more likely to lead to the election of independent candidates over party political ones. Pluralism advocates the election of those who are independent of political party whips in order to best represent the people. The election of independent candidates or small parties is a model of pluralism that can achieve this. The empirical study, through investigating the campaigning methods used by The Pluralist Party, shows that putting effort into an election – whether money, materials or labour and however funded – can improve outcomes for political parties. Making use of official government data in addition to the collected data showed that a higher number of votes for the Pluralist Party was associated with a higher education level, more rooms in a household, a lower number of people not in education, employment or training, and a lower ‘knol,' which is a unit for measuring brain activity.

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Smidt, Hannah. "Mitigating election violence locally: UN peacekeepers’ election-education campaigns in Côte d’Ivoire." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (January 2020): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884993.

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False information, rumours and hate speech can incite violent protest and rioting during electoral periods. To counter such disinformation, United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) routinely organize election-education events. While researchers tend to study how PKOs affect armed group and state behaviour, this study shifts the focus to civilians. It argues that PKOs’ election education reduces violent protest and rioting involving civilians during electoral periods via three pathways. First, learning about PKOs’ electoral security assistance during election-education events may convince people that political opponents cannot violently disturb elections, thereby mitigating fears of election violence. Second, election-education events provide politically relevant information that can strengthen political efficacy and people’s ability to make use of peaceful political channels. Finally, peace messages during election-education events can change people’s calculus about the utility and appropriateness of violent behaviour. Together, these activities mitigate fears, reduce political alienation and counter civilians’ willingness to get involved in violence. To test these expectations, I combine survey data on people’ perceptions and attitudes, events data on violent protest and rioting, and a novel dataset on local-level election-education events carried out by the PKO in Côte d’Ivoire before four elections held between 2010 and 2016. The results show that when the PKO is perceived to be an impartial arbiter, its election-education events have violence-mitigating effects at the individual and subnational levels.

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Alekseevna, Dmitrienko Nadezhda, and Kotlyarova Viktoria Valentinovna. "Students’ electoral behaviour in small Russian towns as the main criterion of patriotic upbringing." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v5i5.3672.

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This study is aimed at estimating the existed students’ patriotic level in a small town of Rostov region. The main components of patriotism are selected among important personal, social and professional characteristics that can be stimulated in electoral campaign and improved in education process. The authors’ model of evaluating students’ patriotism is based on the comparative analyses of students’ electoral behaviour during different electoral campaigns as integrity of sociological survey and pedagogic theory. The correlation data between electoral behaviour and levels of patriotic upbringing are pointed out. Scientific novelty of the paper consists in a methodological unity of psychological and pedagogic principles expanded by the synergy approach explaining the development of students’ patriotism. The article presents theoretical justification and experimental analyses proving the necessity to develop electoral culture as the methodological principle of improving patriotic upbringing. The article is of practical use for teachers, scientists elaborating methodology of improving patriotism based on election culture in educational environment of technical university.Keywords: Electoral behaviour, synergy, models of electoral behaviour, youth, the average Russian town.

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Benedetto, Marco Alberto De, and Maria De Paola. "Candidates’ Education and Turnout: Evidence from Italyn Municipal Elections." German Economic Review 18, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 22–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12084.

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Abstract We analyze the impact that the educational level of candidates running for the position of mayor has on electoral turnout by using a large dataset for Italyn municipal elections held between 1993 and 2011. We firstly estimate a municipality fixed effects model and show that the median education of candidates standing in an election is positively correlated with turnout. To handle endogeneity issues arising from the unobservable time variant features of electoral races, we build on the literature which shows that politicians’ educational level is positively affected by their wage and apply a Fuzzy Regression Discontinuity Design on the basis of the fact that the wages of mayors in Italy increase non-monotonically at different thresholds. Results show that an exogenous increase in the median educational level of candidates, induced by a higher wage, leads to an increase in turnout of about 1 percentage point.

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Szkudlarek, Katarzyna. "Wpływ indywidualnych cech wyborców na ich aktywność polityczną – wyniki badań sondażowych przeprowadzonych na terenie Gniezna przed wyborami samorządowymi w 2014 roku." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 12 (October 31, 2018): 257–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2015.17.

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Studies on electoral behavior systematically confirm the influence of individual characteristics and the characteristics of the citizens on the level of political activity. For the variables most commonly examined include: level of education, professional status, age, gender and place of residence. Studies conducted just before the local elections in Gniezno, in 2014, allow us to analyze the impact of these characteristics on the political activity of voters. The objective of the article reflection will attempt to determine whether and to what extent, those characteristics determine political attitudes of Gniezno electorate.

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Cloonan, Martin, and Peter Lynch. "Educating for Devolution: The Scottish Office Voter Education Campaign, 1999." Journal of Adult and Continuing Education 7, no. 2 (September 2001): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147797140100700203.

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This article examines the origins and impact of a political education campaign of a type, which had not hitherto been witnessed in the UK. It examines how the Scottish Office sought to educate Scotland's adult population about a new electoral system which combined the traditional first past the post (FPTP) system used in elections to the Westminster Parliament with the additional member system (AMS). We set out events leading up to the voter-education campaign by outlining the development of the voting system and the political sensitivities which surrounded it We then review a similar voter-education campaign in New Zealand, before examining the Scottish campaign and responses to it. We conclude by drawing together common elements from the two campaigns and analysing the lessons which can be drawn from them.

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Ahmad, Saeed, Mudasir Mustafa, Ahsan Ullah, Muhammad Shoaib, Muhammad Mushtaq, and Wasif Ali. "Role of types of electoral rigging, socio-economic status, politics and voting behavior in the formation of attitudes toward electoral integrity." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 11, no. 2 (May 15, 2017): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-08-2015-0034.

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Purpose This study aims to examine the associations between socioeconomic status, types of rigging (pre- polling-day and post-), politics and voting behavior, vote casting and perceptions of rigging in Pakistan’s most recent elections, and attitudes toward electoral integrity. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected from students at three different universities. In all, 748 units of analysis (488 male and 260 female) recorded their responses by means of a self-structured questionnaire. Linear regression was applied to measure the associations between variables, and the reliability and validity of the scales were tested. Findings A significant relationship was found between pre-poll rigging, post-poll rigging, politics and voting behavior, socioeconomic characteristics (i.e. age, education, father’s education, background or place of residence and monthly household incomes), the perception of rigging in the last elections and attitudes toward electoral integrity. Practical implications Pakistan’s history has been blemished by electoral malpractices during both de facto and de jure regimes. Attention has formerly been paid to either polling-day or post-election rigging. The relationship of electoral integrity with different factors explored in this study have usually been ignored or overlooked. The findings of this study would help policy-makers, youth experts and academicians to reorient their behaviors to strengthen political stability, the rule of law and the continuation of democracy via their participation in the system. Originality/value To the researchers’ best knowledge, there has not been a single peer-reviewed study of Pakistan which has explored the associations between the variables examined for this study. The main academic challenge the researchers faced was to find a standardized and contextualized scale or tool to explore how different types of vote-rigging affected attitudes toward electoral integrity. Thus, the structured scales for types of rigging and electoral integrity developed here would be useful for future studies in the field of electoral integrity in democratic countries.

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Wolf, Frieder, and Andreas Kraemer. "On the Electoral Relevance of Education Policy in the German Länder." German Politics 21, no. 4 (December 2012): 444–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2012.740633.

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Hecock, R. Douglas. "Electoral Competition, Globalization, and Subnational Education Spending in Mexico, 1999?2004." American Journal of Political Science 50, no. 4 (October 2006): 950–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00226.x.

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CLEMENT, JESSICA. "Electoral rule choice in transitional economies." Journal of Institutional Economics 12, no. 4 (June 30, 2016): 895–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000138.

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AbstractThe Arab Spring and subsequent global unrest sparked a debate about whether a fourth wave of democracy emerged in the global political arena starting in 2010. A key issue arises from these emerging democracies, or ‘countries in transition’, about what types of government institutions will be adopted by the new democracies. The previous literature on advanced democracies shows the economic structure of a nation impacted its choice of electoral rule system. This paper looks at what determines electoral rule choice in transitional nations. Using a panel database with 65 transitional countries with data for 18 years (1995 to 2012), this paper tests the argument that more coordinated market economies (CMEs) tend to adopt more proportional representative electoral rule systems during a political transition. Findings show that countries characterized as CMEs due to widespread primary education, which supports co-specific assets, and prominent industrial sectors have more proportional electoral rule systems.

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Evertsson, Nubia. "A Nested Analysis of Electoral Donations." Journal of Mixed Methods Research 11, no. 1 (July 8, 2016): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1558689815585208.

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This article reports the results of a nested analysis conducted to evaluate whether or not electoral donations are considered legal bribes. Introduced by Lieberman, nested analysis brings together the strengths of the regression analysis and the case study research by integrating large- N approaches (LNA) with small- N approaches (SNA). The nested analysis uses a sequential sampling model (QUANTITATIVE → QUALITATIVE) and a nested sampling design (case selection “on/off the line”). Here, Lieberman’s original model was extended to deal with an apparent paradox that emerged from the analysis. This inquiry included a cross-national examination among 78 countries, denoted as LNA, followed by an intranational analysis conducted in Colombia, where an SNA survey with 302 respondents and an SNA case study were carried out.

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CROKE, KEVIN, GUY GROSSMAN, HORACIO A. LARREGUY, and JOHN MARSHALL. "Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes." American Political Science Review 110, no. 3 (August 2016): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000253.

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A large literature examining advanced and consolidating democracies suggests that education increases political participation. However, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. If education increases critical capacities, political awareness, and support for democracy, educated citizens may believe that participation is futile or legitimizes autocrats. We test this argument in Zimbabwe—a paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime—by exploiting cross-cohort variation in access to education following a major educational reform. We find that educationdecreasespolitical participation, substantially reducing the likelihood that better-educated citizens vote, contact politicians, or attend community meetings. Consistent with deliberate disengagement, education’s negative effect on participation dissipated following 2008’s more competitive election, which (temporarily) initiated unprecedented power sharing. Supporting the mechanisms underpinning our hypothesis, educated citizens experience better economic outcomes, are more interested in politics, and are more supportive of democracy, but are also more likely to criticize the government and support opposition parties.

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Yeğen, Mesut, Uğraş Ulaş Tol, and Mehmet Ali Çalışkan. "Ethnicity and Elections in Eastern Turkey: What do the Kurds Want?" Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 4 (August 20, 2020): 446–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920939841.

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Relying on a survey conducted in 2014 in 12 provinces in eastern Turkey, this article analyses the extent to which (a) ethnicity and religiosity shape Kurds’ electoral choices and (b) the Kurds in the East support the demand for education in Kurdish and the demand for self-rule for Kurds. The findings demonstrate that ethnicity is an important factor in shaping Kurds’ electoral choices and that the demands for education in Kurdish language and self-rule are backed not only by the vast majority of those Kurds who support the pro-Kurdish party but also by a significant number of those Kurds who support the AK Party.

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Wong, Kenneth K., and Francis X. Shen. "Politics of State-Led Reform in Education: Market Competition and Electoral Dynamics." Educational Policy 16, no. 1 (January 2002): 161–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904802016001009.

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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar, and Anupama Roy. "Regulating the Electoral Domain: The Election Commission of India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 518–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118788497.

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The Election Commission of India (ECI) is generally seen as a regulatory body with the power to enforce rules for the efficient conduct of elections. The ECI performs a range of overlapping functions, not all of which are regulatory. The ECI has been actively engaged in framing rules that constitute both the procedural and substantive aspects of electoral democracy in India. Following successive court decisions, Article 324 has become a ‘reservoir of powers’ giving the ECI scope for the exercise of residuary powers in a variety of situations. The ‘legal doctrine of electoral exceptionalism’ during election time has made itself manifest in the Model Code of Conduct. Innovations in ‘voter education and awareness’, which are often seen through the lens of electoral ‘management’ and the framework of ‘electoral integrity’, have become part of the deliberative content of election alongside the quest for ‘procedural certainty’ and ‘democratic outcomes’.

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Zembere, Monica. "Reconceptualisation of Democratic Citizenship Education Against Social Inequalities and Electoral Violence in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Curriculum Development and Learning Measurement 2, no. 2 (July 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcdlm.2021070101.

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This article analyses the implications of a reconceptualised democratic citizenship education on universities in Africa with special emphasis on Zimbabwe. This is a qualitative research where data has been gathered through interviews and observation. Democratic citizenship education theory is used as a theory speaking to the argument. The arguments proffered in the research are that the concepts of DCE, education, and democracy that are rooted in liberal ideas of education have the potential to develop critical thinking necessary for political participation, justice, and political tolerance. The findings are that an African university education can teach students to become human with others, meaning students are taught to respect and value human dignity as dictated by Ubuntu.

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Roberts, Joni R., and Carol A. Drost. "Internet Reviews." College & Research Libraries News 82, no. 2 (February 8, 2021): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.82.2.92.

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LINDGREN, KARL-OSKAR, SVEN OSKARSSON, and MIKAEL PERSSON. "Enhancing Electoral Equality: Can Education Compensate for Family Background Differences in Voting Participation?" American Political Science Review 113, no. 1 (December 4, 2018): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000746.

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It is well documented that voter turnout is lower among persons who grow up in families from a low socioeconomic status compared with persons from high-status families. This paper examines whether reforms in education can help reduce this gap. We establish causality by exploiting a pilot scheme preceding a large reform of Swedish upper secondary education in the early 1990s, which gave rise to exogenous variation in educational attainment between individuals living in different municipalities or born in different years. Similar to recent studies employing credible identification strategies, we fail to find a statistically significant average effect of education on political participation. We move past previous studies, however, and show that the reform nevertheless contributed to narrowing the voting gap between individuals of different social backgrounds by raising turnout among those from low socioeconomic status households. The results thus square well with other recent studies arguing that education is particularly important for uplifting politically marginalized groups.

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Castro Cornejo, Rodrigo, and Ulises Beltrán. "List Experiments, Political Sophistication, and Vote Buying: Experimental Evidence from Mexico." Journal of Politics in Latin America 12, no. 2 (August 2020): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x20937713.

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This research conducted list experiments to estimate the percentage of respondents who received electoral gifts during the 2015 legislative and the 2015 and 2017 subnational campaigns in Mexico. Consistent with recent studies on sensitive survey techniques, our research finds that list experiments seem to methodologically work better among more sophisticated voters (e.g. those with higher levels of education). Such findings suggest that previous studies that rely on list experiments tend to underestimate the percentage of voters who receive electoral gifts since this technique tends to work better among respondents who are, in fact, least likely to be targeted by clientelistic strategies. Given levels of education in the region, we suggest that research solely relying on list experiments approach its empirical findings with caution.

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Facchini, François, and Louis Jaeck. "Ideology and the rationality of non-voting." Rationality and Society 31, no. 3 (April 10, 2019): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463119841033.

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What is the theoretical impact of the erosion of partisan ties on electoral abstention? This question comes from Downs–North’s theory of political ideology, which is a tool to reduce the cost of understanding the political debates. Then, when the left–right political divide becomes less visible, the costs of understanding political debates rise and electoral abstention occurs. This interpretation of abstention has three implications: first, it shows that among the multiple reasons responsible for the ‘democratic crisis’ in France, the weakening of the traditional notion of the left and the right is significant. Second, it highlights that voters’ level of education and the Downsian theory of programme convergence affect electoral behaviours and political entrepreneurship. Third, it explains why the relationship between abstention and economic crisis is nonlinear.

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Callahan, Rebecca M., Chandra Muller, and Kathryn S. Schiller. "Preparing the Next Generation for Electoral Engagement: Social Studies and the School Context." American Journal of Education 116, no. 4 (August 2010): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/653627.

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Sances, Michael W. "How Unusual Was 2016? Flipping Counties, Flipping Voters, and the Education–Party Correlation since 1952." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 3 (August 21, 2019): 666–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000768.

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Many explanations of the 2016 election result, a seemingly anomalous macrolevel phenomenon, have centered on two seemingly anomalous microlevel phenomena: many counties and citizens who had voted for Obama in 2008 and 2012 flipped and voted for Trump, and low-education whites gave more of their votes to Trump than to Clinton. In this article, I first assess the novelty of these phenomena by placing them in the context of past elections. Compared to past presidential elections, the number of flips in 2016 was not unusually large, even in the Midwestern states. In contrast, the partisan divide by education was the highest ever in 2016. Using a series of counterfactual analyses, I then assess whether these factors were pivotal. If the flipping counties had not flipped, Clinton would have won the electoral college by 3 votes, and if the lowest-educated 20% of counties voted as they did in 2012, she would have won the electoral college by about 30 votes.

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Reitan, Therese C. "Too sick to vote? Public health and voter turnout in Russia during the 1990s." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00058-2.

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Determinants of political participation and electoral turnout are still of great interest within political science and three broad types of factors have been found to influence turnout significantly; individual or area-specific traits, characteristics of the electoral systems, and features relating to the political climate in individual elections. Within the first group, socio-economic resources, typically education, income, and occupation, have been found to be particularly important. This article proposes that public health is also a relevant form of social and political resources at the aggregate level. Regional data on life expectancy and electoral turnout from Russia—a country with dramatically deteriorated public health during the 1990s—were therefore correlated with each other. Overall, correlations were positive and significant, and there is, then, reason to investigate further the possible relationship between public health and the propensity to turn out at elections.

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Al-Manaseer, Dr Suhaib Ahmad Eid. "The role of electronic management in developing the electoral process E-voting (template) An applied study on the electoral process in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 1217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.872.

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This study is summarized in showing the role of modern means of technology and communication and their effect on developing the electoral process where through it we dealt a new concept which is the digital democracy as a major entry to the electronic voting. We realized that the modern means of technology and communication will perform a serious role in forming a new and modern election law that keeps pace with the informational and technical leap that the world witnesses and led to a radical change in many common concepts such as democracy, digital citizenship and replacing paper and ballot boxeswith the idea of electronic voting providing to surround it with insurances that some of them related to legal texts which strengthen it and others related to informational security and culture to reinforce trust of all in the new image of the traditional voting.

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Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna. "Election Dilemmas. Does the Education of a Candidate for Parliament Influence Electoral Decisions?" Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 51, no. 5 (October 31, 2019): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.10.

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Grove, DeeAnn. "White Voters, A Key Piece of the Puzzle: Education, Race, and Electoral Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (March 19, 2018): 517–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000100.

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ABSTRACTIn 2004, Jennifer L. Hochschild challenged political scientists to give greater attention to education policy and politics. Although it challenges Hochschild’s interpretation of the politics of school vouchers, this article demonstrates her central assertion that the era of school desegregation continues to impact American politics. Internal campaign strategy documents from presidential election campaigns reveal how the two parties have arrived at different school voucher positions because of the different challenges each party faced as a result of the battle over school desegregation. Republican strategists were concerned that white voters believed their candidates did not care about people of color. Supporting vouchers for urban Black children allowed Republicans to reassure white voters of their racial sensitivity. In contrast, Democratic candidates were more concerned that they might alienate white voters by taking another position that seemed to pander to Black voters. Strategists’ perceptions of white voters’ attitudes toward education and race comprise the thread that connects the past to the present.

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Lewis, J. P. "Should electoral management bodies encourage voting? The case for a civic education role." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl.10.3.293_1.

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Aragón, Fernando M., and Anke S. Kessler. "Custom Elections and Local Policies: The Case of Canada’s First Nations." AEA Papers and Proceedings 111 (May 1, 2021): 238–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20211100.

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We examine the effect of community-designed electoral codes on Canadian First Nation communities. Adopting a custom code for local elections allows for changes such as increasing term duration, creating appeal and supervisory bodies, and incorporating traditional governance elements. To reduce biases due to selective opt-in, we exploit the timing of the electoral reform and a rich set of controls. We find that bands using the custom systems pay lower remunerations to their chiefs, spend more on education and training and less on band development, and have better wastewater services but show no sizable differences in income, population, or employment.

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Al Subhi, Ahlam Khalfan, and Amy Erica Smith. "Electing women to new Arab assemblies: The roles of gender ideology, Islam, and tribalism in Oman." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117700949.

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As Arab monarchies increasingly adopt and empower consultative assemblies, women’s representation varies markedly across countries. What leads citizens in these new electoral systems to vote for women? This study investigates the determinants of support for women’s representation using the first electoral survey ever conducted in Oman, prior to the October 2015 Majlis al Shura elections. It considers cross-nationally recognized factors – gender ideology and religion – and tribalism, a factor heretofore largely unexplored. Confirming prior studies, citizens with traditional gender ideology are much less supportive of women’s representation. Developing a simultaneous equations model, we show that religiosity and tribalism shape gender ideology. Unlike in Western countries, education is unassociated with attitudes, and there is no generational shift towards equality; younger men are less supportive of women’s representation than are older men. Increasing women’s representation requires not only increasing citizen demand for female leaders, but also changing informal tribal and formal electoral institutions.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Electoral education'

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